A Study of Poverty And Shame Related Suicides In Kerala, India - Sherin Vellara Francis
←
→
Page content transcription
If your browser does not render page correctly, please read the page content below
Sherin Vellara Francis
________________________________
A Study of Poverty And Shame Related
Suicides In Kerala, India
Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences,
Faculty of Social SciencesSherin Vellara Francis
A Study of Poverty And Shame Related Suicides In Kerala, India
Thesis submitted for the Master Degree in
International Social Welfare and Health Policy
Supervisor: Ivar Lødmel
Faculty of Social Science
Oslo and Akershus University College
Fall 2013Abstract
Kerala, a small princely state in south of India is renowned for its social achievements like
high literacy rate and better quality of life as well as health achievements such as high life
expectancy and high health awareness. Despite of this, it is ranked very high among Indian
states having high rates of suicide. This thesis aims to explore the relation of suicides in
Kerala to factors of shame and poverty.In this thesis, I have tried to show the potential
relevance of shame in motivating suicide by studying the reported reasons for suicides from
National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) records. Unsurprisingly, all underlying reasons of
suicides as reported in the NCRB records could be linked to potential shaming events, which
the victim had escaped/tried to escape by committing suicide.
It has been postulated using a shame-model-of-suicide that in almost all cases of suicides, the
victims are shameful and secretive which turns them away from being part of the society. It
has been noted that the society has considerable responsibility in introduction of shame in
individuals which means that the shame socially constructed and so all suicides. When the
inner understanding regarding what is expected of oneself is conflicted shame is induced.
Individuals whose self-integrity has been compromised due to shame are vulnerable victims
of suicide. It has been also theorized that the individual’s upbringing from childhood and the
values fed to him from the society/parents also play a great role in the individual’s internal
perception on what is expected of him.
Using the shame-model-of-suicides, an attempt has been made to define interventions for
suicide prevention. The shame model alienates conventional suicide prevention interventions
such as counselling and suicide helplines as it is theorized that the individual wants “not to be
seen” and to “disappear”. Restrictions to exposure mechanisms of shaming events such as
restriction to media in reporting “particularly shaming” incidents are also proposed.
Even though the study had its focus on Kerala, the findings could very well be relevant for
Indian community as a whole due to similarities in social structure within Indian states (or to
some extend all south Asian Countries). This thesis is limited in timeframe as well as scope,
but a proposal for further studies using more elaborate data from more detailed sources such
as suicide notes, survivor testimonies as well as reported reasons from suicide helplines.
Key terms- Poverty, Shame, Humiliation, Guilt, Embarrassment Suicide
Oslo and Akershus University College
Oslo 2013Acknowledgements I would like to extend my immense gratitude to my supervisor Prof. Ivar Lødmel for his valuable advices, constant support and guidance. Further thanks to Prof Sony Pellisshery, Institute of Rural Management, Anand for all advices suggestions and guidance. I would like to dedicate this work to my son Johan who had been extremely cooperative during theisis work and also to my husband for all the support. A word of thanks to my parents, siblings and friends back home whose constant support and encouragement has always been a source for inspiration. They could be thousands of miles away, but have contributed in their own ways through their wishes and prayers to make this work possible. Last but not the least; a word of thanks to all my friends at MIS for all the help during difficulties, discussions, inspiration and all lighter moments.
Contents
1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1
1.1. Background ............................................................................................................................. 1
1.2. Research Focus ........................................................................................................................ 1
1.3. Why Kerala? ............................................................................................................................ 2
1.4. Impact of suicides .................................................................................................................... 2
2. Definition of Main Concepts ........................................................................................................... 3
2.1. Poverty..................................................................................................................................... 3
2.2. Shame ...................................................................................................................................... 5
2.3. Suicide ..................................................................................................................................... 8
2.4. Poverty-Shame -Suicide ........................................................................................................ 10
3. Factors Influencing Suicide in a poverty-shame nexus ................................................................. 11
3.1. Economic Factors .................................................................................................................. 11
4. Research Process ........................................................................................................................... 14
4.1. Methodology ......................................................................................................................... 14
4.2. Philosophy ............................................................................................................................. 15
4.3. Content Analysis ................................................................................................................... 15
4.4. Data Analysis ........................................................................................................................ 16
4.5. Suicide reasons and its relation to Shame ............................................................................. 18
4.6. Findings from data analysis ................................................................................................... 39
5. Discussion ..................................................................................................................................... 39
5.1. Suicide- Shame model ........................................................................................................... 40
5.2. Limitations of Study .............................................................................................................. 42
5.3. Prevention Strategies/ Policy Implications ............................................................................ 42
6. Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 46
7. APPENDIX ................................................................................................................................... 52
A. Case Studies – Representative Sample ...................................................................................... 521. Introduction
From the beginning of our lives, we endeavor to be understood, to be loved and to love.
Feeling loved, having a sense of belonging, being respected and needed by others and an
awareness of one's own worth is vital to all human beings. People are first and foremost
relational beings. (Goldstiver 2004, 9).Studies has revealed that failure in attaining the
foresaid status quo alienates an individual from the society and which induces shame and
eventually in the wrong circumstances to lead him/her to suicide.
This study aims to provide more insight about fatalities resulting from suicides and its
correlation to shame and poverty in the Kerala Society. The shame relation to suicides is often
ignored even though it seems obvious and the interventions for suicide prevention are focused
on individuals, say for example, counseling. What I theorize in this thesis is the social
construction aspects of shame and its implications on suicides. My wish with this thesis is to
initiate an alternative thinking stream for researchers, authorities/health care organizations
who intervene suicidal behaviors in Kerala society, by revealing the impact of shame in the
internal and external experience of a person and how this leads to suicide.
The poverty aspect of suicide smears itself into the shame paradigm, so within the constraints
of this thesis, the shame aspect of relative poverty only is explored.
1.1. Background
National Crime records Research Bureau (NCRB, ADSI 2011) records the rate of suicides 1’
in Kerala in 2011 was 25.3 when the national average stood at 10.9. This study as a part of my
master program thesis work aims to look into the suicides in Kerala in a shame & Poverty
perspective.
1.2. Research Focus
The main focus of this study is to examine Suicides in Kerala to establish the relation (if any)
to the shame and poverty in Kerala society. The main questions the study focuses on are as
follows. Can the theories of Poverty and shame as put forward by Amartya Sen be relevant in
Kerala? If it is, Can suicide help us to understand more or this poverty shame nexus in
Kerala? Does the cultural background and socio economic status of Keralites play big role in
shame in poverty? Is it true that the core reason behind suicide is shame? Does low socio
economic status (of victims) has any positive correlation with suicides?
1
Rate of suicides is measured as the number of suicides per one lakh population( lakh = 0.1 million)
11.3. Why Kerala?
The rate of suicides in Kerala has constantly high around 2.3 times of the national average.
Figure 1-1 gives an overview of the trend from 1995 to 2011. On an average approximately
23 persons take their lives every single day in Kerala, of which 16 are men and 7 are women.
What makes Kerala a more suicide prone state has not yet been conclusively established, but
many researchers point to the social changes in Kerala as a possible cause. According to P.O
George, “. some of the major social changes that have taken place in the state which have
probably influenced the suicide scenario in the state are: a) the transformation in the family,
b) the changes in the educational system, c) the influence of the media, d) the gulf boom, e)
women’s employment, f) increased use of alcohol, are g) the consumer culture sweeping the
state etc” (Maithri 2011)
Suicide Rates
Kerala-India
35
Suicide Rate per 100000
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
199 199 199 199 199 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 201 201
5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1
Suicide Rate India 9.74 9.47 10.0310.7911.21 10.8 10.6 10.5 10.4 10.5 10.3 10.5 10.8 10.8 10.9 11.4 11.2
Suicide Rate Kerala 26.5 26.5129.1129.96 31.2 29.42 30 30.4729.0527.6127.9427.0426.6124.9525.2524.5525.25
Figure 1-1 Suicide Rate in Kerala in comparison to India
The study aims to find if the shaming process in the thick society is contributing to the high
number of suicides. Also the study aims to find out if the factor of absolute poverty hidden in
the statistics has also an effect on the high number of suicides.
1.4. Impact of suicides
The impact on suicides on the Kerala society is multifold. The obvious victims are the
unfortunates who lost their lives. But there are also many other groups which are affected by
suicides influence. The dear and near ones are the first group who are the most affected, say
the children, wife/husband, parents. Physical loss of dear one is on one hand, but the shame
associated with the incident lives on. One common example for this situation can be seen
2quite evident in cases where the victim’s siblings find it hard to find a partner. The reason
being the skepticism towards the family of the suicide victim.
One other group which is often overlooked in all statistics is those who have attempted
suicide and did not succeed. It is estimated that about ten times as many as those who commit
suicide are those who fail in such attempts and continue to live with different degrees of
physical, mental and social disabilities (Maithri 2011)
2. Definition of Main Concepts
2.1. Poverty
Poverty definitions are precise formulations to distinguish it from non-poverty, encapsulating
the concept in terms of its explanatory paradigm and its historical and cultural contexts.
Common to most definitions is an idea of lack of resources as the cause or the condition of
inability to meet minimum standards of living (Bennett 2006). Poverty definitions have been
used differently by different authors / institutions, a consolidation of these different views
(Gordon and Spicker 1999) is shown in the table below.
Table 2-1 Poverty Definitions (Gordon and Spicker 1999)
Term Used by different institutions and individuals
Who are not able to earn sufficiently regular income to obtain
Very Poor • necessaries of life for making both ends meet and
• live a state of chronic want. [Charles Booth ]
• the below calculated income which is akin to Booth’s very poor category.
Primary Poor [Seebohm Rowntree]
Chronic Poor • when the lack of basic security simultaneously affects several aspects of people
lives, when it is prolonged.
• as a level of minimum need, below which people are regarded as poor.
[ OECD]
• those people whose standard of living in below the minimum acceptance of
society
[Mack and Lanslly ]
• to meet nutritional requirements, to escape avoidable disease, to be sheltered, to
Absolute poor be clothed, to be able to travel, to be educated and to live without shame
[Amartya Sen]
‘assertions’ of experts about people’s minimum needs. It is characterised by
• severe deprivation of basic human needs, including food, safe drinking water,
sanitation facilities, health, shelter, education and information.
• It depends not only on income but also on access to social services
[United Nations]
3Relative Poor absolute core is itself relative to society. Every aspects of poor life's fully
dependent on other factors of the social system, e.g.
• Nutritional requirements are dependent on the work roles of people at different
points and in different cultures.
• Avoidable disease is dependent upon the medical technology.
[Townsend 1985]
Hardcore Poor • who are forced to subsist on a daily calorie intake of less than 1740 calories
• a per capita income that is less than three-fifths that of the poverty line.
[Rahman 1995]
2.1.1. Absolute Poverty
“Absolute poverty is a condition characterised by severe deprivation of basic human needs,
including food, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, health, shelter, education and
information. It depends not only on income but also on access to social services.”
(UnitedNations 1995) According to WHO, Poverty is often defined in absolute terms of low
income – less than US$2 a day.
2.1.2. Relative Poverty
Relative poverty is defined as the unavailability of relevant resources in order to meet
empirical evidence of conventional minimum standards of participatory life. In other words,
relative poverty is a manifestation of income inequality. One is poor in this sense when one
does not have ready resources for spending on goods and services that constitute the
minimum for decent survival. Amartya Sen, the economist- philosopher and Nobel Prize
Laureate that “poverty leads to an intolerable waste of talent. As he puts it, poverty is not just
a lack of money; it is not having the capability to realize one’s full potential as a human
being” (Banerjee and Duflo 2011, 6)
2.1.3. Sen’s and Townsend’s view of poverty
The most detailed debate on the merits of an absolute conception of poverty occurred between
Amartya Sen and Peter Townsend. Sen (1983) argued that there is an irreducible absolutist
core in the idea of poverty. His view is of the notion that ”if there is starvation and hunger
then, no matter what the relative picture looks like - there clearly is poverty
Townsend (1985) has responded that this absolutist core is itself relative to society.
Nutritional requirements are dependent on the work roles of people at different points of
history and in different cultures. Avoidable disease is dependent upon the level of medical
technology. The idea of shelter is relative not just to climate but also to what society uses
shelter for.Sen (1985) argued that the characteristic feature of absoluteness is neither
constancy over time nor invariance between societies or concentration on food and nutrition.
4It is an approach to judging a person's deprivation in absolute terms (in the case of a poverty
study, in terms of certain specified minimum absolute levels), rather than in purely relative
terms vis á vis the levels enjoyed by others in society.
Amartya Sen (1993) has argued that absolute core of poverty, experienced in all societies, is
the shame that results from failure to be able fully to take part in society due to lack of
resources.
2.1.4. Poverty Rates
The relative poverty rate is the proportion of households with an income of less than one half
of the median income while the absolute poverty rate is the proportion of households earning
less than 14$ per day per person.
2.1.5. Stigma /Stigma of Poverty
This section discusses the term Stigma in relation to its link to poverty.According to Goffman
(1963) “Stigma 2 is a spoiled identity resulting from an attribute that deeply discrediting”.
“Stigma broadly refers to a socially constructed, negatively valued differentness. Based on
cognitive processes of categorization, prejudice and stereotyping in social interactions,
stigmas are created through evaluation of an individual’s attribute by others (Bennett 2006)
According to Reyles, shame and stigma are intrinsically linked. There are deep feelings of
shame involved (feelings of worthlessness, powerlessness and feeling small) if one is
stigmatized, and both are concerned with personal and others evaluations of self” (Reyles
2007). According to Sartorius (2004)”the experience of stigma catalyzed by poverty revolve
around experiences of devaluation, exclusion, and disadvantage” noted by scholar Stuart
Gillespie (2005)
2.2. Shame
Deona et al. expressed the views of Sheff and Retzinger that “shame is a master emotion of
an individual. It includes embarrassment, humiliation and serious episodes of shame as well
as (disgrace shame) that does not involve in crisis or disgrace, such as that involve in
modesty, shyness, self- consciousness and conscience (discretion shame)” (206) and shame is
the feeling that results from one’s negative self negatively in the eyes of others such as feeling
of self- conscious, rejected, unworthy or inadequate (ibid).
2
The word stigma is derived from the Latin term for a brand that marked someone as a slave or criminal.
5Dewart proposes two kinds of shame in the society namely legitimate shame and false shame.
Legitimate shame is what Adam or Eve experienced after they sinned. False shame in terms
of humiliation experienced and they have a fear of exposure and abandonment. Shame is the
sense of ‘feeling flawed’, defective and unacceptable as a person. Dewart point out the view
of Bradshaw is that false shame is comes from early childhood negative experiences including
parental abuse and the sense of being different from others. (2012, 2) Scheff expressed views
of Lewis, “If one is ashamed of being ashamed, it is possible to enter into shame. Shame loop
that leads to silence and withdrawal” (2002, 265). Scheff explained shame as the large family
of emotions that includes many cognates and variants, most notably embarrassment,
humiliation and related feelings such as shyness that involve reactions to rejection or feelings
of failure or inadequacy (255-268).
Shame is commonly accompanied by the fear of being humiliated, ridiculed or laughed at,
consequential to the exposure, real or imaginary, of one’s weaknesses, failure, evil, in front of
others. One feels vulnerable, stripped of one’s persona. (Fai Ho, Fu og Ng 2004, 73)
2.2.1. Shame and Humiliation
Shame is defined as a generalized negative view of oneself involving feelings of inferiority,
powerlessness and lack of dignity (Fontaine, et al. 2006) as noticed by scholar Pellissery
(2010) According to Tagney (2002) “shame is an extremely painful and ugly feeling that has a
negative impact on interpersonal behavior”. In (Kaufman (1992)) view, to feel shame is to
feel seen in a painfully diminished state and the individual feels deficient in some vital way as
a human being. According to Brown “ shame forces us to put so much value on what other
people think that we lose ourselves in the process of trying to meet everyone else’s
expectations” (Brown 2007)
“Humiliation, on the other hand, can refer to an act (i.e. to humiliate someone or feeling
humiliated) or to a feeling. In reference to an act (an external event), humiliation commonly
linked to the feeling or condition of being lessened in dignity or pride and associated with
unequal power relations” (Reyles 2007).According to Lindner (1954), “humiliation means the
enforced lowering of a person or group, a process of subjugation that damages or strips away
their pride, honor or dignity”. Hartling and Luchetta (1999) defines humiliation as “the deep
dysphonic feeling associated with being, or perceiving oneself as being, unjustly degraded,
ridiculed, or put down-in particular, one’s identity has been demeaned or devalued”.
The core idea here is that shame is internal to the person involved, whereas humiliation has an
external agency involved.
62.2.2. Shame and Guilt
This section tries to throw light to the differences between the shame and guilt, which are
seemingly very similar. Lester suggests that, while “guilt is remedied by confession and
penance, shame seeks secrecy. We hide our face in shame, and our wish is to not be seen. “I
wanted to fall through the floor,” “I wanted to die,” and “I could have killed myself” are
common expressions of those who experience shame. While guilt involves psychic conflict,
shame involves a deficit: something is missing or lacking; the person finds the self to be
flawed” (2010, 1).
Lewis (1971) describes guilt as “a split in self-functioning in which the self is both agent and
object of observation and disapproval. An observing self-witness and denigrates the focal self
as unworthy and reprehensible. This often results in shame which often leads to a desire to
escape or hide- to sink into floor and disappear” (Tangney and Dearing 2002, 18) Tagney
though views guilt as “typically less painful and devastating experience than shame. Ang and
Koo also views shame as “more painful and devastating than guilt, an emotion with which it
is both likened and contrasted, the individual has no route of reparation, such as apologizing,
but feels, instead, the need to hide and/or to retreat from mainstream society and/or actively to
rebel against it“ As noticed by scholar Pellissery (2010)
2.2.3. Embarrassment
Goffman in his text distinguishes between shame and embarrassment. He expressed the idea
of Scholar Modigliani that “one is primarily ashamed of oneself, one is primarily embarrassed
about one’s presented self. As Buss describes, in embarrassment we can see the features like
blushing, smiling and giggling but not in shame. Embarrassed person feels like ‘foolish’ but
ashamed person have a feeling of depression or rejected. Embarrassment is due to temporary
loss of self-esteem and enduring loss results in shame.
“Shame is a personal feeling while embarrassment involves interpersonal exposure concerns
with the image we presents before others felt to be there at the time. In short, it is possible to
embarrass only in the presence of real or imagined others, while shame can occur for a private
act. These two forms are reelected forms of social anxiety” (Goffman 1981, 125-137).
2.2.4. Shame- A Socially constructed Phenomena
Many scholars attribute shame as a socially constructed phenomena. “Social constructionism
is a trandisciplinary epistemological stance that has roots in philosophy, sociology and
psychology” (Pattison 2000, 58-59). In shame, the appraisal” I have failed to live up to social
7standards in the eyes of others” is formed in interactions in which others express
disappointment or disgust for actions they deem as socially unworthy. (Maibom n.d., 1- 23).
According to Stephen Pattison, the notion of shame changed over history and in different
societies and culture. Shame plays an important role in social functioning in moderating and
monitoring social relations between individuals and group (Pattison 2000).
So it is important to look at shame in a social constructive perspective and how it functions in
a sociological perspective rather than focusing just on the individual. Pattison is also of the
opinion that shame treats not just an individual emotion rather than how people experiences
and how they got socially constructed identity in a way of social relationship and their status
in society. According to Lester “shame is a socially determined emotion (unlike guilt, which
is a transgression against internalized standards), it is not convincing to view suicide simply
as an escape from the self; it must also be an escape from the other” (Lester 2010, 3).“Suicide
might be seen as an individual decision, but there are many social factors that seem to
influence suicide rates. We cannot use these factors to specifically predict who will and will
not kill themselves, but we can understand that one’s environment influences the rate of
suicide in a society”. (Mills 1959).
2.3. Suicide
Suicide refers to an act by which person wishes to be dead, intents to die, and weather directly
or through the actions of another person, he or she acts to achieve own death. (Fairbairn and
Gavin 1995, 79).It is well established that the majority of suicides do not end in death.
Unsuccessful suicides are called Para-suicide or suicide attempt. It refers to any non-fatal,
self-injurious behavior with a clear intent to cause bodily harm or death. (Comtois and
Kathereine 2002, 1138)
2.3.1. Maruai’s Theory on Suicide
According to Maruai's theory, the higher any given country's literacy rate and the lower that
country's GNP, the more likely the country is to have a high suicide rate. The theory can be
convincingly applied to the countries with the highest suicide rates in Europe, namely the
three Baltic states, Hungary and Slovenia, where literacy is at almost 100 percent and where
the GNP and standard of living have been adversely affected by the transition process. (Jacobs
2009)
Western European and Mediterranean countries have lower literacy rates, more stable GNPs
and, accordingly, lower suicide rates. Maruai maintains that better-educated people, especially
8in countries in transition, are more conscious of their current lower social and economic
positions and are therefore more likely to resort to suicide. Furthermore, such people are more
familiar with more effective means of taking their own lives, thereby increasing the suicide
rate. (Jacobs 2009)
2.3.2. Emile Durkheim’s Theory on Suicide
According to Durkheim “Suicide is applied to all cases of death resulting directly or indirectly
from positive or negative act of the victim himself, which he knows will produce this result
(Durkheim 1951, 44). Durkheim’s work on suicide reveals that suicide is not only an
individual’s states but also it’s a social phenomenon because “the individuals making up a
society change from year to year, yet the number of suicide is the same so long as the society
itself does not change” (Durkheim 1951, 307) He also argues that “at any moment, the moral
constitution of the society establishes the contingent of voluntary deaths (Durkheim 1951,
299)
2.3.3. Suicide- In relation to Psychological theories
There are two major psychological theories of suicide, the aggression and escape theory.
Aggression theory of suicide proposed by Freud who viewed suicide as a kind of aggression
which is directed towards the subject him or herself. The death instinct is “an urge inherent in
organic life to restore an earlier state of things which the living entity has been obliged to
abandon under the pressure of external disturbing forces” Alternative approach was proposed
by Adler who maintained the idea that suicide is an escape (escape theory) from an un
resolvable conflict with environment. According to Adler, the depression is always caused by
a deep-rooted feeling of inferiority. Depression is a personal way of coping with this
inferiority.
From early childhood the depressed subjects show a lack of incentives, activity, avoiding
difficulties and personal responsibility. Children, when they are faced with hard realities of
life, such as trauma or abuse, fall prey of poor self-esteem, helplessness, depression and may
gradually falls prey to shame and when encountered with undesirable triggers, commits
suicide.Suicide behavior is known as an effort to solve the problems of living Whether or not
an individual actually commits suicide depends largely on the nature of the response by other
people to his problems. (Reynolds and Farberow, 7)
92.3.4. Suicide- in relation to society
Durkheim is of the opinion that suicide is not correlated with biological or cosmic
phenomena, but with social phenomena, such as family, political and economic society,
religious groups” (1951, 16) He claims that “individual inclination to suicide is explicable
scientifically only by relation to collective inclination, and this collective inclination is itself a
determined reflection of the structure of the society in which the individual lives” (ibid).
Durkheim’s main argument is that suicide is an individual thing due to factors within the
individual- i.e., social factors to which the individual is exposed.
2.4. Poverty-Shame -Suicide
2.4.1. Shame and Suicide
Hassan (1995) found from his independent case studies was a common cause of suicide was
“a sense of failure in life” Hassan defined this a history of many things “going wrong” that
were associated with “a sense of failure” and giving upon life. Many of the examples given
(i.e., loss of employment, loss of face, failure to meet family obligations, and failure in a
business or profession) are commonly associated with significant feelings of shame or guilt.
Thus feeling of shame may be a central importance in understanding suicidal behaviour
noticed by scholar Tagney (2002, 136-137)
2.4.2. Shame and Poverty.
This section defines the link between shame and poverty, or more into why shame is related to
poverty. Amartya Sen (1993) has reiterated that shame is a universal attribute associated with
poverty. UN distinguishes poverty in its absolutist view as “the need to meet the nutritional
requirements, to escape avoidable disease, to be sheltered, to be clothed, to be able to travel,
to be educated… to live without shame. (UnitedNations 1995). Concerns to create an
inclusive society have earned attention to these arguments. It has been argued that poor
people, because of the experience of shame keep away from public affairs and services. Thus,
their poverty is deepened since they are unable to avail the services. One of the good
examples to illustrate the point is the hesitation of a young mother to send the child without
comparably decent clothes to the schools. In the event of not having decent clothes, the young
mother chooses not to send the child to school, hampering education and further
development 3. (Sen and Nussbaum 1993)
3
Adam Smith referred to this issue as the ability to ‘walk in public without shame’, the failure of which he
considered being important criteria of poverty.
102.4.3. Poverty and Suicide
Poverty combined with indebtedness has most distressing effects reflected in suicides in
South Asia. In India also during the period of 5 years from 1998 to 2003, official figures show
that more than 100,000 small farmers have committed suicide (Upadhyaya 2008, 3).
According to Durkheim, financial crisis do not lead to higher suicide rates because of
increased poverty, but rather because they disturb the collective order. (Lester og Yang 1997,
15)
3. Factors Influencing Suicide in a poverty-shame nexus
Suicide is a complex phenomenon in the causation of which the individual’s internal organic
psychological factors and external socio- cultural and environmental factors play an equally
important role. But in this study I am primarily concerned with socio-economic factors
contributing to suicide with prime focus on shame and poverty.
3.1. Economic Factors
“Economic circumstances themselves are insufficient to cause a suicide; in fact, we do not
know of any single factor that is sufficient on its own to “cause” a suicide. Stressors such as
the loss of a job, a home, or retirement security can result in shame, humiliation or despair,
and in that context, can precipitate suicide attempts in those who are already vulnerable or do
not have sufficient resources to draw on for support” (SPRC 2008). In the vast majority of
cases reported in the media, especially in cases involving whole-family suicides, a major
cause has been a sudden fall in the financial status and a consequent lowering of living
standards and prestige. (Krishnakumar 2000) .
It is also noted from earlier studies that shame attached with failure in decision making
leading to poverty erodes human dignity and lessens individual and collective resilience. It is
increasingly recognized that, beyond the point of mere survival, poverty is experienced in
relative terms (Pellissery, Mathew and Francis 2010). Social/Cultural Factors
Social and cultural factors influence the way individual perceives what is expected of him.
Different societies/ cultures has different or even contrasting view on what is right and what
is wrong or what is to be done and what not to be done or what is acceptable and what is not
acceptable. So looking at shame in the society which leads to suicides is closely linked to the
society which it belongs (in this case Kerala). Being a very closely knit society, Keralites are
very keen on what is going around. The following are some of the social factors particular for
Kerala
113.1.1. Opposition from society against practices deemed “to be followed”
It can be noticed that Keralites are not very tolerant on issues related to breaching social rules.
The “culprits” are usually socially excluded and are treated as outcasts. Following are some
examples
• Opposition to marry loved ones
• Inter caste / Inter religious marriage
• Pregnancy before marriage
• Alcoholism
3.1.2. Stigma towards suicides
In India suicide is culturally stigmatized even though suicide rate is higher compared to other
countries. For example, In India, suicide is regarded as crime. Suicides can consequently
bring much shame and stigma to families. Funeral rites may be denied or conducted
differently, and relatives of the person who died by suicide may have trouble finding a
marriageable partner. Social stigma attached to mental health problems is another major
obstacle to suicide prevention efforts. Counseling centers are few and are often not very
effective. (Krishnakumar 2000) .
3.1.3. Media Influence as an exposing medium for underachievement
There has also been condemnation of the role of some sections of the media in the increasing
rate of suicides in India. India as a free secular democratic state had been very liberal towards
media in terms of what they publicize, under the banner of ‘freedom of press’. This has
resulted in a very blooming media industry with plethora of players in the same market
fighting for news. For instance, Kerala itself has approximately 52 no’s of local TV channels
and at least 2 dozen newspapers. Being a literate state with sizable portion highly educated,
the content publicized reach wide audience and the stakes are high. This has resulted in fierce
competition between the players and the subsequent rise in the reporting of news that are eye
catchy.(say rape, illicit relations etc.). According to Lester “the overburdened self may fear
exposure of his or her inability to maintain emotional equilibrium. Failure to find supportive
resources during crises can result in a sense of futility, vulnerability, and shame, and may
result in suicidal behavior in extreme cases” (2010, 4).
3.1.4. Media influence in reporting suicides
In Asia, media reports of suicide can be much more graphic and dramatic than what is deemed
acceptable in West (Rory C. O'Connor 2011). “There is a good evidence that media portrayal
12of suicide can lead to suicide contagion (so called copycat suicides’) particularly if the
original suicide is given undue prominence, sensationalized, glorified or explicitly described.”
(Blood and Pirkis 2001, 39-46)So, proposal from scholars like Rory is that media should have
avoided reporting of hundreds of suicides and instead limited the coverage to publication of
statistics and other relevant information. (Rory C. O'Connor 2011).
There had been number of reports of copycat suicides in Wayanad district of Kerala, where
the reason for suicide is normally referred as loss in agriculture. Even though the fact is that
crop failure is not the end of the world, the victims follow what an earlier victim had done in a
similar situation of crop failure.
3.1.5. Social acceptance of Suicides/ Glorification of suicides
Suicide has also been used in India and other Asian countries as a means of social protest over
political, economic or cultural issues, particularly by those who are marginalized and
powerless and who have no other means of protesting. However, such ‘acceptable’ suicides
usually account for only a small minority of all suicides; in most Asian countries community
members condemn suicide and consider the majority of suicides the result of personal
weakness. It is also worth noting that the ritual of Sati 4 was practices widespread in India,
which could also be viewed as some sort of social acceptance to suicides.
3.1.6. Under reporting of Suicides
Suicides normally are difficult for the family of the victim due to the stigma related to
suicides as discussed in an earlier section. This in many cases has resulted in under reporting
of the suicides so as to save face of the family. According to WHO, if the family is felt to
have contributed to the suicide they may be blamed, and may therefore be inclined to conceal
the suicide whenever possible. For example, there are anecdotal reports in India (where
suicide is both culturally stigmatized and illegal) of enticements given by families to the
police not to report an attempted suicide and to report a suicide death as due to some other
cause. (WHO 2008)
3.1.7. Under achievement /inability to meet promises
As an example, the pressure to do well on exams and the shame associated with failure have
been cited as the cause for suicide among young people in countries like Sri Lanka, India,
China, Japan and Malaysia., Also, according to WHO, there is heavy competition for
4
Sati was a social funeral practice among some Indian communities in which a recently widowed woman would
immolate herself on her husband’s funeral pyre
13college/university places, and considerable media hype associated with final school exam
results. As a result, the shame associated with failure has been felt to have pushed distressed
adolescents to attempt and complete suicide (WHO 2008)
Many cases of family suicides due to dowry related problems could be linked to the shame
related to inability to meet promises. There are cases where the family of the bride agrees to
give dowry to the boy at a later date than the marriage. But after marriage the family is not
able to meet the promise which is cause of immense shame in society (as marriages are huge
social events in this part of the world)
3.1.8. Family problems
Several family problems has been identified as reasons for suicides. The following has been
identified from reviewing suicide reports. What is common to many of these cases is the fact
that it is not always the “problem” that is the motivation for suicides, but the fear of exposure.
• Not having kids
• Illicit child/pregnancy
• Substance abuse
• Disease in family
• Dowry dispute
• Unfaithfulness
• Sexual abuse
• Loss of loved ones, Separation
• Hopelessness , helplessness, sadness, depression
4. Research Process
4.1. Methodology
This section details the methodology used in this thesis. This study is primarily based on
exploratory research. Exploratory research is the study about “what people think and how
they act, and why in some social setting. Its main focus is on human subjectivity, on the
meaning that participants attach to events and that people give to their lives” (Chambliss and
Schutt 2009, 222).
The main methodology used in this thesis is qualitative method as “exploratory research often
uses qualitative methods- words rather than numbers” (Chambliss and Schutt 2009, 10).
14A Content Analytic Setting using newspaper analysis was employed for exploring factors of
shame or poverty in reported suicides. Further, NCRB data was used primarily for drawing
the focus to the most acute of suicide reasons. The reasons for suicides as reported are then
analyzed with due focus on shame and poverty to establish any possible correlation. The role
of shame in each of the reasons is then established with the help of literatures as well as
results from content analysis.
4.2. Philosophy
The philosophy on which this thesis engages is holism. “Holism is the doctrine that properties
of individuals are solely a function of their place in society or some broad system of meaning
specifically, it is the doctrine that people’s identities are determined by their group
membership because identity is produced by social and cultural forces” (Fay 2010, 50) .In
holism the main focus is on how a group influences a person in their identity and also these
group members always follows these socio cultural forces.” It is argued that the society as a
whole has a fair share in inflicting shame which in turn results in social withdrawal and
suicides.
4.3. Content Analysis
This study had primarily employed content analytic strategy for analyzing suicides reported
in newspapers. Suicides reported in newspapers were analyzed seeking factors pointing
towards shame or economic distress. Content analysis is a research method for systematically
analyzing and making inferences from text content analysis as a survey of documents, ranging
from newspapers, books, themes expressed in government documents.” (Chambliss and
Schutt 2009, 85). A representative sample of the newspaper analysis is attached as appendix.
a) Shame Focus
Suicide reports from newspapers were analyzed with the following questions so that the
relation to shame if any could be revealed.
• Does the report explicitly refers to shame or (guilt/ embarrassment/fear/humiliation)?
• Does the event in the report is generally viewed as shameful by Kerala society?
b) Poverty Focus
Further, suicide reports were analyzed to reveal the poverty association with the following
questions in focus.
• Does the event involve economic distress?
15• Does the event lead to economic downfall in the future?
• Are the indications of shame inflicted due to economic reason?
The content analysis was done primarily as “desktop analysis” and has the following
limitations.
• Digital form of news is still in its infancy in Kerala, so the list of available articles
were non exhaustive. (so it lacks statistical significance)
• Many of the reports are in local language (Malayalam) reported by local newspapers.
Some case studies in the appendix are translated form Malayalam(where my thought
process might have had influenced).
4.4. Data Analysis
The primary data source in this thesis is the suicide data from NCRB. NCRB records are the
official statistics available on suicides reported in India. The data pertaining to Kerala has
been extracted with categorizations on reasons of suicide, age and gender of victim over a
period of 10 years from 2001 to 2010. There has not been any statistical analysis undertaken
as part of this thesis. So the represented numbers serve for information purposes as well as to
depict the extended reach of the problem.
According to Goldstiver (2004) the primary hurdle in researching suicide is that people cannot
be interviewed after they are dead. However there are, in many cases, suicide notes and
survivor narratives that seem to vividly depict scenes of shame (50). Hospitals and other help
organizations are bound by confidentiality and are not permitted to reveal data related to
suicides / attempts / survivors.
4.4.1. NCRB DATA
Table 4-1 details the distribution of suicides occurred in Kerala in during 2010 categorised
according to causes. The reasons which stands out in terms of high occurrence over the years
are bankruptcy, family problems and Illnesses.
It should be noted that there are a high number of suicides which fall under the category of
“reasons not known” or “other reasons” which were obviously of not much use in this thesis.
Table 4-2 details the social status of victims. It is worth noticing that the married men are the
most vulnerable group followed by married women. A major factor associated with suicide
attempts by women is marital disharmony. Men however related economic problems and
family problems as the major factors (Planning Commission 2008, 414).
16Table 4-1 Suicides in Kerala categorized to causes
Suicides in Kerala
[Numbers]
4000
3500
Number of sucides
3000
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Bankruptcy 1451 1135 1019 888 831 746 756 539 565 452 336
Cancellation/non-settlement of marriage 25 41 55 51 45 31 21 26 49 35 21
Death of dear person 83 93 76 90 94 73 94 101 109 114 78
Divorce 26 18 8 11 14 24 5 24 13 16 61
Dowry dispute 26 22 10 15 17 19 22 32 20 21 15
Drug abuse/addiction 83 181 158 80 63 117 137 235 260 289 235
Failure in examination 86 89 88 71 69 60 47 47 46 56 32
Fall in social reputation 88 23 92 14 12 79 45 49 109 54 46
Family problems 1788 2300 2027 2028 2649 3418 3787 3737 3516 3574 3760
Ideological causes 0 28 0 2 112 1 0 0 1 0 0
Illegitimate pregnancy 15 6 4 6 1 2 4 4 3 4 2
Illness-AIDS/STD 6 3 16 2 3 2 1 2 3 7 1
Illness-Cancer 143 141 42 86 85 65 85 76 174 159 76
Illness-Insanity/Mental 954 1013 1352 1381 1395 1511 1384 1315 1425 1270 1094
Illness-Other prolonged 1272 1223 1284 1322 1223 1285 1329 1329 1291 1095 1120
Illness-Paralysis 108 136 44 30 35 11 24 17 69 87 39
Love affairs 150 85 100 90 81 70 81 117 119 140 82
Not having children 26 26 35 39 43 30 33 33 28 42 30
Physical abuse 0 6 0 3 1 11 1 3 1 4 0
Poverty 3 2 13 6 10 0 1 0 1 0
Professional/career problem 204 71 29 19 34 19 22 35 67 57 50
Property dispute 50 42 29 9 14 5 19 45 31 63 59
Suicides by causes not known 840 1561 1343 1189 852 612 806 601 621 663 834
Suicides by other causes 1926 1427 1476 1393 1411 719 182 137 191 344 427
Suspected/Illicit relation 27 39 8 9 14 18 22 28 23 19 18
Unemployment 192 99 130 219 136 98 55 36 21 20 15
Yearly Distribution
17Table 4-2 Social Status of Victims
Kerala
Social Status of Victims
8000
7000
6000
5000
Axis Title
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Female
66 54 20 42 20 41 47 37 35 40
Divorcee
Female
1915 1782 1678 1576 1675 1697 1666 1723 1754 1575
Married
Female
601 570 587 583 528 479 433 446 417 424
Never married
Female
55 68 45 51 41 45 45 51 63 37
Seperated
Female
2785 2645 2503 2455 2414 2443 2374 2439 2433 2240
Total-Social status
Female
148 171 173 203 150 181 183 182 164 164
Widowed/Widower
Male
45 26 36 49 16 36 40 36 38 33
Divorcee
Male
5306 5600 5344 5120 5388 5298 5333 4952 5099 5141
Married
Male
1187 1193 1236 1113 1238 999 996 891 932 909
Never married
Male
130 157 132 135 60 107 77 97 90 91
Seperated
Male
6787 7165 6935 6598 6830 6583 6588 6130 6322 6346
Total-Social status
Male
119 189 187 181 128 143 142 154 163 172
Widowed/Widower
4.5. Suicide reasons and its relation to Shame
In this section, an attempt is made to look into each of the reported reasons and investigate its
relation to shame / poverty if any.
4.5.1. Bankruptcy or sudden change in Economic status
There has been numerous incidents in Kerala where the sudden change in economic status is
reported to be the reason for suicide. Many farmer suicide in Wayanad and Idukki districts
due to crop failure also fall under this category.
Two phenomena making this category vulnerable are as follows.
• Credit unavailability from recognized banking systems which in turn force victims to
private money lenders who are less/not regulated in terms of capital recovery
processes.
18• Insuring assets and businesses are not very common practice among individuals,
which leaves them under immense financial distress in case of an undesired financial
outcome.
Table 4-3 shows the age/gender wise distribution of suicides caused by bankruptcy during the
years 2001 to 2010. This is one area where the numbers are very much skewed towards the
male population in the society. The most vulnerable age group in this category seem to be
males from the age of 30 to 59.
A possible explanation to this scenario could be that it is the common social perception that
the males are the providers for the family and failing to do so is unwelcome. The individuals
in this situation feels that he is unworthy and useless which imparts shame within him.
Table 4-3 Suicides due to Bankruptcy
Kerala
Number - Bankruptcy
600
500
400
Axis Title
300
200
100
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Female 30-44 years 97 48 39 31 25 30 25 21 19 15
Female 45-59 years 106 52 35 28 31 28 34 25 19 17
Female 60 years & above 25 16 21 12 11 6 9 5 5 4
Female upto 14 years 1 3 1 1 0 2 0 0 1 0
Female 15-29 years 38 16 21 17 6 18 10 8 11 4
Male 30-44 years 471 364 315 304 245 191 222 184 176 143
Male 45-59 years 495 359 341 317 356 328 333 216 227 181
Male 60 years & above 111 170 142 106 85 86 71 59 72 46
Male 15-29 years 106 105 103 71 72 56 52 21 35 40
Male upto 14 years 1 2 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 2
According to PO George, the propensity of the Keralites to live beyond their means also has
significantly contributed to financial distress. The instances of suicide attributed to the “the
debt trap” are common. Non availability of adequate financial stability, and mounting
consumer needs prompted by the facilities enjoyed by the others have led many to seeking
loans at exorbitant interest rates. The resultant financial constraints lead the victims to distress
and alienation often ending up in deliberate self-harm. (Maithri 2011)
It is a common knowledge that honour and credit is associated with financial success. When
failure strikes in terms of financial loss, the victim depicts himself to be worthless and
19commits suicide so as to escape from the shame of failure. As Starrin et al postulates, “Failing
in business is regarded as shameful for some, suicide became the most dramatic way of
rescuing their own and their family’s honour” (Starrin, Bengt; Rontakeisn, Ulla; Haqquist,
Curt; 1997, 50). It is very clear that financial loss and associated shame has effects on the
victims decision to commit suicide.
4.5.2. Suspected/ illicit Relation
Table 4-4 shows the age/gender wise distribution of suicides caused by suspected/ illicit
relations during the years 2001 to 2010. Females in the age group of 15-29 as well as males in
the age group of 30 to 44 years are particularly victims of this type of suicide.
Table 4-4 Suicides due to Suspected/Illicit relation
Kerala
Number - Suspected/Illicit relation
16
14
12
10
Axis Title
8
6
4
2
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Female 30-44 years 8 15 0 3 1 6 8 6 4 3
Female 45-59 years 5 5 0 0 0 1 0 3 0 1
Female 60 years & above 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Female upto 14 years 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Female 15-29 years 6 7 2 2 2 3 6 6 7 5
Male 30-44 years 3 7 3 2 4 4 5 7 6 6
Male 45-59 years 4 4 1 0 2 3 2 5 1 4
Male 60 years & above 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0
Male 15-29 years 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 5 0
Male upto 14 years 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0
It should be noted that the numbers reported are quite low compared to family problems for
example. This in itself could be an indication of shame in the works as it is less shameful for
the relatives to see that the suicide of their family member is reported as due to family
problem, (which of course has broad interpretation opportunities) rather than as due to illicit
relations.
Kerala (or India as whole) is highly intolerant towards intimacies outside wedlock. But this
does not mean sexual relations outside wedlock are extremely rare but are condemned by the
society. So persons involved in such acts are looked upon as morally degraded beings. So
20being exposed of one’s illicit relation is highly shameful event. Also, single motherhood as a
result of premarital sex is considered shameful.
Suspected/ Illicit relations normally treated with high legal precedence in divorce cases. So in
many divorce cases it is common practice by desperate partners to impose such allegations
about their partner even though the truth may be different. These allegations has sometimes
resulted in the suicide of the alleged.
There is of course the other part of the story where there is some sort of promiscuity involved.
As Rahman says “In some cases married women, when the information about their illicit
relation is leaked out, they preferred suicide to shame”. In some cases when the unmarried
girls become pregnant and the boy refused to marry or the guardians of the boy did not agree
for that marriage, the girls committed suicide” (Rahman 1988, 30)
Suicides due to exposed/(could be exposed) illicit relations clearly has shame factor to it.
4.5.3. Cancellation / Non settlement of marriage
Table 4-5 shows the age/gender wise distribution of suicides caused by suspected/ illicit
relations during the years 2001 to 2010. The issue is particularly pronounced in women
between 15 and 30 years of age
Marriages are huge in India as a whole, in its celebrations and colourfulness. The marriages
are usually arranged, which means the parents find the partner for their sons/daughters. There
could be plethora of reasons for a marriage not getting fixed. Astrological incompatibility,
financial disparity, defamed family, disease/ disability, just to name a few. But it is usually the
parent’s responsibility to get their children married before a certain socially acceptable age
and if he does not manage to do so for what so ever reasons, he is seen as a lesser person. So
it is highly embarrassing for a family to be in situation where marriage is not getting fixed for
prolonged periods.
Likewise it is shameful for the person who’s marriage is getting delayed as in many cases,
the reason for non-settlement of marriage is perceived as “there is something wrong with
him/her”.
21Table 4-5 Suicides due to Cancellation or non-settlement of Marriage
Kerala
Number - Cancellation/non-settlement of marriage
30
25
20
Axis Title
15
10
5
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Female 30-44 years 5 11 12 9 4 4 3 7 8 8
Female 45-59 years 0 2 3 4 0 0 1 0 1 0
Female 60 years & above 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Female upto 14 years 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Female 15-29 years 13 19 22 27 28 17 14 15 17 10
Male 30-44 years 2 1 8 6 8 2 2 4 14 8
Male 45-59 years 1 2 4 3 2 2 0 0 2 2
Male 60 years & above 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 0
Male 15-29 years 4 6 3 2 3 5 1 0 7 7
Male upto 14 years 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
It is undisputed within Kerala that inability for settling marriage is a matter of shame and
condemnation, both for individuals and family, and the suicides arising from these has shame
written over it.
4.5.4. Not having Children (Barrenness/ Impotency)
Table 4-6 shows the age/gender wise distribution of suicides by individuals for not having
children during the years 2001 to 2010. Impotence or bareness is a matter of great agony for
many young couples.
On one hand is the immense desire to hold on to the soft hands of one’s baby, on the other
hand is the shame of facing the society as a bare couple. As a close knit society, it becomes
quite common in a conversation with an young couple, to ask about their baby plans. So if,
within a fairly reasonable time, there is no positive answer, the enquirer (or well-wisher)
could go as far as proposing solutions. But from the couples perspective this is quite a
shaming event, acknowledging their inability to “perform” normally. So many couples resort
to preferring death over the shame impotency creates.
22You can also read
