By Trelynd Bradley Bowles - Exchanged: University of California, Riverside
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Opportunities
and
Challenges
for
Australia
in
the
Asian
Century
by
Trelynd
Bradley
Bowles
Australian
Foreign
Policy
Dr.
Guy
Roberts
University
of
Melbourne
Exchanged:
University
of
California,
Riverside
14th
September
2015
On the afternoon of March 5th, 2015 Julia Gillard, the former Prime Minister of
Australia, stood before a collection of students and guests at Brown University for an
address. Her topic, “Asia” and she began by getting straight to the point, “My first message
to you is a clear one and a simple one; Asia’s rise is the opportunity of this century.” (Julia
Gillard, former Prime Minister of Australia discusses “Asian Century” 2015). Gillard’s
statement was evidently clear, as it foreshadows a looming chasm that is set to envelop the
region, which includes a multitude of countries including that of her own, Australia. The
‘Asian Century’ has dawned. Australia has two foreign policy challenges in the Asian
Century; a geopolitical challenge of security and a multifaceted economic challenge.
Australia has two opportunities in the Asian century; one is purely economic and the other
is becoming a hub for developing human capital through education.
As Asian countries become more powerful, it is vital that Australia maintains the
security of its people in the next century. There has become a recent hegemonic pull
between the United States and China, leaving Australia geographically and strategically
located between both. The ANZUS military alliance, cultural similarities, and the exercise
of American forces/equipment in Australia (U.S. Marines, Northern Territory) all reflect
Australia’s close relationship with the U.S. (Tay 2011, p. 57). The initial East-Asia
Summit did not include the United States but included Australia. The U.S.’s recent
inclusion past the Fifth Summit by Australian recommendation reflects a platform of
cooperation between China and the U.S. (Tay 2011, p. 57-60). Encouraging the United
States and China to work together benefits Australia as it ensures balance; acting as a
mediator and a promoter of diplomacy is in the interest of its security. At the next EAS(Sixth), PM Julia Gillard announced the agreement to locate 2,500 U.S. Marines outside Darwin. When questioned if it was seen to counter China she replied “possible for Australia to have an ally in Washington and a friend in Beijing.” Such a predicament is reflective of the balancing relationship Australia must conduct for the Asian Century. Following the decision to place troops Gillard echoed the sentiment of balance to the U.S. Congress in 2011, praising the U.S.-Australian relationship while attempting to hone down the concept of zero-sum, another gesture of mediation (Gillard 2011). Speeches in the future will also need to target the Chinese government and people, if Australia is to continue the aura of balance. Nevertheless, the speech reaffirmed the fact that the Australian participation in its alliance with the U.S. is perhaps non-negotiable as argued by foreign affairs journalist Greg Sheridan (Green & Gill, p. 168-169). He states that as the first pillar of the Rudd government, alongside continued military cooperation, the U.S. alliance must be maintained. Although maintaining the alliance may be “non-negotiable”, it is still imperative that Australia brings reconciliation between the two powers. Hugh White in “Power Shift” addresses that Australia “should launch a diplomatic campaign to persuade China and America to work together to build a Concert of Asia” (2011). Appeasing both sides and utilizing platforms of diplomacy and multilateral agreements to have both powers work together is necessary for Australia’s future. Australia must also encourage the United States to involve itself more with ASEAN and ARF, which are the area’s only multilateral process that devotes to security issues (Tellis, Kuo & Marble 2008, p. 257-259). In doing so the United States exercises diplomatic capital in nations other than Australia, so as to balance its strength in the region. This will then provide Australia with a
safer security net/buffer to the north. This then may allow Australia to play a more neutral
role as well as assure itself that the security of the United States shall remain.
In respect to security, Australia must also bolster the power of its Navy. As the
navies of India and China grow substantially, Australia’s must as well for the security of
its state and the security of its maritime commerce. 99% of Australian’s international trade
volume comes by sea and it is the fifth largest user of shipping in the world (BTRE 129,
132-133). Its maritime security must be heightened. Currently the Australian Navy is
small, twelve frigates, six submarines and a multitude of patrol boats and utility craft
(Current Ships 2014). The May 2009 Defence White Paper called for a modernizing of the
navy that must be sought, including eight new frigates, and twelve submarines
(Department of Defense, p. 59-61). Australia must develop greater strategic naval weight
to parallel its growing unique security needs without destabilizing the region. This presents
a strategic challenge that should include the realignment of Australian funds for naval
defense. Rather than investing in military expeditions, or extensive programs for land
forces, Australia should redirect its defense funds the RAN. Rory Medcalf, head of the
National Security College, argues that Australia should use the bolstering of its navy so
that it may also conduct more exercises with its Asian neighbors, such as China and India
(Bateman & Ho, p. 189, 191-192). Doing so will boost an image of cooperation and
peaceful interaction in security. In India, Australia has a potential naval ally as a former
British domain; building engagement with India without feeding the idea of a containment
strategy of China can help Australia’s security interests going forward. Andrew Phillips,
Senior Lecturer of International Relations highlights the strategic importance of the IndianOcean, and cooperation with India as a means to ensure regional stability and peace
(Phillips 2012, p. 137-138). He suggests fighting non-traditional security threats such as
piracy alongside India and China as a way to overcome the challenge of geopolitical
cooperation. Combating piracy, maritime cooperation with India, and securing a buffer on
both oceanic fronts is nevertheless rudimentary without the fortification of the RAN.
The challenge for Australia in the Asian Century is also economic; as Asian
markets develop and economies rise. Chapter 7 of the White Paper on the Asian Century
calls for increased operation and connection in growing Asian markets by Australia (White
Paper 2012, p. 20). The APT, APEC, EAS and ARF all reflect initiatives to create an
economic security nexus, but either lack Australian involvement or have been unfulfilling
in their pursuit of security regionalism for economic activity. Inner disputes between states
such as China and Japan, have hindered economic regionalism that could have involved
Australia (Tow & Wah 69-70). Australia’s lack of involvement also reflects an ousting
from discussion on such issues. Australia should seek to involve itself in more multilateral
agreements that include its dominant trading partners in China, Japan, South Korea and
India. Australia should serve as a mediator; as well as open it’s own markets up for
business at a lower cost to its Asian neighbors. Such involvement helps integrate Australia
within Asian markets. Australia must also create a long-term national infrastructure
strategy to progress alongside the economy that allows for Asian entities to invest in
Australian infrastructure. The White Paper calls for removing barriers to infrastructure
financing (White Paper 2012, p. 11). These financial barriers are discussed by KPMG, a
global network of professional firms providing financial advice. These financial barriersare in the form of tax and divergence of government funds from the private sector. KPMG
then notates that Australia must develop the capacity to fund and lure foreign investment
from Asian contractors to invest in Australia (KPMG 2013, p. 5). The Asian Development
Bank Institute estimates that $8.3 trillion USD will be spent on infrastructure alone by
2020 in the Asian region (ADBI 2009, p. 10). Enticing investment to Australia rather than
elsewhere presents a major challenge for the Australian private sector.
Strategic Asia states that the resource demand from Asian economies helped
Australia weather most of the economic and financial problems much of the world faced in
the late 2000’s (Tellis, Kuo & Marble 2008, p. 242-243). The White Paper follows
“In the past 20 years, China and India have almost tripled their share of the global
economy and increased their absolute economic size almost six times over. By 2025, the
region as a whole will account for almost half the world’s output.”(White Paper 2012, p. 6)
Meeting the growing service and consumer aspects of Asian economies is key for
Australia. UN Consultant Rajiv Biswas highlights the rising Asian demand for energy and
infrastructure in industrializing cities that are growing at a rapid rate, as an opportunity for
Australia (2013, p. 182). Consumer spending in Asia will rise in the next twenty years, the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) estimates the middle-
class population of consumers with $10-$100 per day purchasing power to rise to 4.9
billion by 2030, 85% of that increase will be in Asia alone (OECD, Kharas 2010, p. 14-
15). Australia must promote elements in trade agreements that lower the compliance costs
of businesses as well as facilitate trade. Moving toward a grand free-trade agreement of the
Asia-Pacific region can allow a streamlined flow of goods that inserts Australian products
and natural resources to markets in Asia. Australia’s geographical location is undeniablyvaluable to the emergence of this growing market. The White Paper states that an objective
should be “to position Australia as a connecting rod between Latin America and Asia”
(2012, p. 20). Australia can serve as a middle ground for the west and east as trade then
facilitates upward into Asian markets. John Spoehr of the University of Adelaide points
out that China overtook the U.S. as the largest destination for Australian exports of
merchandise in 2009 (2012, p. 13-15). Iron ore, copper and concentrates are all exports that
have dramatically increased for Australia since 1999. In 2000, higher education as an
export was worth $196 million, but a decade later education earnings reached $1.05 billion
as DFAT reports (DFAT 2009). Providing the Asian middle class with the option to be
educated in Australia presents another opportunity. International students from China in
South Australia alone have quadrupled since 2004 (Spoehr & Jain 2012, p. 27). Exporting
education benefits Australia in two ways, it is economically viable in providing revenue
for Australia as the Asian middle class seeks higher education opportunities. It also creates
cultural integration that can perhaps promote Asian interests in Australia. Encouraging
Australians to undertake courses in Asian languages and study overseas in Asia also
provides Australia with economic opportunities.
International education promotes cross-cultural interaction and provides a diverse
and rich educational experience for Australians as well as those from Asian countries.
Programs with Asian nation states to enhance international education and increase
cooperation can promote Australia as a regional hub for developing human capital. Nearly
four out of every five international students are from Asian countries the Department of
Education and Training Reports (2009). As the Asian Century continues, it is imperativethat Australian education stays competitive and expands in order to meet the demand of the
growing Asian middle class. In doing so, Australia must circumvent social exclusion by
“building a socially inclusive society that appreciates cultural diversity” (Tazreiter & Tham
2013, p. 234). Students from Asian cultures are not accustomed to Western elements of
Australia; building programs of support that financially and culturally help thwart this
dilemma should be undertaken. While the rest of the Western world suffered stagnation in
regards to international education as a result of the financial crisis, Australia did not.
Offering Australia as an alternative to other Western countries can be advantageous to
Australia. Providing financial incentives and scholarships to Australians to study abroad in
growing Asian universities advances cultural assimilation as well. This can in turn return
to benefit Australia, as Asian migrants to Australia seek commonality in cultural respect.
Echoing the sentiment of the Gillard speech at Brown University, it is evidently
clear that the Asian Century has more than begun. The challenge of security and the
economic challenge, and the economic opportunity and the opportunity to utilize
Australian education to benefit human capital, are all vital. Understanding these challenges
and opportunities as well as the route of action to addressing them will be imperative for
the Australian government in the Asian Century to come.Works Cited
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London, UK.
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