MEDIA & TE TIRITI O WAITANGI 2004
←
→
Page content transcription
If your browser does not render page correctly, please read the page content below
MEDIA
& TE TIRITI O WAITANGI
2004
����
����
���������������������������Whakatauki
He tao rakau
E taea te karo
He tao korero
E kore e taea
Te karo
Wooden spears
can be seen and dodged
Spears of words
cannot be avoided
They hit their target
and wound
Acknowledgements
He mihi aroha kia koutou i manaaki, i awhi, i tautoko, i tenei kaupapa.
We thank everyone who assisted and supported the development and writing of this report.
Particular appreciation goes to
Naida Glavish, our tikanga adviser
The Auckland Workers Educational Association, our financial umbrella group, for their generous support
Our peer reviewers Carol Archie, Margie Comrie, Donna Cormack, Paul Diamond, Judy McGregor, Tapu Misa,
Helen Moewaka Barnes, Carey Robson and Gary Wilson, for their care and suggestions
Our proofreader, Heather McPherson.
Their feedback greatly strengthened this report.
Funders
Treaty of Waitangi Information Unit
Cathy Pelly Maungarongo Trust
University of Auckland Staff Research Fund
Disclaimer
The State Services Commission and the Treaty of Waitangi Information Programme
neither endorse the information, content, presentation and accuracy of the information,
nor make any warranty, express or implied, regarding future research.
Publisher
Kupu Taea: Media and Te Tiriti Project
c/- PO Box 78 338 Tamaki Makaurau/Auckland 1002
ISBN 0-473-10403-2
http://www.trc.org.nz/resources/media.htmMEDIA
& TE TIRITI O WAITANGI
2004
����
����
���������������������������
Angela Moewaka Barnes
Mandi Gregory
Tim McCreanor
Raymond Nairn
Frank Pega
Jenny RankineCONTENTS
5 Summary 25 Case studies
25 Television
7 Introduction 25 CS1: Civil Union Bill march
7 Te kaupapa - Mission 26 CS2: Ani Waaka’s resignation
7 Mai te timatanga - Background 26 CS3: Te Uri o Hau
7 Ko matou enei - About us 27 Newspapers
7 The news-making context 27 CS4: Fisheries
9 What earlier research says 27 CS5: Powhiri
28 CS6: Maori and property
12 Method 29 CS7: The lakes settlements
12 How we gathered our media items
13 Maori stories sample 32 Conclusions
14 How we categorised our items 32 Te Reo Maori
14 Topics 32 Maori perspectives
33 Sources
15 Analysis 33 Themes
15 Newspaper analysis
34 “Good” and “bad” news
16 Television analysis
34 Conflict
16 Limits of our method and analysis
35 Silences
17 Findings 36 Statistics
17 Te reo Maori 36 Aspects of balance
18 Sources 36 Standards
20 Images 37 Training
21 Themes 37 Indicators
21 “Good” and “bad” news
22 Conflict 39 Glossary
23 Silences
40 References
23 Statistical comparisons
23 Consecutive week story development 42 About Kupu Taea: Media
24 Aspects of balance and Te Tiriti group
4 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004SUMMARY
THIS IS A PILOT STUDY of content and PAKEHA SOURCES were quoted earlier than
meaning in a representative group of Maori on average in newspaper items.
newspaper and television news items relating
to Maori and Te Tiriti o Waitangi. We collected RATHER than taking a neutral position, a
353 newspaper and 29 television items from significant minority of newspaper and television
14 pre-selected days in August, September items framed items to support themes which
and October 2004, and analysed them using undermine Maori. A number of these themes
content and thematic analysis. were identified 16 years ago as part of
commonplace Pakeha concepts of relations
WE DISTINGUISHED between items about between the two cultures. One such theme,
Maori people and issues, which we called which we have labelled “Privilege”, portrays
Maori stories, and items that mentioned Maori as unfairly having benefits denied to
Maori only in passing. others.
THE LIMITATIONS of our sample mean WE identified a number of new themes that
that we cannot compare stories about Maori also had the effect of undermining concepts
issues with coverage of any other issues. of Maori as worthy citizens. Potential or actual
Maori control of significant resources was
WE found low levels of use of te reo framed in some prominent media items as a
Maori across almost all the items, with threat to non-Maori, who were implicitly defined
roughly half the newspaper items containing as synonymous with “the public”. Another new
no Maori words for which there are English theme, “Financial probity”, involved repeated
alternatives, and the other half containing depictions of Maori as poor managers, either
very few. The 20 television Maori news items corrupt or financially incompetent. Detailed
used only seven Maori words for which there depictions of conflict between Maori, in
are English alternatives. combination with this theme, worked to critique It was
Maori control of resources. said
STORIES were overwhelmingly framed
that the Treaty
within Pakeha terms of reference. For WE identified a theme of stories about was to protect the
example, Maori concepts about ownership Maori success; however, the impact of the Maoris from foreign
of resources, such as kaitiakitanga, were more common negative themes and depictions invasion. But those
mentioned in only five stories. of Maori undermined these items. bad nations never
PAKEHA SOURCES outnumbered Maori came to attack us;
CASE STUDIES of print and television stories the blow fell from
sources in 260 newspaper stories about provide detailed analyses of the ways in which
Maori and more clips of Pakeha than Maori you, the nation who
media use of these themes and depictions made that
sources were used over the television Maori plays out in specific instances. same treaty.
news stories. Forty-five percent of newspaper
sources were Pakeha and 37% Maori. WE found that “bad” news predominated in Renata Tamakihikurangi
Pakeha men made up the biggest group television Maori news and made up nearly half 1861
of sources by ethnicity and gender (37%). our newspaper sample of Maori stories; a little [From Maori is my name
Stories cited Maori men twice as often (25%) over a third of newspaper items were coded as edited by John Caselberg,
p93]
as Maori women (12%). “good” news. Items generated by newspapers’
own staff included five times the proportion
coded as “good” news compared to those
reprinted from NZPA and other outside sources.
This provides a benchmark for future analyses
of Maori stories.
MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 5SUMMARY
THE perspective of colonisation as a WE found examples of what we believe
process which disrupted Maori culture, health, are prima facie breaches of voluntary codes
education and social fabric was almost and guidelines about journalism in television
completely absent from our media items. and newspaper stories, including reliance on
There were repeated mentions of the Treaty rumours and unverified assertions.
and settlements, but almost no detail of Treaty
clauses, government breaches or settlement THESE FINDINGS echo earlier research
processes. This lack of context forms a loop and commentary that identified systematic
with poor understanding of Treaty issues negative depictions of Maori in New
among the non-Maori public. Zealand media coverage. We believe
these inadequacies and imbalances of
ITEMS about health and social statistics in coverage in our items make it impossible
our sample repeatedly compared disparities for their audiences to develop an informed
in Maori and Pakeha social status without understanding of Treaty issues.
context or the history of these disparities. This
repetition had a stigmatising effect. WE have identified some potential areas
of coverage which could be developed into
WE identified what we regard as serious indicators of the extent to which stories and
aspects of imbalance across our items. coverage depart from neutrality to construct
Two Pakeha sources made unchallenged or support negative depictions of Maori. They
denigrations and some Pakeha commentators include uses of te reo Maori, sources, key
were given space to make insulting comments terms from negative themes, reporting of
about Maori. We did not identify any Maori Maori issues, levels of “bad” news, and the
voices making insulting generalisations about characteristics of headlines or other proxies
Pakeha people or culture. Maori voices were for content.
not included in stories about changing the
terms of Treaty settlements. Pakeha voices THE practices that encourage or justify
were more common than Maori in items these serious imbalances must change and
focusing on Maori-Pakeha relations. we look forward to working with those helping
[The Treaty of to make these changes.
Waitangi]
allows one small group
of people who can claim
some minute trace
of Maori ancestry,
an open cheque book to
the country’s wealth
and assets.
One New Zealand
Foundation, 2005
6 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004INTRODUCTION
TE KAUPAPA – media, public health and film researchers
associated with Massey University and the
MISSION University of Auckland; collectively we have
experience in newspaper journalism and video
We have written this report for working
production, and have published several academic
journalists, editorial managers and media
papers about media and Treaty issues.
consumers. Our aim was to analyse coverage
and identify any gaps and weaknesses, as a Our name, Kupu Taea, means the power of the
step to improving the standards of reporting on word. We call ourselves the Media and Te Tiriti
Maori issues in newspapers and television. We Project because it is the Maori text of the Treaty
intend this report to be the first in a series. Our which is recognised in international law, and
immediate plan is to gather and analyse another which was signed by more than 500 rangatira.
set of media news items next year, and we Several different English texts exist and only 39
would value feedback from people working in rangatira signed an English version.
the media and media consumers.
The relationship between Maori and non-Maori
is based on Te Tiriti, and we use it in our title to
MAI TE TIMATANGA - represent what is at stake when we discuss media
BACKGROUND coverage of Maori. We have chosen to use both
names for the Treaty in the body of this report.
The media is the crucial interface between the
We came together because we knew of no
issues and people it identifies as news, and the
ongoing research programme analysing media
audience. Most readers and viewers will never
constructions of Maori and Te Tiriti o Waitangi,
get to have tea with Titewhai Harawira, or
and we think there should be one. We believe this
discuss Kiwi slang with John Tamihere. They
issue is hugely important to social relations and
rely on what the media says about these and
justice in Aotearoa/New Zealand.
other Maori people and issues in the news.
We hope that this project will contribute to the
Relations between Maori and non-Maori
emergence of what is elsewhere known as civic
are part of every area of national life – the
or public journalism; news media which aim
economy, health and wellbeing, resource
to engage with their audiences as responsible The
management, arts and culture, future
citizens in democratic processes that enrich public
development, international relations – and if pervasiveness
life and the wellbeing of communities. The media
the media are not reaching their potential for and power of the
can be a mighty force for progressive public good.
positive contributions to this domain, then we
all need to be concerned about it. news media and
This report describes our pilot project, which
THE NEWSMAKING its central place
aimed to analyse the characteristics of our CONTEXT in the information
media items, refine our research process, exchange means it
The socio-political context within which
stimulate further debate on these issues and
newsmaking occurs influences what counts as warrants systematic
lay the foundation for more comprehensive
news, styles of reporting, journalism ethics and
research. We have worked mostly unpaid, and continuous
media ownership. Ranginui Walker and James
evening and weekends alongside other jobs and scrutiny.
Belich have described the historical role of
responsibilities.
the media in the colonial period, as circulating
None of us has worked full-time on the project representations of Maori-Pakeha relations that Judy McGregor and
and we rarely had the resources for more than were unfair and discriminatory. The neoliberal Margie Comrie, 1995
one person to analyse any particular set of political developments of the last two decades
items. We have used accepted best practices for have seen deregulation of many sections of the
this kind of project from international research economy and the privatising of many former state
and we are confident that this report presents a functions.
valid critique of media practices in Aotearoa/
In this time almost all of the major newspapers,
New Zealand.
as well as regional and local publications, have
been acquired by transnational conglomerates and
KO MATOU ENEI - local ownership has all but disappeared. From the
ABOUT US early 1990s, television, once a state monopoly, has
been corporatised and opened up to commercial
We are a group of Maori, Pakeha and Tauiwi competition with impacts on State-owned stations.
MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 7INTRODUCTION
This competitive environment has built pressures Television context
for ratings that determine advertising revenues.
As Bill Rosenberg said in 2003: “Advertisers The impacts of the Television New Zealand
are the real customers of a commercial media Charter introduced by the Labour Government
organisation, not its readers, viewers or listeners”. are ongoing. In July 2003 the former strongly
commercial state-owned enterprise became a
As part of these changes, the number of Crown-owned broadcasting company required
journalists per paper has reduced as media to return a dividend while implementing Charter
Media organisations have become leaner. There is objectives.
technology such as the very little continuing education for journalists,
or structured newsroom discussion of ethical The Charter requires programming that
‘digital revolution’ may issues. Computer technology has created “informs, entertains and educates”, which
appear to offer more paperless newsrooms where, with a mouse click, had not been imperatives for the SOE but had
journalists send stories to subeditors and from become founding principles of the Broadcast
choice and greater Commission (NZ On Air). In particular the
there pages go straight to the presses.
horizons, yet the media Charter requires TVNZ to provide:
The resultant cuts in printing staff in particular
itself is actually Independent, comprehensive, impartial, and
have meant a less militant and less unionised
shrinking in workforce with arguably lower resistance to in-depth coverage and analysis of news and
managerial imperatives. While the increasing current affairs
its ownership and
centralisation of media ownership across print, Feature programming that promotes
editorial agenda or informed and many-sided debate and stimulates
radio, television and telecommunications may
world view. produce efficiencies for the corporations, it does critical thought.
little to ensure diversity and citizen engagement It also requires TVNZ to “ensure in its
with media. programmes and programme planning the
John Pilger, 2001
There is concern in many countries about participation of Maori and the presence of a
monopoly control of the media and overseas significant Maori voice”.
ownership. Goode and Zuberi summarise the All free-to-air broadcasters have obligations and
debate; supporters argue that multinational requirements under the Broadcasting Act 1989
ownership increases consumer options whereas and the 2002 Free-to-Air Television Codes of
critics assert that this power can be misused. Broadcasting Practice agreed to by TVNZ, TV3,
While mainstream media ownership became TV4, Prime TV and other free-to air services
concentrated into fewer hands, Maori-controlled Under the Act every broadcaster is required to
media outlets have burgeoned in a similar way ensure that “when controversial issues of public
to those in the early colonial period. Ranginui importance are discussed, reasonable efforts are
Walker credits iwi radio, totalling 23 networked made, or reasonable opportunities are given, to
stations, with a major contribution to current present significant points of view either in the
Maori development. same programme or in other programmes within
These stations, and Maori print media outlets, the period of current interest”.
generally remain small and underfunded. Mana Like all broadcasting practice standards,
News, funded by Radio New Zealand, has been balance, accuracy and fairness are loosely
a significant Maori-controlled voice on National specified. For example, the guideline
Radio. The establishment of Maori Television has accompanying the practice standard for balance
finally provided a Maori-led alternative in free-to- states: “Programmes which deal with political
air television programming. matters, current affairs, and questions of a
Media corporations are moving into ownership controversial nature, must show balance and
of emerging internet and cell-phone technologies. impartiality”. As McGregor and Comrie said in
The internet offers a greater diversity of voices their 1995 introduction, balance and fairness are
than the mainstream media, and content such “at best, ill-defined and contested and, at worst,
as web blogs, including those by Maori, is downright fuzzy”.
influencing media coverage. The Broadcasting Standards Authority (BSA)
Aside from the commercial pressures of the reviews codes of practice and operates a
contemporary media environment, the statutory complaints process, and has the regulatory
and ethical requirements of journalists are power to require broadcasters to screen its
complex and patchy, with no single code covering decisions. For example, TVNZ and the Bay of
all workers. Plenty Times published the results of a BSA
decision which comprehensively supported a
2003 complaint by the Ngati Pukenga iwi of
Tauranga against the Holmes programme.
8 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004INTRODUCTION
Profitability is, however, the major imperative framework for debate, and the council, which
for broadcasting, leading to aggressive is industry funded, also operates a complaints
competition for viewers, ratings and thus procedure.
advertising revenue during prime time (6-
However, such self-regulation of commercially
9.30pm). News programmes are seen as
driven enterprises is notorious in other domains
audience leaders during this slot. Atkins argued
(such as advertising, marketing and research
in 1994 that the focus on ratings has led to
funding) for consistently producing outcomes
“pacier” items that “tend to displace the more
that allow businesses to proceed without undue
complex” and less visual subjects for populist
impediment.
news.
Given the scope for interpretation of the NZPC
The focus on ratings driven by the imperative
principles, where wording is profoundly value-
to make a profit clearly impacts on scheduling
laden, it is unlikely that any seriously challenging
and content, as do the culture, structure and
complaint of systematic media inequity in
processes of the networks, as discussed
reporting Maori news would ever be upheld. If it
by Abel in Shaping the News; Waitangi
were, there are no penalties or levers for change
Day on Television. Abel identified how TV
available through this avenue.
networks’ needs and the values of individual,
predominantly Pakeha, newsmakers influence Jim Tully in a 1989 article outlined ten Guidelines
selection and judgements of newsworthiness. for Reporting Race Relations. They include
These are based, unconsciously or not, on their avoiding stereotypes; labels; race-typing;
attitudes towards Maori and te Tiriti o Waitangi. being careful with statistics, headlines and
unrepresentative images; evaluating the authority
Researchers have been documenting the effect
of sources and always naming them.
of ratings pressure for some time. Winter said
in 1994 that market pressures prevented any He also warns against use of unverified rumour,
equitable balance between TV as a public advises journalists to portray positive aspects
service and the industry’s profit. McGregor and of race relations and not to exploit human fears. ..[the
Comrie in 1995 noted television’s increasing However, these guidelines have not been adopted
media]
use of entertainment and populist criteria for by the NZPC or other bodies and remain an
news presentation and content. idealistic expression of a professional ethic for offer us particular
journalists working in this sensitive area. definitions and
The audience polling they describe in TVNZ in
the early 90s has intensified recently as Prime interpretations
seeks to become a major player and TVNZ and WHAT EARLIER of the world and
TV3 revamp their news programmes. McGregor
and Comrie found that the reporter spoke
RESEARCH SAYS they leave out a
directly to the camera in almost one third of In 1973 the Wellington Race Relations Action vast number of
their television news sample, making journalists Group reported to the Race Relations Council
alternative
“part of the story as well as the story-teller”. on coverage of Maori issues in eight Wellington
This branding of reporters and presenters as area provincial dailies. They described a lack ones.
celebrities, the trustworthy faces we want in our of attention to Maori events and organisations,
living rooms each evening, has also intensified commenting that the “lack of information allows
Stuart Hall, 1983
with the ratings wars. racial myths to flourish”.
A 1982 study by Robyn Leeming at Massey
Newspaper context University found inadequate broadcast news
Print journalists who are members of the coverage of urban Maori interests, excessive
Engineering, Printing and Manufacturing Union reliance on stereotypes of Maori and a
are nominally covered by a code of ethics that highlighting of “negative things about the Maori
was last updated in 1989. The code is vague and community”, particularly in news reports.
unenforceable and the number of members is The Auckland Committee on Racism and
not made public. However, it may be as little as Discrimination (ACORD) described a similar
20% of the total workforce. dearth of Maori and Polynesian content on
television and National Radio in 1983.
Jim Tucker says that some of the large
commercial news media companies have The Journalist Training Board published Michael
similarly loose ethical requirements of their King’s Kawe Korero – A guide to reporting
workers, but these are of dubious efficacy in Maori activities in 1985, relied on ever since by
producing or maintaining standards. The New generations of journalists making their first foray
Zealand Press Council (NZPC) maintains into Maori environments.
a set of 13 voluntary principles (see www. In 1989 and 1993, social scientists like Robert
presscouncil.org.nz) that could provide a Miles and Paul Spoonley described how the
MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 9INTRODUCTION
word “race” with its modern political meanings which Maori were portrayed as having rights
entered our vocabularies. In the late nineteenth or benefits denied most others in a way that is
and early twentieth centuries it was widely unfair and racist; and “Rights” in which it was
accepted that there were different “races” and that claimed we all are, or should be, entitled to do
a person’s race or biological inheritance shaped what we want provided we are not infringing the
their personal and social behaviour. Subsequent rights of others.
scientific work has discredited these ideas.
In 1990, Nairn and McCreanor described
In the In 1989, Tim McCreanor clarified major themes two further themes: the “Ignorance” theme
in Pakeha talk about Te Tiriti and relations with enabled writers to assert that a Pakeha action
Maori world Maori in his chapter in Honouring the Treaty: that offended Maori was not deliberate but due
the speaker speaks. An Introduction for Pakeha. He analysed 221 to ignorance; while the “Sensitivity” theme
Understanding is the submissions by individual Pakeha about relations portrayed Maori responses to such actions as
with Maori, after the Haka Party incident at unreasonable and unduly sensitive.
business of the University of Auckland in 1979. We have
The themes identified in this research create
the listener. outlined these themes because they provide a
a “standard story” of Maori-Pakeha relations,
context and point of comparison for current media
a commonplace understanding that denies or
Ruth Ross, cited in constructions of relations between Maori and
ignores the colonial process that has determined
Michael King, 1985 non-Maori and Treaty issues.
our social order. It is difficult to see how any
The submitters used sets of common themes to of these themes can do anything but undermine
assign blame for the perceived breakdown of Maori interests and strengthen Pakeha control of
what they considered to be the excellent relations social institutions.
between Maori and non-Maori. These themes
Also in 1990, Hirsch and Spoonley’s landmark
assumed and naturalised Pakeha domination and
book, Between the Lines, provided acute
isolated Maori-Pakeha relations from our colonial
observation and descriptions of media biases
history, social structures and the distribution of
against Maori. For instance, on media coverage
power.
of Maori land claims Ranginui Walker said:
Four themes allowed writers to portray Maori
“There is little interest in why the case has
negatively. The “Maori culture” theme described
been brought or the roots of the injustice
Maori culture as primitive and inadequate for
lying behind the claim. Emphasis is placed
modern life, lacking in conceptual and practical
on the present conflict, which inevitably
knowledge, and dependent on a limited language.
puts the responsibility for raising the issue
The “Maori violence” theme presumed that Maori
on the complainant. The injured party thus
were more likely than Pakeha to be violent.
becomes the cause of the problem ... in any
The “Maori inheritance” theme employed a
contest between Maori and Pakeha over land,
stockbreeding approach to racial bloodlines
resources or cultural space, media coverage
that completely denied the importance of self-
functions, unwittingly or otherwise, to
identification and Maori concepts of whakapapa.
maintain Pakeha dominance.”
We have an Many submitters used a fourth theme that
McGregor and Comrie’s 1995 report, Balance
official language, McCreanor called “Good Maori/Bad Maori”;
and Fairness in Broadcasting News, described
Maori who were seen as ‘fitting in’ to settler
but only a couple of a content analysis of 915 radio and television
society were good, while Maori who resisted,
news stories between 1985 and 1994. They
mainstream reporters sought restitution or demanded recognition were
found a paucity of Maori stories, dominated by
who speak the language. bad. The theme worked most flexibly when the
“bad news” for and about Maori on television,
writer did not specify who or how many were
How can you cover a hui with an overwhelming reliance on Pakeha
“bad Maori”; they could then dismiss protesters
sources on all programmes apart from Mana
when much of it as a minority and estranged from their people.
News.
is in Maori? Related to those portrayals was the “Stirrers”
They also found increases in unsupported
theme, which was used to depict anyone
assertions and stories about controversy
challenging the status quo, whether Maori or
Derek Fox, and conflict across all news topics. Over the
non-Maori, as troublemakers who mislead others
in Saunders, 1996 period, total speaking time for sources dropped
for their own ends. Such representations distract
in television news, which also exhibited a
attention from the substance of the protest by
generalised blurring of boundaries between fact
highlighting elements of (supposed) disruption
and opinion.
and aggression.
John Saunders concluded in 1996 that issues
Central to many of the submissions was the
affecting Maori were under-reported and
notion that New Zealanders are “One People”
misreported by journalists in mainstream media
and should all be treated the same. That was the
and that most journalists were ill-equipped to
foundation of two further themes: “Privilege”, in
10 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004INTRODUCTION
report Maori news. partnership credited the Pakeha genetics team
with the breakthrough. That coverage depicted
Sue Abel’s 1997 book Shaping the News:
the whanau, who had initiated the project and
Waitangi Day on Television described four
managed the screening, mostly as diseased and
themes that were ranked hierarchically in the
passive objects of Pakeha help.
1990 coverage. TV news treated the dominant
“one people” theme as “common sense” while Comrie and Fountaine concluded in 2004 that
the “Maori-centred” point of view was scarcely journalists routinely use “Caucasian” sources
heard and described as “separatist”. who are in government or who represent an NGO.
They also concluded that TVNZ “performs better
The coverage also positioned Maori as either
than TV3 in the amount of news time given over
“wild” or “tame”, masking the breadth of Maori
to more serious subject matter”.
support for protests about Treaty grievances.
News items focussed on protest tactics rather However, to measure the channels’ performances
than the underlying injustices. is misleading as there is a “lack of serious
alternatives for viewers seeking robust news From the
In 2000, Banerjee and Osuri found that
content”. Despite the Charter, TVNZ continued
massacres of Australian Aboriginal people nineteenth century
to be under pressure to return a dividend to the
were ignored by newspaper coverage which
Government and the researchers found there has to the present
consistently referred to the Port Arthur
been “little sign of improvement” in news that day, the Fourth
shootings as the worst massacre in Australian
contained “serious subject matter”.
history. Lambertus found in 2003 that the Estate has played a
omission of historical context about Canadian
consistent role
Aboriginal land grievances meant the media
consistently depicted them as disruptive and in the way it selects,
aggressive. constructs and
In 2002, Judy McGregor and Margie Comrie publishes news
published What’s News?, a follow up to Whose about Maori.
News?, which they edited in 1992 on the media
in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The earlier book This one-sided
contains a chapter by Derek Fox and the 2002 discourse has
book one by Ranginui Walker that critique news resulted in Maori
coverage of Maori issues. They conclude that
the marginalisation of Maori people and values seceding from the
from mainstream media results in the status mainstream media
quo, where as Walker puts it, “Maori news is to construct their
bad news”.
own positive stories
The Broadcasting Standards Authority analysed
of success and
a Holmes programme about registration of
a wahi tapu on the Bay of Plenty mountain cultural
Kopukairoa in 2003. It upheld the Ngati revival.
Pukenga complaint, finding that the coverage
was unbalanced, inaccurate and unfair. The Ranginui Walker, 2002
BSA said the programme “framed the item to
evoke negative reactions among viewers” by
focusing on Pakeha landowners who believed
property rights had been taken away from them
due to Maori spiritual beliefs.
In 2004 a group of Waikato University
researchers led by Darrin Hodgetts showed
that media coverage of the 2003 Decade of
Disparity report supported views that blamed
individual Maori and Maori health services
for Maori health status. The same coverage
challenged structural explanations for health
disparities and was also dismissive of Maori
models of health.
Rankine and McCreanor, also in 2004, showed
that media coverage of a stomach cancer
gene discovery by a Maori-Pakeha research
MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 11METHOD
HOW WE GATHERED
Land rights
Foreshore and seabed
OUR MEDIA ITEMS Waitangi Tribunal
Maori development,
In 1993, USA communication researchers
Constitutional change
Riffe, Aust and Lacy recommended that media
Iwi/hapu/whanau
researchers use a constructed week; seven
Maori health.
individual days chosen randomly from different
weeks. This method copes with the systematic We decided to sample only television news
variations in the number of news stories across and current affairs programmes in English,
the days of the week as well as a randomly because we wanted to study the dominant media
chosen calendar week, and is less vulnerable to practices in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Copies of
week by week fluctuations in story numbers. Lacy broadcast television news and current affairs
and others reviewed newspaper sampling in 2001 items were provided by the Chapman Archive
and recommended that when studying a period of at the Political Studies Department of the
less than five years, researchers should use two University of Auckland for the same days and
constructed weeks from each year to generate an using the same key words.
adequate representation of stories.
Percentages have been rounded to the nearest
Comrie and Fountaine’s study of TVNZ news whole number except in relation to sources.
in 2003 used this method. We departed from
this recommendation because we wanted to Newspaper items
analyse how stories developed over consecutive
days. Despite this minor variation, we consider The keyword search yielded a total of 353
the items gathered in our project to be reliably relevant newspaper items, 81 from the
representative of stories about Maori-Pakeha consecutive week and 272 from the constructed
relations in local, regional and national week. The two weeks were expected to
newspapers; also in news programmes from provide different numbers of relevant items
TV One, TV3 and Prime in 2004, regardless of but this unexpected imbalance resulted from
variations in the number of relevant items from our misunderstanding of clipping service
week to week. Time and resource constraints procedures. The bureau clipped items received
made it impossible for us to analyse radio news during the week 23 to 29 August, while we had
as well. intended to obtain all items produced during that
week.
To avoid selection bias, international best practice
guidelines require item dates to be specified Unfortunately, we lacked the resources to pay
before the media items are published or broadcast. for the clipping to be redone retrospectively.
We gathered stories from newspapers and However, we systematically compared
television news and current affairs programmes, consecutive and constructed week items and
There is we believe the omitted items did not bias our
using two randomly chosen weeks specified more
a proverb ‘he kanohi than six weeks earlier. collection and would not have altered the pattern
of our findings.
kitea’, meaning a face One was a consecutive week: 23 to 29 August
seen is appreciated 2004. The other was a constructed week, drawn The 353 items included 304 news articles, 21
from the months of September and October, 2004. columns, ten editorials, five invited articles,
and understood. six reviews, and seven feature articles from
The days were Monday 20 September, Tuesday
In the Maori world it is 12 October, Wednesday 20 October, Thursday 58 different local, regional, and national
rarely sufficient 7 October, Friday 10 September, Saturday 25 newspapers.
to make initial contact September and Sunday 3 October. The New Zealand Herald (31 items), the
We contracted Chong Press Bureau Ltd, which Gisborne Herald (26) and the Otago Daily
by
offers a complete print media clipping service, Times (24) ran the most stories identified by the
telephone. keywords. Around ten percent of the total (36
to provide copies of all newspaper items that
Michael King, 1985 included the following key words and phrases: items) appeared on the front page; the majority
appeared on news pages 2 to 5 (53%, 187 items)
Treaty of Waitangi/Te Tiriti o Waitangi or 6 to 10 (16%, 56). The biggest group of items
Maori-Pakeha relations were 11 to 20 sentences long (142 stories) and
Disparities between Maori and non-Maori/ the next biggest were less than 11 sentences
mainstream (81).
Sovereignty
12 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004METHOD
Sixty-two percent of the items (220) were 11 columns, five invited articles, four reviews, five
produced by the newspapers’ own staff, a editorials and five feature articles. Twenty-five of
further 125 originated with NZPA and other the news articles were front page stories.
papers. Newspapers did not state the origin of
Of the remainder, the bulk (150) appeared on
a further 17 articles that were very similar to
news pages two to five, 42 on news pages six
other NZPA stories.
to ten, 25 in later news pages and 18 in other
sections. Most of the stories (210) were under a
Maori stories sample quarter of a page; 38 were between a quarter and a
We found that some of the items that contained half, and 12 took up more than half a page.
the keywords were peripheral to the Treaty and Sixty percent of the Maori stories (155) were
Maori-Pakeha relations. Two team members generated by the newspaper that printed them; 87
sorted the newspaper items into stories about were from NZPA or another paper; and 18 either
Maori-Pakeha relations and others. We believe did not state a source or were unclear. Most of
these issues are equally relevant to Pakeha the last group were very similar to other NZPA The media
New Zealanders; however, for this report we stories. and the
are calling them Maori stories. Decisions about
any borderline stories were made by the group. We analysed the themes and use of te reo Maori government’s..
Four members of the team sorted the television across all the newspaper items. The analysis of assimilative policies
stories. Articles were defined as Maori stories if television news use of Maori was done only for
the 20 Maori news stories. Our final analysis of have both played
they focused on –
Treaty of Waitangi issues newspaper sources, conflict, “good” and “bad” a part in
Maori control of resources news and images was done only for the Maori marginalising
Legislation and protest about this stories sample.
Kai Tahu’s story.
Maori arts, cultural and religious activities
including visual displays of Maori culture Television items They have engaged
Maori health and education in generations of
A total of 29 relevant television items were
Iwi and other Maori organisational and
obtained using the keyword search, 11 from the stereotyping and
business activity
consecutive week and 18 from the constructed minimalising of a
Maori involvement in political processes
week. This low number is consistent with Comrie
The history of Maori occupation people that have
and Fountaine’s finding that Maori items are
Historical or current relations between
relatively rare in television news. never really been
Maori and Pakeha
The socio-economic status of Maori Twenty-one items were news stories, three came understood.
Individual Maori in conjunction with one or from current affairs or feature programmes such
more of the above criteria. as Sunday and Frontseat (2), and five from the Hana O’Regan, 2001
interview-based programmes Eye to Eye (3) and
A total of 260 items were defined as Maori
Marae (2). With limited resources, we decided
stories, 59 from the consecutive week and 201
to focus on the 21 news items because they were
from the constructed week.
comparable with the newspaper items. One of
Items were not defined as Maori stories if – the items did not fit the Maori stories criteria and
Statistics about Maori were a minor part of was not analysed, leaving 20 television items for
an article about a health, social or education analysis.
issue
Eleven items were screened on TV One, eight on
Maori political representation was a small
TV3 and one on Prime. Sixteen were broadcast
part of an article about politics
during primetime (6 to 9.30pm). The average
A Maori issue was used merely as a
length of news stories was 109 seconds, under
comparison for another topic
two minutes. They ranged from 16 seconds (the
Maori ownership or claim to a resource
TV3 news piece on Ani Waaka’s resignation
under discussion was mentioned only in
from Maori Television) to 346 seconds (the TV3
passing.
news item on the Destiny Church march). Five
Ninety-three items were excluded from the contained footage only of the presenter in the
sources and other content analysis on this basis. studio.
Maori stories came from 47 different
publications. The bulk of articles (177)
appeared in regional newspapers, 58 in seven
publications that described themselves as
national, and 25 were in local papers. Only 37
items appeared in non-daily publications.
The Maori stories included 230 news articles,
MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 13METHOD
HOW WE vaccinations; a how-to hangi booklet; health
promotion activities; heart disease; smoking;
CATEGORISED OUR obesity; stomach bugs; the cost of healthcare
ITEMS and Primary Health Organisations (PHO).
The most common story was the release of a
Government report about poverty.
Topics
Land was next; this topic included articles
Once we had all our items, we decided that about bones and artefacts; resource consent
they did not fit into pre-set topics identified in issues and sales of land involving Maori; and
other research. We worked collectively, sorting Maori land trusts.
the newspaper and television items by subject
to arrive at a set of 14 topics. All items were Maori and Pakeha relations included
assigned to one topic only. discussions of powhiri and other Maori
practices; scientific debate about the arrival of
There were Table 1: Topics in the total items Maori; research partnerships; historical items;
and vandalism of Maori sites. Trevor Mallard’s
injustices, Topics Newspapers TV news comments about powhiri was the most common
and the Treaty process Arts 14 story.
is an attempt to Business 23 9 Also with 31 items, the education category
acknowledge that, included kaupapa Maori education; the
Education 31 “singalong” polytechnic course; Maori at
and to make a gesture university; tertiary scholarships; literacy; and
Financial probity 6 5
at recompense. community courses.
Fisheries 15
But it is only that. Foreshore and seabed items included the Bill
Foreshore 23 1
It can be no more and seabed hearings; court appeals; the hikoi; political party
policies; and local foreshore issues.
than that. Health 46
Land 34 Business included the controversy about
airspace over Lake Taupo; iwi and Maori small
Maori-Pakeha 31 businesses; and Maori Television.
Don Brash, 2004
relations
Political 64 2 Fisheries included the distribution of
representation fisheries assets and the Aquaculture Reform Bill.
Religion 6 4 The arts included items about cultural
Sport 1 festivals; books, Maori visual arts and music,
television shows and ta moko.
Statistics 9
Treaty 50 Statistics largely included Maori in figures
on housing, social indicators and injuries.
Total 353 21
Financial probity included articles on TVNZ
corporate credit card spending and Community
Newspaper topics Employment Group grants.
Political representation was the most common Religion included items about the Destiny
topic among our newspaper items (see Table1), Church, the Maori Battalion, a gospel choir and
including Maori representation in parliament, a funeral director.
political parties and processes; local bodies;
iwi organisations; and events such as the Hui There was only one sport item.
Taumata. The most common story (23 items) was
the controversy about John Tamihere’s time at the Television topics
Waipareira Trust. The most common category was business,
The next biggest newspaper category was followed by financial probity, religion (all
the Treaty, which included Treaty settlements; about the Destiny Church march), political
the Waitangi Tribunal; issues between claimant representation, and the foreshore and seabed.
groups; political party treaty policies; and
education meetings about the Treaty. The most
common story in this group was the lakes
settlement with Te Arawa.
The third largest topic was health, which
included articles about poverty; meningococcal
14 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004ANALYSES
W
E CARRIED OUT thematic analysis benchmark of the balance of “good” and “bad”
and analysed use of te reo Maori news in Maori stories.
across all the 353 newspaper items.
This is, of course, a value judgement, but to make
Our content analyses of newspaper sources,
the basis of the judgement clear we defined as
conflict, “good” and “bad” news and images
“bad news” stories that included one or more of
were done only for the 260 Maori stories
the following features –
sample.
The reporter used belittling language about
We performed textual readings, counts of te
Maori or Pakeha (eg squabbling)
reo Maori and use of sources for the 20 Maori
A source made negative generalisations about
television news stories.
Maori that went unchallenged by the reporter or
were supported by headlines or images (eg that
NEWSPAPER Maori practices undermine equality)
ANALYSIS The story contained negative statements
about Maori and Maori comments were absent or
inadequate
Newspaper content The story focused on a negative issue such as
analysis process possible fraud Most of
Cited or paraphrased sources in the Maori Sources insulted each other the
stories sample were indicated by the use of The story framed Maori as a threat
race privilege
words such as “said” and “told”. Any sentence The story was framed using themes or phrases
including at least one word from a source in identified by research as supporting negative now distorting our
quotation marks was counted as a quotation. constructions of Maori. democracy
Every sentence of editorials, columns and “Neutral” stories included but were not restricted depends on the
invited articles was counted as a quotation by to –
the author unless another source was explicitly fuzzy ‘partnership’
Stories about conflict that included non-
quoted. abusive comment from all sides of the controversy - which was
Article titles were entered on an Excel Announcements or descriptions of events invented by a few
spreadsheet, with the name of the newspaper “Good news” stories included – judges, from a
and topic, the description of the sources used Feature stories portraying rounded individuals Treaty document
in the item, the number, gender and ethnicity of Success stories
cited and paraphrased sources, and the numbers that has no hint of
Stories describing individuals or groups
and content of any images used. making progress. partnership
Where ethnicity was not available from the Where the original coder was unsure, the whole in it.
article or the sources’ public statements, it was research group decided on this value judgement.
identified by asking the sources directly, or if Some stories contained a mix of “good” and
they were unavailable, their family members or “bad” news. For example, one about a PhD on Stephen Franks, 2004
close workmates. Spokespeople for individual Maori smoking was positive about the author but
politicians were assigned the ethnicity of that negative about the proportion of Maori smokers. It
politician. We did not attempt to identify the was coded as “bad” news, while a shorter version
ethnicity of journalists, columnists or other of the same story that focused only on the author
authors of stories. Where this was unknown, it was coded as “good” news.
was coded as “not stated”.
To analyse newspaper use of te reo Maori, one
One team member identified and coded whether team member identified every Maori word for
an item included only Pakeha sources, only which there is an alternative in English in all the
Maori sources, or a mix; the ordinal position items. For example, Rotorua was not counted,
of the sentence in which each source was but Maungawhau (Mt Eden) was. Pipi was not
first cited; and whether the item included counted but kai moana was. Names of iwi and
controversy. Following on from McGregor other Maori organisations, Maori events, course
and Comrie’s broadcasting study and Ranginui and job titles, flora and fauna, and many place
Walker’s chapter in What’s News?, stories were names were not counted. We did not count uses
also coded as “bad” news, including “bad” news of the word Maori.
for or about Maori; “good” news or “neutral”.
While many news items emphasise conflict However, iwi names were counted if they were
or negative issues, we wanted to provide a provided as part of an iwi affiliation not connected
MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 15ANALYSES
to the topic of the story. Variations in spelling From the transcript of the narrative for each
were noted. item, we identified the crux as it was presented
by the newsreader and examined how that core
The total number of different words and their
meaning was elaborated, usually by a reporter,
repetitions were then counted in the qualitative
through the visuals, background sound and the
computer research programme N6. Words were
use of pictured and reported sources.
coded according to where they appeared in the
item (for example, headline, intro/first paragraph, In focusing on the spoken elements of the text
or body of the item) and whether they were we were guided by researchers such as Butler
accompanied by a translation. and Nelson, who have shown that television
relies more on the spoken narrative than the
Virtually all Newspaper thematic visuals in competing for attention in busy
who now analysis process homes. According to those authors, a viewer’s
attention may be captured by a story’s images
call themselves Maori One team member scanned the articles and but their understanding of the item will be
sorted them into Word documents. Headlines, shaped by the edited relationships between
are more Pakeha
introductions, captions, summaries and drop words and pictures.
in their ethnicity.. quotes were identified; the sentence count and
page numbers were included with a description Corner says television news constructs
any dispassionate review
and count of any pictures. These documents compelling eyewitness experiences for viewers;
of the Treaty Abel says the nature of visuals may determine
were imported into QSR’s qualitative research
will conclude programme N6. whether or not an item is screened at all.
Atkinson argued in 1994 that an authoritative
that it didn’t guarantee a We used thematic analysis to identify ways in presence onscreen or pictorial opportunities
full-blooded Maori, which grammar, syntax, phrasing and article were more important for TVNZ news than
let alone someone more structure shaped the meanings of newspaper the potential to find or develop new stories or
items. That enabled us to describe the patterns angles. In the light of the importance of visuals
Pakeha than Maori of content used and the ideological frameworks and the small number of television items, we
164 years later, underpinning particular stories. We based our decided to focus on detailed case studies that
a right to preferential analysis on the development of this method by included 13 of the 20 items.
Wetherell and Potter in 1988; Nikander in 1995;
treatment Wetherell in 1998 and Edley in 2001.
over others. LIMITS OF OUR
One researcher repeatedly reread all the
Michael Bassett, 2004 newspaper items by topic to write a “first cut” METHOD AND
description of the construction and content of ANALYSIS
themes. The whole research team then worked
together to refine and strengthen the analyses of We acknowledge the exploratory nature of this
the emerging patterns. The team also selected pilot project. We learned much in the doing and
particular topics and coverage to analyse for in- refined our methodology to meet the demands
depth case studies, which were each written by of the items we collected and the unforeseen
one team member. possibilities that emerged.
Inevitably there are things that we will do
TELEVISION ANALYSIS better in the next year of the research, such as
collection instructions for our media monitoring
Twenty of the 21 news items fitted the criteria for contractors and the depth of visuals analysis
Maori stories. Four of the researchers worked on in TV items. Our process, in particular the
the television analysis, each taking responsibility peer review, included an intensive assessment
for several items. Each item was transcribed of ways in which we could improve our
and segmented by one team member to identify methodology.
changes of shot, speaker, on-screen visuals or
ambient sound. Researchers also watched news However, we are satisfied that our analysis,
items repeatedly to assess the interplay between combined with rigorous peer review by ten
visual images, ambient sound and the narrated journalists, researchers and educators, can be
story. relied upon as a valid critique of television news
and newspaper constructions of Maori stories in
Using the same criteria as the newspaper analysis, Aotearoa/New Zealand.
we assessed the use of te reo Maori. One team
member collated and categorised sources for The limits of our collection of items and
each story, distinguishing between those who analysis mean that this research is unable to
were referred to and those appearing in the edited comment on –
segments after the presenter’s introduction. The number of Maori stories compared to
other types of television news and newspaper
16 MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004stories during our sampling period items, for example Maori economic management
Maori stories as a proportion of the total and financial probity, compare with similar stories
number of television news and newspaper about non-Maori.
stories during our sampling period
The number of television news items we collected
Maori stories in television current affairs
was too small for any statistical analysis. Given
programmes
that this is a pilot project and that the television
Radio, magazines, internet and other
sample was small, we view our television figures
unsampled media news
as indicative only. We also view figures about any
Changes in any features of our analysis over
particular newspaper or television channel in the
time
same light.
How stories and themes identified in our
FINDINGS
TE REO MAORI kaumatua to an open day.
The Treaty was referred to by its Maori name
In newspapers once. Three stories gave the iwi affiliations
of people mentioned. There were some
Our keywords meant that we selected articles newly-coined combinations, such as pinga (a
about Maori issues or because they contained transliteration of pinger, money), cyberwaka and
particular Maori words. They were therefore “Nati Idol”, which reflected the interaction of the
more likely to contain words in te reo Maori two languages. We noted two uses of South Island
than articles in general. A little more than half forms; runaka and Kai Tahu.
of the 353 items included at least one word of
te reo Maori for which there was an English To determine each newspaper’s use of Maori,
alternative. we had to identify what proportion of stories
containing te reo Maori were provided from
A total of 151 different words, phrases, external sources. The New Zealand Herald had
sentences and proper names, including place the most stories (19) containing at least a word of
names and iwi affiliations, were used multiple te reo Maori for which an English alternative was
times, totalling more than 825 instances. We available. All but two originated with Herald staff.
counted 89 words that were translated at least These articles used a total of 20 different words Woolly
once, leaving 62 different words and phrases and phrases and translated five of them. Two of thinking
untranslated. those stories used te reo Maori in headlines and
politicians are
Iwi (188), powhiri (80) and, Pakeha (51) were six in the first paragraph.
the most frequent words, followed by marae, taking “principles”
The Gisborne Herald had 16 stories that were
hangi, hui, hikoi, waiata, tangata whenua, and richer in te reo Maori, using 36 words and phrases that have never
kapa haka. Some words commonly used in and translating only four. This newspaper also been defined from
New Zealand English, such as whanau, kuia, had a high proportion of original stories (13)
powhiri, tamariki, kaumatua, kura, hapu, a “living” document
about Maori issues, and Maori words appeared in
taonga, runanga and korowai, were each six headlines and nine first paragraphs. that changes
translated at least once. according to the
The Daily Post in Rotorua (13 stories), the
Seven complete sentences in te reo Maori were Dominion Post (11) and the Otago Daily Times political needs of
used, one in a headline. The headline “Ko (10) used similar numbers of Maori words (13 to the time!
Hikurangi te maunga, ko Waiapu te awa, ko 18) for which English alternatives were available.
Ngati Porou te iwi” was used untranslated by The Waikato Times (11 stories), the Wanganui
the Gisborne Herald above an article about Chronicle (10), the Press (9) and the Manawatu Winston Peters, 2003
a Ngati Porou festival, which also included a Standard (8) used slightly fewer Maori words (8
further sentence in Maori. Two untranslated to 12).
sentences appeared in one Bay of Plenty Times
Kapai’s Corner column. All the Dominion Post’s stories containing te reo
Maori were written by journalists working on
A further sentence, also untranslated, was the the paper, and these stories were often the source
final line in an invited Press article by the Chief of NZPA stories used by other papers. Other
Judge of the Waitangi Tribunal. A Nelson Mail regional papers generally used few words in te
supplement used a whakatauki and translation reo Maori and fewer than half were in stories
provided by a Maori business, Communis, originating with the paper.
and a tutor of te reo Maori used the language
with a translation in the Wairoa Star to invite The Westport News, the Southland Times,
MEDIA & TE TIRITI 2004 17You can also read
