Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in the Case of Canadian Serial Killer Robert Pickton Leigh-Anne Cui
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Chapter 3
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in the Case of
Canadian Serial Killer Robert Pickton
Leigh-Anne Cui
But no one knew who she was. No one was reported missing who might be this
victim […] The woman remained ‘Jane Doe’ and her skull would rest in a box in a
police evidence locker for seven more years. (Stevie Cameron, 2011)
Indigenous women belong to one of the most marginalized communities in
Canadian society, and the number of missing and murdered Indigenous women in
Canada is also disproportionately high compared to non-Indigenous women
(Oppal, 2013). Indigenous women struggle with social and economic
disadvantages, such as poverty, substance addiction, mental health issues, and
racism. These factors make them more vulnerable to victimization (Ursel, 2001).
A discussion of missing and murdered Indigenous women, using the case of Robert
Pickton’s serial murders in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, will serve to examine
how racism and sexism led to the extreme apathy of the Vancouver Police
Department (VPD). Subsequently, the proposal of an alternate universe in which a
compassionate police force works without bias for every person may reveal how
earlier acknowledged missing person reports may have prevented the deaths of
numerous innocent women from the hands of a serial killer.
Robert Pickton, “The Pig Farmer Killer”
Robert William Pickton was a Canadian serial killer who was convicted of the
second-degree murders of six women, although he was originally charged with 27
29The Forensic Science Alternate Universe
counts of first-degree murder (R v Pickton, 2010). He owned a pig farm in Port
Coquitlam, east of Vancouver, British Columbia. Throughout the 1970s to 1980s,
most of British Columbia’s sex workers and people suffering from homelessness
and drug addiction were concentrated in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, as it
was the only place where they were welcome and could afford to live (Cameron,
2011). This is where Pickton regularly visited in the early 1980s, to dump discarded
animal parts at a rendering plant nearby. He was fascinated by the biker bars,
clubhouses, and women, and began picking up sex workers and bringing them back
to his pig farm. It was also during this time that women, many of whom were
Indigenous, began to go missing. The first was Linda Grant, in 1984, followed by
many more as the years went on (Cameron, 2011).
By 1989, a group of the victims’ friends and families and advocates for sex
workers had come together to lobby the police for investigation on the missing
women, but without any effect. Vancouver police failed to initiate an investigation
of any kind for the reports of the missing women. Police knew that an unusual
number of women were going missing, but were uninterested in their
disappearances because they were sex workers. Police do not prioritize searches for
missing sex workers, especially if they are Indigenous, simply because their lives
are not viewed to be as valuable as those of middle-class white women or men (Lee
& Reid, 2018). Therefore police apathy, along with high victimization rates of
Indigenous women and sex workers, contributed to the high body count on the
Pickton farm.
It was not until 2002 that police obtained a warrant to search Pickton’s
property for firearm violations, where they found human remains and personal
belongings of the missing women (Cameron, 2011).
High Rates of Victimization among Indigenous Women and Sex Workers
Vulnerability of Indigenous Women in Canada
Victimization among Indigenous communities is extremely high in Canada, as
Indigenous people, particularly women, are much more likely to suffer from
domestic abuse, violence, and drug addiction. According to Brzozowski and
colleagues (2006), simply being an Indigenous person significantly increases one’s
likelihood of being vulnerable to violent crimes (3.5 times more likely than non-
30Missing & Murdered Indigenous Women: The Case of Robert Pickton
Indigenous women). One explanation is the ‘trauma theory’, which states that the
recent victimization of Indigenous peoples by the Canadian government (i.e.,
through residential schools, forced removal of children from their families, etc.)
creates trauma that is passed down from generation to generation. This leads to
increased social disorder in Indigenous communities (Ursel, 2001). These social
disorders include domestic abuse, violence, drug and alcohol addiction, and
suicide, which are all factors that contribute to one’s level of vulnerability (Ursel,
2001).
A study by Cohen and colleagues (2009) compared cases of Indigenous and
non-Indigenous missing persons in British Columbia. In the sample examined by
the researchers, Indigenous persons were significantly overrepresented in missing
person cases where foul play was not ruled out. Most Indigenous women studied
in this sample were struggling with addiction (86.8 percent), and nearly one-third
were dealing with homelessness. In addition, Indigenous people were reported
missing to the police on average 590.9 days after they were last seen, compared to
249.1 days for non-Indigenous people (Cohen et al., 2009).
Victimization is also highly under-reported among these marginalized
groups. In the context of Canada’s colonial history, there exists a chronic strained
relationship between the Indigenous peoples and authority, due to their
marginalized status (Brzozowski et al., 2006). In a survey regarding police
performance that was administered to both Indigenous and non-Indigenous
respondents, it was found that Indigenous people were less likely to give police a
good rating for actions such as treating people fairly, ensuring the safety of citizens,
and responding promptly to calls (Brzozowski et al., 2006). This can be attributed
to the fact that Indigenous people are more likely to experience discrimination from
the police. The authors reviewed surveys regarding individuals’ perceptions of
experiences of discrimination based on characteristics such as race, ethnicity, and
sex (Brzozowski et al., 2006). Results indicated that Indigenous respondents
reported more experiences of discrimination when dealing with the police
compared to non-Indigenous respondents (7% higher).
The nature of various surveys used to collect data on missing persons has
not been inclusive of people of Aboriginal identity. For example, the Homicide
Survey is a survey by Statistics Canada which collects police-reported data on types
of homicide cases and characteristics of the victims and accused. A question to
indicate whether one is of Aboriginal identity, however, had not been included in
31The Forensic Science Alternate Universe
the survey until 1997 (Statistics Canada, 2017). Before the implementation of this
question, Aboriginal identity was largely indicated as ‘unknown’ for about half of
all victims of homicide, meaning that the actual number of victims of Aboriginal
identity is likely underreported by police services (Statistics Canada, 2017).
Therefore, there exists a significant lack of awareness about Indigenous
victimization, which may lead to discrimination from authority, institutional bias,
and public indifference.
Vulnerability of Sex Workers
Sex workers have always been easy targets of serial killers due to their movement
between police jurisdictions and unregulated areas, as well as the stigma associated
with sex work (Lee & Reid, 2018). In the missing persons of BC comparison study
by Cohen and colleagues (2009), more than three-quarters of missing Indigenous
women in the sample were sex workers. FBI research has shown that the murders
of sex workers can be hard to solve, based on the covert nature of their activities
and daily interaction with numerous strangers. These factors, along with negative
biases about their ‘risky lifestyle’, make it difficult to obtain any critical
information related to their disappearance (Cohen et al., 2009).
What Failed the Missing and Murdered Women: Institutional Bias and Police
Apathy
Pickton targeted those known as the “less dead”, referring to victims of murder
whose cases are not investigated by the police and not covered by the media
(Cameron, 2011). This is often because of their marginalized backgrounds. For
example, individuals of racial and ethnic minorities, sex workers, and individuals
suffering from mental health issues, poverty, and/or addiction (Oppal, 2013).
The Vancouver Police Department (VPD) had a long history of apathy
against murder cases involving prostitutes due to the stigma associated with sex
work. As a result, missing sex workers were often seen as “throwaways” and police
made no efforts to investigate (Cameron, 2011). Even when pressured by families
of the missing women, Vancouver police often tried to come up with reasons not
to investigate, such as a changed identity to run away and start a new life, a possible
marriage, or even suicide (Cameron, 2011).
32Missing & Murdered Indigenous Women: The Case of Robert Pickton
The Report of Missing Women Commission of Inquiry of 2013 lists
multiple critical failures of the police. The failures identified in the report include
poor report-taking and follow-up on reports of missing women, failure to adhere to
Major Case Management guidelines and policies, and failure to consider and pursue
investigative strategies (Oppal, 2013). An example of the above-listed failures was
shown in the case of one of Pickton’s victims, Sandra Gail, in 1997. Gail fought
for her life after Pickton handcuffed and stabbed her multiple times, and she was
able to run away and get to a nearby emergency room, with the handcuff still
attached to her wrist (Cameron, 2011). She informed investigators that Pickton had
attacked her back at his pig farm in Coquitlam, BC, and Pickton, who was also
being treated for stab wounds inflicted during the fight, was found with keys to the
handcuffs by doctors at the hospital. After learning that Gail was a sex worker with
a history of drug use, police declined to follow up on the case and chose not to
pursue any criminal charges against Pickton (Lee & Reid, 2018). This example is
just one of the many times the Vancouver Police Department failed to do anything
about the missing women in the Downtown Eastside, simply because of their
identity and occupation.
Another example of police apathy in the Pickton case was the VPD’s
reluctance to acknowledge the possibility of a serial killer in BC and subsequent
failure to stop a series of murders. In fact, the Police Inspector, Fred Biddlecombe,
insisted that it was a waste of time to consider and expend resources on a serial
killer investigation (Cameron, 2011). The Report of Missing Women Commission
of Inquiry refers to a review that identifies various challenges in police
investigations of serial predators, including the police’s inability to manage large
amounts of information and unwillingness to admit the presence of a serial killer in
their jurisdiction (Oppal, 2013). Although these challenges were indeed present in
the Pickton case, the Vancouver Police had plenty of resources and opportunities
to begin an investigation. For instance, in 1991, the Royal Canadian Mounted
Police (RCMP) created Project Eclipse, in which a team of profiling experts
collaborated and brainstormed potential serial killer profiles for the missing women
of the Downtown Eastside (Cameron, 2011). They analyzed and sorted prostitute
disappearances into groups, based on the various linkages between them, and
indicated to the VPD that there was at least one potential serial killer responsible
for the numerous disappearances of these women. The VPD chose not to start an
investigation, because of time and resource costs, sheer laziness, and most of all,
33The Forensic Science Alternate Universe
Project Eclipse failed to change their biases about sex workers and Indigenous
women (Cameron, 2011).
Alternative Timeline – A Compassionate Police Force
This timeline uses the recommendations made by W.T. Oppal in the Pickton
inquiry, “Forsaken: the report of the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry”, to
create an alternate scenario in which the Vancouver Police Department was a
compassionate police force that treated everyone equally, without discrimination
or biases.
In the alternate timeline, when Linda Grant, Pickton's first known victim,
went missing in 1984, Vancouver police adhered to proper policing standards when
dealing with missing person reports. Vancouver Police understood that there should
be no barriers to reporting a missing person, that it was their responsibility to accept
the report, and that they should begin investigations right away (BCPPS 5.1
Missing Persons Investigations, 2016). The missing person report of Grant was
taken by the VPD Missing Persons Unit directly, rather than being passed on to
them by the Communications Centre as it was in the original timeline (Cameron,
2011). This ensured that there were no barriers to reporting a missing person and
that report-taking was prompt and efficient. Proper report-taking allowed the police
to have all the necessary information needed to proceed with the investigation, and
minimized the time delay between the disappearance and the report of the
disappearance (Oppal, 2013).
Upon receiving the missing person report of Grant, police treated the case
with a sense of urgency and began the investigation right away. The initial
investigation consisted of interviewing the reporter(s), to obtain information such
as the time and date Grant was last seen, the clothing she was wearing, and whether
she was seen with someone shortly before she disappeared. Police then made basic
database entries and searches (e.g., police databases, welfare records, etc.) to see if
more information about Grant could be obtained (Oppal, 2013). Police also
dispatched officers to Grant’s last known residence to interview possible friends,
family, and acquaintances (Oppal, 2013).
Vancouver Police then conducted prompt follow-up investigations, instead
of allowing gaps (that lasted up to years) in the investigation, as they did in the
original case. Police conducted more interviews with the missing person’s family,
34Missing & Murdered Indigenous Women: The Case of Robert Pickton
friends, and associates, and followed up on tips about potential suspects or persons
of interest. They also distributed missing person posters throughout the community
to generate possible leads and information (Oppal, 2013). In addition to conducting
follow-ups for the purpose of investigation, police kept regular and frequent contact
with the family members of the missing to provide them with adequate support and
guidance through the trauma of having a loved one go missing. Although they were
unable to locate a suspect initially, when two more women went missing in the
following year, 1985, police were able to identify linkages between the cases due
to effective report-taking and follow-ups, and they deemed Robert Pickton as a
person of interest.
Initial Effect
By acting with compassion and treating every missing person equally, regardless
of their race, ethnicity, gender, etc., Vancouver Police were able to conduct
thorough investigations for the missing persons and locate the suspect. They
promptly arrested Pickton and charged him, keeping his body count at three. The
family members of the victims were able to receive closure for the death of their
loved ones and did not have to deal with the trauma that comes with ambiguous
loss. The families also kept their faith in the criminal justice system and police
force.
Future Effects
Bringing a serial killer to justice restored the Downtown Eastside community’s
sense of safety. It also gave Indigenous communities more faith in authority and
the criminal justice system. The Pickton case brought to light the increased risk of
harm to Indigenous women and sex workers, as well as the issue of
overrepresentation of Indigenous women in Canada’s missing persons. As a result,
police forces became more educated in the struggles of marginalized groups. They
learned to tailor their response and resource-designation appropriately in missing
person investigations, depending on each individual’s profile. The VPD’s handling
of the Pickton case also prompted the province of British Columbia to make the
procedures the VPD took into a set of general guidelines for future missing person
cases. The guidelines were known as the British Columbia Missing Provincial
35The Forensic Science Alternate Universe
Policing Standards for missing person investigations. In reality, these guidelines
were not established in BC until 2016, but in the alternate timeline, a compassionate
police force would deem it appropriate and necessary to create these general
guidelines so that missing person investigations could proceed more quickly and
efficiently.
Conclusion
Police have a duty to enforce and maintain law and order and to prevent crime.
Within an equality rights framework, they must remain impartial and provide
service to everyone, regardless of their race, ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation
(Oppal, 2013). The Vancouver police failed to protect the lives of dozens of
innocent women in the Robert Pickton serial murders, as a result of the racism and
sexism embedded in Canadian culture and police forces. It is up to the police force
and Canadian society to understand that Indigenous women are at an increased risk
of harm and that they are significantly overrepresented in the number of missing
and murdered women throughout Canada. In an alternate timeline, if a
compassionate police force had been educated about the struggles of Indigenous
women and sex workers as marginalized individuals and understood how their
disadvantages contribute to their vulnerability to victimization, they may have been
able to prevent the high body count on the Pickton farm.
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Aboriginal population in Vancouver's missing women. Vintage Canada.
Canada. Juristat, 26(3), 1–31.
Cohen, I.M., Plecas D., & McCormick, A.V.
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