RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
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RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND
IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
Biruta Melliņa-Flood
birutaflood@gmail.com
Word countbl.com
Key words: early modern Livonia, medievalism, nostalgia, Heimatkunde, cultural
intertextuality
This article is a short extract from the Prelude to the main body of my PhD dissertation
in progress. The topic of the dissertation is: “Riga as a Work of Art with Emphasis on the
Implications of Medievalism: 1857–1910”. It is a phenomenological study based on visual
primary evidence.
To interpret the implications of medievalism in Riga, it is necessary to focus on medieval
reception in the Russian Province of Livonia in the previous century, which the nineteenth
century looked back to when building a modern city out of the old. This paper identifies the
medievalist impulse at a crucial time in its history as part of the reconstitution of the lost
fatherland. It suggests nostalgia as the underlying psychological precondition of medieval-
ism and links Heimatkunde (research of the fatherland) to a new collective cultural identity
formation, sometimes referred to in scholarship as Kulturnation.
Reconstituting the Fatherland in mation history. Ignoring and sometimes ob-
Early Modern Livonia scuring the origins of the city of Riga as part
Identifying the medievalist impulse in the of a Papal foundation linked to Cistercians
local “soil” is particularly necessary since and Crusading Knights or its Hanseatic herit-
there is a lack of medieval reception studies age, that the 19th century looked back on,
by those who write on Gothic Revival archi- has led to misleading interpretations of the
tecture of Riga in ways that would reveal Riga urban environment my doctoral dissertation
as a self-referential place. Using medievalism discusses.
to enter into this debate entails more than My methodology also relies on medieval
the use of and response to the medieval past reception theory which includes the psy-
and the scholarly study of these responses.1 chological role sensorial imagination played
My use includes the influence of the study of when reconstituting an imagined ‘medieval’
medievalism on later society. modern world in practice. For this I borrow
Scholars also hesitate to engage in discus- reception theory from eighteenth century
sion about anxieties and ensuing value con- German literary criticism, namely Herder’s
flicts driving the formation of a new identity (Johann Gottfried Herder, 1744–1803),
of the homeland in ways that would respond revolutionary theory of poesie als praxis, a
to the complexity of the various relationships pre-conscious bodily sensation that can only
within society; nor do these scholars include be expressed in artistic form applicable for
local attitudes to medievalism or pre-Refor- raising consciousness.2 My methodology is
21
RAKSTI 2019. gads 73. sējums 2. numurs
further based on Herder’s relativist theory the seventeen-forties.12 It can be said that
of culture and anthropological model of phi- Livonia had its own roots for generating me-
losophy of history, as well as his psychologi- dievalism. Maybe we can explain it if we ap-
cal theory of Einfühlung in historico-cultural proach it as an expression of nostalgia for a
studies; a subject-object inter-relationship, lost part of self-identity.
since developed by others, notably Hans- I use Edward Casey’s (b. 1939) definition
Georg Gadamer (1900–2002), as cultural of nostalgia as the desire for continuity of “a
reception hermeneutics.3 past we cannot rejoin” or “re-experience” in
Generally, scholars who treat Gothic Re- person, but which has left tantalising rem-
vival as a change in taste, argue that it was nants in the present. Remembering, in this
preceded by literary reception.4 For the Latvia case is “a combination of … presence and
region it is believed there are no texts for me- absence … imagination and memory” to form
dieval reception, or if there were, they have a “world-under-nostalgment”. This world is a
been destroyed. This leads me to note that the present “world which includes a nostalgic
French began by reviving chivalric tales5, Ger- one”, one in which remnants are “directly
mans the Minnenlieder6, and inventing Ruin- present to sensuous intuition”. 13
enpoesie7; the Scots simulated legitimation in In support of my argument the follow-
Bardic poetry8; but the English rhapsodised ing primary sources will be used: Herder’s
about ancient “Gothick Stile” and “gothick” Journal of 1769;14 Gruber’s (Johann Daniel
law9; while Scandinavian Sagas were al- Gruber, 1686–1748) Origines Livoniae …
ready revived in the seventeenth century.10 (1740);15 visual material from Brotze’s
But Herder joined the medieval discourse of (Johann Christoph Brotze, 1742–1823)
chivalry through popularphilosophie11, and Monumente … (1790s);16 Mellin’s (Count
Wolfgang von Goethe was converted from Ludwig August Mellin, 1754–1835) Atlas …
Classicist forms producing uniformity by the (1798);17 and Maydell’s (Ludwig von
vision of Strasbourg Cathedral. This raises the Maydell, 1795–1846) Die Bilder zur livlän-
question, what literary sources are admissible dischen Geschichte (1839);18 and contem-
for generating medievalism. poraneous quotations from August Wilhelm
I suggest the medievalist impulse in Livo- Hupel (1737–1819), Friedrich Konrad Gade-
nia can be found in the aftermath of the Great busch (1719–1788) and Garlieb Helwig
Northern War (1700–1721); a traumatic Merkel (1769–1850).
caesura in Livonia’s history that elicited nos- I argue that in the play of power in the
talgia for the lost fatherland. The search and Baltic Basin, in which Sweden was forced to
reconstitution of the fatherland can then be cede Livonia to Russia in the Great Northern
grounded in a medievalist impulse in a com- (1709–1721) that dislocated Livonia into
monly shared historical event and at a per- the Russian sphere of influence, was a ca-
sonally psychological and emotional level. tastrophe of such overwhelming proportions
that it caused a lasting break in the history
Nostalgia for the lost fatherland of Livonia.19 Being moved from the eastern-
Generally, while major nations in the most front of Europe to become the west-
eighteenth century were still looking to the ernmost outpost of a great Asian Empire,
Antique Mediterranean civilisation and a I argue, provided the psychological rift from
Judeo-Christian world of the East for mod- within which a strong longing arose for the
els worthy of emulation, historians in Livonia lost fatherland.
were developing a methodology of Heimat- And, although favourable conditions
kunde anchored in their own past already in were achieved at the Nysteader Peace Treaty
22
RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
(1721), the need to maintain at least a publishing foundation-histories and recording
minimum of autonomy through diplomatic the Livonian cultural landscape.
vigilance had to be continued at the court
through the cultivation of an internationally Herder and the new
recognised Livonian Landtag (Diet).20 Some consciousness for the medieval
modern scholarship even considers the capit- past
ulation Treaty of 1721 to be unconstitutional. Herder, who came to Riga from Königs-
Edgars Dunsdorfs (1904–2002) has said berg in 1764 and spent four years teaching
that the agreement stood on insecure grounds and publishing his seminal ideas there, cap-
because the Ritterschaft (matriculated nobil- tures that feeling of dislocation and loss in
ity) were not the legitimate representatives of his diary as he departs Riga in 1769.27 He
Livonia and it was merely convenient for Pe- describes it as a certain feeling of depletion.
ter the Great to strike an agreement with this The old Cathedral was still hidden behind
fictitious State.21 He says that Livonia’s entry a clutter of cleaving buildings, the guildhalls,
into the Russian Empire as a “State within a which operated on medieval statutes, pre-
State”, namely a legally self-governing State ferred the look of Dutch Baroque for their
within the Swedish Kingdom, was a fictitious gables, and the Teutonic Order Castle was
pretence.22 draped in a mantle of serenity. But Herder
More recently, the historian, Roger Bartlett was not focused on the urban landscape —
(1950), has suggested that the legal status he notes a rupture in human history — what
of the Nystaeder agreement which promised has been identified as the first inkling of a
a certain amount of autonomy and respect new consciousness for the medieval past.28
for cultural and religious continuity, was little And although his biographer, Rudolf
“more than a unilaterally imposed settlement Haym (1821–1901), described Riga as hav-
[but] less than an international treaty … ap- ing “a lively hierarchy of interlocking institu-
proximating to the contracts made between tions … all taking a share in power and re-
electoral princes and their subjects in the sponsibility”29, Herder, in the privacy of his
Holy Roman Empire”.23 In fact, negotiations diary, as I will show, notes Riga as depleted,
for Provincial autonomy were often aggravat- and that the free spirit of the Hanseatic trad-
ed in anticipation of one-sided developments ing cities in the Baltic Basin generally had
with despotic rulers of Russia.24 vanished.30
The continued procrastinations by Russia World events since the discovery of the
to evacuate from parts of Livonia by 1721 as New World had affected this small corner of
agreed and the continued efforts by Sweden the world, and the golden age of Hanseatic
to regain territories lost in the Baltic; the in- trade was forgotten not only in Riga, Visby
troduction of Russian Orthodoxy as the State on Gotland, and Lübeck, but in the whole of
religion; the removal of the Lutheran Con- northern Europe — as Herder notes. Visu-
sistorium to St Petersburg, and the height- alising the spirit of the past as, what Casey
ened tension between the Lutheran Church describes as “a way of being in the world”,
and Slavophiles25, are some of the highlights Herder feels its absence.31 He says he de-
which continue to be discussed in the nine- sires the “magic” and “spirit” of old Riga, to
teenth century. 26 the point that it leads him to exclaim: “old
A need to restore self-confidence and freedom of Riga, where is it!”32 further ex-
maintain at least a minimum of autonomy pressed as absence: “Jetzt, Riga, was ists
and continuity of Livonia’s constitutional jetz! Arm, und mehr als arm, elend. Die
rights, I argue, led to a passionate interest in Stadt hat nichts“33; is soon inverted again,
23RAKSTI 2019. gads 73. sējums 2. numurs
when in poetic mood his thoughts take on a Dietrich Irmscher (b. 1929) points out, the
more positive quality of a fairy tale by Charles combination of “body, mind, soul and senses
Perrault (1628–1703).34 He considers: “Wie apprehend the world and participate in syn-
gross, wenn ich aus Riga eine glückliche thesising perceived information”.43
Stadt mache!”35; and that someone ought Casting his gaze to the future, Herder is
to awaken her and at least write a history of enabled to imagine further compensatory
how this freedom was lost.36 solutions; which corresponds with what Irm-
As a compensation for losing his job,37 scher indicates for later passages in Herder’s
Herder finds that sailing on the open see work. Irmscher says the past does not merely
into an unknown future, somewhere between have an antiquarian interest for Herder but is
dreaming and wakefulness, his fantasy en- filled with nascent possibilities. He says the
ters a realm of freedom in the world of Goths, past plays an important hermeneutic role for
Vikings and Norsemen with their amazing Herder as a bridge into the future.44
deeds, sailing the Baltic.38 He embodies this As the diary further unfolds, finding it dif-
experience as his spirits lift to the imagined ficult to anchor onto his personal identity (be-
sound of scalds drifting across the water and cause he presently lacked hearth and home)
he wishes he could have lived there long ago Herder distances himself by submerging into
“in solchen dunklen trüben Gegenden”.39 an imaginary world of medieval Goths and Vi-
Precisely as his former teacher, Imannuel kings. Eventually, by abstracting his personal
Kant (1724–1804), who evaluated nostalgia dejection into a collective historical allegory,
as a disturbed imagination, said; the desire Herder’s imagination plays a powerful part in
inherent in nostalgia can be a positive drive resolving his desire — love of the fatherland.
whereby “we have recourse to imagination Like Baltic Germans in Riga, and dis-
just where perceiving … fails us”.40 In the enfranchised ethnic groups in other parts
first example Herder’s disturbed imagination of Europe, Herder with his contemporaries,
produced a primary image of Riga in a state Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729–1781)
of depletion, and in the present. Through a and Georg Hamann (1730–1788)45, had
process of sublimation his imagination then been engaged in a search for German (using
created a substitute secondary image of Riga, deutsch and not the latinised ‘germanic’) cul-
as a “magical” place of imagined freedom an- tural roots to invigorate the “depleted spirit
chored in a known time in the past. In the of the nation”.46 And, as Irmscher also says,
second example Herder was thus temporarily he did so by promoting an authentic German
able to transcend his present loss by an im- (deutsch) spirit. He did so on the basis of his
aginary transformation in time. anthropological model of culture; recognised
In the second example, the phenomeno- as an important turning point in cultural
logical aspect of generating ideas consisted theory and a contribution to the philosophy
in embodying the forces of nature: the force of history and literary criticism — therefore,
of the wind, smell of the salt breeze and the important factors in preparing the intellectual
sound of water lapping against the ship. Here soil for the emergence of ‘Gothic’ as a positive
we witness his corporeal awareness, which value in the German sphere.
he develops into a new theory of embodied Herder’s idea of ‘nation’ in this case
knowledge41, namely that images located in should not be misunderstood as national-
sensation are prior to and therefore stronger ism.47 Herder theorised cultural particular-
than rational capacities or logically or con- ism based on a Biblical patriarchal model of
ceptually, inspired.42 Both examples reflect wisdom and as passed down within a spe-
Herder’s belief, as Goethe scholar, Hans cific cultural context.48 Doing so he not only
24RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
reintroduced religion into the argument as “kleinen wilden Völker” and reshaped post-
a critique of Enlightenment Humanism, but Roman Europe to become equal among other
also positioned himself against contemporary Commonwealths.54 Thus inverting the Italian
absolutist regimes; against Winckelmann’s Renaissance version of Germanic medieval
(Johann Joachim Winckelmann, 1717– history Herder resurrects a version of German
1768) argument for imitation and supremacy historiography begun in the sixteenth cen-
of Greek civilisation; as well as the Euro- tury.55 According to Sonja Brough, the Salian
centrism of a Renaissance theory of culture Emperors “transformed the Roman Empire
based on the belief that man progresses to on German soil”56, but Herder may have been
peaks (but retaining the Renaissance search thinking of Theoderic (also known as Theo-
for a pre-lapsarian state of mankind); and deric the Great, 554–526 AD), the barbar-
he argued against Vico’s (Giambattista Vico, ian Emperor who challenged Romanitas and
1668–1744) relativist, yet cyclic, theory of transformed Imperial power on German soil,
development of three phases of civilisation for he also said, “Theoderik (Dietrich von
culminating in the Age of Reason.49 As Nor- Bern) ist der Stifter dieses Reichs”.57
ton (Robert Edward Norton, b. 1969) says,
Herder introduced “historical relativism into The ‘Origines Livoniae’
an era that until then had judged the past as By remarkable coincidence, the introduc-
an imperfect prelude to the superiority exem- tory remarks to the founding document of the
plified by its own age”.50 Papal State that became known as Livonia,
For Herder there were no barbarians. What the Origines resembles the above thoughts
Herder proposed was a revolutionary change of Herder. There is little “left to be desired
in Enlightenment thinking. Claiming that: in this description of Livonia’s religious and
Die Kunst scheint unter allen Völkern, secular origins”58, writes Gruber (Johann
welche dieselbe geübt haben, auf gleiche Daniel Gruber, 1686–1748), chancellor
Art entsprungen zu sein, und man hat of Hannover, in his dedication to George II
nicht Grund genug, ein besonderes Va- (King of Great Britain, 1683–1760) in 1739:
terland derselben anzugeben: den den “Few commonwealths, as far as I know, are
ersten Samen zum Notwendigen hat ein graced with such a description of their origins
jedes Volk bei sich gefunden.51 as Livonia”.59 In phrasing and the idea of us-
His enthusiasm for Latvian folk songs, for ing the past to legitimise the present, Gru-
instance, is largely responsible for the preser- ber’s words strike similarities with Herder’s
vation of two million Latvian dainas (contain- ideas of rejuvenating a depleted German na-
ing its mythological pre-Christian pantheon) tion. Gruber visualises it as a Lockean (John
collected in the eighteenth and nineteenth Locke, 1632–1704) case study of how a
centuries.52 ‘state of nature’ becomes and organised so-
Returning to his diary we see how his im- ciety: “a people that had previously been ig-
agination and the new landscape with its as- norant of any amenities of society received
sociations had assisted him to transform neg- its first government and jurisdiction from the
ative thoughts by turning to the wellspring of priests, and formed into a just and civil com-
Nordic culture. The sight of Gotland and the monwealth”60; precisely what Herder said of
Pomeranian coastline reminded him to think the Gothic Tribes.61
of the history of the Great Migration Tribes The circumstances of this publication are
and Goths. He notes their roots in the collec- worth noting. It appeared in the Royal Library
tive Gothic of the Nordic nations, citing that of Hannover in 1739 as a manuscript frag-
they formed “eine gesittete Nation“53 from a ment, known as the Codex Oxenstierna (of
25RAKSTI 2019. gads 73. sējums 2. numurs
Swedish provenance). That the manuscript gion prior to the German.68 A special com-
was donated anonymously in itself seems memoration by Napiersky (Karl Eduard von
more than a propitious coincidence because Napiersky, 1793–1864) appeared a hundred
in 1740 Sweden was withdrawing its last years later,69 and in 1853 and 1857 August
troops from Finland — forced to abandon all Hansen republished Arndt’s 1753 version,
attempts at regaining territories lost to Rus- which remained effective into the early 20th
sia.62 Furthermore, Gruber arranged its Ger- century.70
man translation by Arndt (Johann Gottfried Herder would have empathised with
Arndt, 1713–1767) from Livonia; probably Rigan strategies for reinvigorating patriotism.
known to Gruber from their student days in I suggest, knowing the translator, in whose
Halle. Both renditions were jointly published Gelehrte Beytärge he had published, and
there in 1747.63 knowing the rhetoric surrounding the Origi-
Cultural historian, Andrejs Johansons nes, he turned to medieval historiography of
(1922–1983) already in 1975 indicated that the Great Migration Tribes to revive sixteenth-
this chronicle was used for political purpos- century German historiography and invigor-
es.64 Primarily a missionary chronicle typi- ate the depleted German nation.71
cal of thirteenth century conversion ideology
in Central Europe and Cistercian concerns Heimatkunde Intertextuality
for pastoral care, Gruber’s interpretation of Kulturnation
events was eminently suited for Baltic Ger- A narrative of the fatherland only makes
mans who were claiming autonomy in the sense in the context of other narratives and
years following absorption into the Russian in tensions between them.72 In Livonia,
Empire. The rhetoric the Origines subse- a number of people: clergymen, lawyers,
quently spawned was aimed at maintaining academics, publishers, landowners, mostly
the privilege of self-government at the fore- educated abroad, both German and Baltic
front of discussion to insure the Nystaeder Germans, such as Hupel (August Wilhelm
Peace Treaty (1721) was not what Dunsdorfs Hupel, 1737–1819), Brotze, Mellin, Merkel,
called, just a “hollow promise”.65 and many others, took a Humanist interest
An extended edition in German transla- in Heimatkunde. Their published work forms
tion by Arndt in 1753 was published, for part of my wider research. It can be inter-
the “worst misfortune for a once renowned preted as interest in reinvigorating a sense of
State” would be “forgetting its ancestral vir- identity, or what has been called a ‘Kulturna-
tue — before it fell under alien domination”.66 tion’ by some scholars.
It became a most popular text, quoted in Intellectually it required imagination and
nearly every subsequent historical account of effort and was achieved through dialogue
the history of Livonia. Published for popular between different discourses transmitted
consumption it became the most influential through text, image, cultural object and per-
source for instilling “knowledge of the father- formance, four typologies involved in cultural
land and patriotic fervour in the younger gen- construction, as theorised by Jan Assmann
eration and Russians who knew nothing of (b. 1938) and initiated by Lotman (Yuri
the history of Livonia”.67 A history by Count Mikhalovich Lotman, 1922–1993).73 The
du Bray (François Gabriel de Bray, 1765– narrative of the fatherland can also be under-
1832) in French for the court of St Peters- stood by introducing the theory of intertextu-
burg, dedicated to Alexander I (Emperor of ality. Intertextuality is a close approximation
Russia between 1801 and 1825), included to collective cultural identity formation and
the history of Russian presence in the re- involves the hermeneutic of Einfühlung, a
26RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
subject–object inter-relationship theorized by historian, Miroslav Hroch (b. 1932), that
Herder, as said above. Merkel’s translations into Latvian were used
In a heterogeneous cultural environment, for political purposes by neo-Hegelians to
such as Livonia, collective memory will be incite antagonism toward the ruling class in
divergent. For instance, where different el- the last stages of the peasants’ march to free-
ements from separate ‘texts’ collide, their dom.82 In the eighteenth century, as Johan-
juxtapositions can produce tensions at the sons notes, neither Herder nor Merkel, who
boundary. Then, as mediation takes place wrote in German, nor others who espoused
new types begin to form a secondary ‘text’ to similar ideas in Livonia, like Snell (Karl Philip
emerge which may lead to a reversal of the Michael Snell, 1753–1806), Jannau (Jo-
former oppositions as a form of Wechselseit- hann von Jannau, 1753–1821) and Friebe
iger Kulturtrasfer (reciprocal cultural trans- (Wilhelm Christian Friebe, 1761–1811),
fer).74 In parallelisms, on the other hand, the publicly promoted polarisation between cul-
boundary can be thought of as permeable tures — between ‘us’ and ‘them’. It was still
and continuity and change as organic. an Enlightenment period undertaken with ad-
For instance, the Origines continued to be vocacy for reforms in human rights to elevate
used to legitimise foundation history and as and acculturate the peasants by improving
a major source for rebuking earlier versions their education and moral standing in the
of Aufsegelung, namely discovery of Livonia process.83 The aim, as I understand it, was
by merchants prior to Crusader conquest.75 to warn landlords of how their exploitation of
However, Merkel, son of a second-generation serfs would rebound.84
Baltic German clergyman, overturned both In a recent reference to the Origines, Ste-
versions. According to former East German fan Donecker (b. 1997) reframes Gruber’s
historian Erich Wilhelm Donnert (1928– legalistic Rousseau-like idea of the “crucial
2016), the idealistically youthful Merkel, in- moment in history where the so-called ‘state
spired by “harmonischen Naturzustand der of nature’85 of Latvians is transformed into
Menschen”, who was convicted by the ideas a civilised, organised and lawful common-
of ‘Contract social’ and critical of the effect of wealth,” into a more humanist and culturally
European colonisation was having on native anthropological framework.86 This resonates
populations overseas, criticised the medieval with eighteenth century natural law philoso-
and early modern ‘German’ colonisation of phy, with a positive evaluation of primitive
Latvians as slavery.76 Donnert suggests Mer- cultures of the New World, and the search for
kel argued that subjugation hindered the free authenticity in a pre-lapsarian state of nature,
and natural development of Latvians.77 at home and abroad.87 (Robert Lloyd Norton
Johansons, on the other hand, explained (b. 1972), for instance, mentions Johann
Merkel’s work as a turn about in values and Georg Hamann and British critic, Thomas
an example of imported Western Enlighten- Brown (1778–1820), who thought that civi-
ment rationalism with its negative evaluation lised society was in need of reinvigoration,
of the Middle Ages.78 He dismissed Merkel as as: “overcultivation of rational faculties had
a polemist who utilised the Origines and other destroyed the ability of man to see the divine
medieval sources for pseudo-scholarly arti- in nature”.88
cles79 and fantasised novels80; in other words, Two examples of mission to barbar-
in the prevailing manner of a Gothic novel, ians in the North as imagined in a ‘state
and a significant effort at medievalism.81 of nature’; one by Johann Wilhelm Krause
It was not until the 1850s, identified as a (1757–1828) and another interpretation
phase of political identity building by cultural based on the Origines by Maydell will illustrate
27RAKSTI 2019. gads 73. sējums 2. numurs
a supposed pre-lapsarian world of non-tribal In Krause’s etching (Fig. 1), the figures on
primitivism as depicted in the early nineteenth the right depict the Liv chieftain, Kaupo (early
century in Livonia. 13th century), as a Rousseau-like ‘noble sav-
Krause’s use of Mellin’s Atlas von Liefland age’ welcoming a Bishop of the Roman rite
(Fig. 1) has received one critical interpretation and a Knight representative of the military
but lacks contemporaneous contextualiza- Order of monks, to the land of ethnic tribes.
tion, possibly because the text accompanying On the left stand a group of traders modelled
has not been identified so far. For purposes on the ‘voyage of discovery’ theory — the
of this article, it serves to illustrate that the other popular story of origins which circum-
idea of a 'state of nature' voiced by Rousseau vents origins in a Papal mission.92 The shaded
and stimulated by the Voyages of Discovery’, area superimposed on the original represents
was a pressing issue of authenticity in eight- a non-Liv territory, populated by the first eth-
eenth century Europe.89 Captain James Cook nic tribes to accept Western Christianity. The
(1728–1779) in his diary of 1770, also exact intention Friebe had in highlighting the
notes that the Australian aboriginal section of the map will only become apparent
… people may truly be said to be in when the text, that this map was meant to
the pure state of nature, and may appear accompany, is identified.
to some to be the most wretched upon The other image (Fig. 2) is one of a series
earth, but in reality they are far happier by Maydell illustrating the conversion theme
than (...) we Europeans.90 in the Origines.93 Maydell was an artist from
Fig. 1. Livland nach der Einleitung Heinrich des Letten und zu den Zeiten der Bischoffe und
Ordensmeister bis 156291
28RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
Fig. 2. Die Missionarre hauen die Götzenbäume um. Anno 1220, by Maydell, 1839
the ranks of the Ritterschaft brought up on lonial culpability and hide duplicity under the
Radical Pietism,94 which attracted him to the guise of mission, because the Estonians, and
Nazarenes, ‘German’ artists in Vienna and particularly the priestess (vaidelote), seem
Rome,95 who shunned academic painting, to be depicted in a contemporary ‘bourgeois’
returning to religious themes, medievalism style; presumably in order to resemble equal-
and imitation of German and Italian Primi- ly comely monks.99 Yet, elsewhere Kļaviņš
tives.96 Although Lutheran they were part of says that already since the Middle Ages lo-
the paleo-Christian revival begun by Pope cal Baltic Germans have had a strong sense
Clement XI (born Giovanni Francesco Albani, of empathy for Latvian “fairytale” forests.100
Pope from 23 November 1700 to his death Art historian, Romis Bēms (1927–1961),
in 1721) as a critique of the secular climate too, sees a “dogmatic perversion of the feu-
in Europe.97 His ‘Die Missionäre hacken dal aristocracy” in this rendition of reality.101
die Götzenbäume um’ is one of a series of On the other hand, art historian, Edvarda
etchings from Die Bilder zur livländischen Šmite (b. 1937) argues that, since Maydell
Geschichte published in a periodical meant was a devout Pietist who considered every-
to refer to Arendt’s 1753 edition of the Origi- one equal in the sight of God, no critique of
nes. 98 ‘barbarians’ is intended.102 Neither argument
Current scholarly interpretations of the resolves the relativist position represented, in
ancient Estonians, Livs and Latvians depicted which boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’
as ‘comely’ barbarians hinges about two argu- seem blurred.
ments. Historian Kaspars Kļaviņš (b. 1968) If read within the complexities of recip-
sees it as a conscious attempt at reducing co- rocal cultural interchange it seems Maydell
29RAKSTI 2019. gads 73. sējums 2. numurs
has inscribed two polarities within a binary agent of change as mediator between the
system of commonalities where the hybridity people and the aristocracy. It is reasonable to
of Estonian (and Latvian) religious syncretism expect Brotze’s interest to have initiated from
was meant to override the differences. In oth- contact with a circle of local pastor-historians
er words, the ambiguities observed are most working on patriotic ‘curiosities’ and impor-
likely the result of the paradoxical position in tant manuscripts of the history of Riga; par-
which Lutheran missionaries in Livonia found ticularly Arndt who became his employer at
themselves. As explained by Johansons, they the Imperial Lyceum. Since the Lyceum was
had to fight against still existing paganism — adjacent to the House of the Ritterschaft he
on the other hand, they did not want to use also worked on dynastic histories and was
the old methods of calling them barbarians.103 befriended by Count Mellin, who suggested
They had to find ways of affirming the indig- the Landtag (Diet) commission him to copy
enous population culturally, especially since the secret documents of the Teutonic Order
Nicholas I (Nikolay I Pavlovich, Emperor of held at Königsberg. His participation in Hei-
Russia from 1825 to 1855) had proclaimed matkunde, thus, was sealed.
Russian Orthodoxy the official religion of the His ten-volume collection of textual and
State in 1832, as Ea Jansen (1921–2005) visual evidence of the history and everyday
has pointed out.104 However, in present day life in Livonia collected between 1770 and
Latgale, where due to total destruction, due 1818 shows an affinity to Herderian anthro-
to the Polish–Swedish war (1600–1629) pological approach to recording the Livonian
Latgalians had apostatised, Jesuit missionar- cultural landscape. On field trips he taught his
ies did ‘hack’ down cultic trees in the subse- students not to draw vistas but history. And,
quent process of rechristianisation.105 his empathy for the traditions and life style of
the indigenous population, their dress, mar-
Cultural intertextuality riage customs and everyday occupations and
Generally, as scholars have suggested, tools of farm life published by Hupel, show
the period is marked by social and political openness to the experience of ‘the other’.
change and accelerated reciprocal cultural Brotze’s empathetic interest in recording
interchange.106 The transformation of Livo- all aspects of social life express a climate for
nian society after the Great Northern War the reception of Livland as homeland linked
was intensified in the eighteenth century by to the land, history and reciprocal cultural
foreign enthusiasm over Latvian dainas, folk- interchange. Two examples (Figs. 3 and 4)
loric research, topography, archaeology, and from the 1790s can be explained by recip-
anthropology of the ‘Volk’. Social, political, rocal cultural interchange; a trademark of
cultural, and ethnic relationships were par- anthropological Einfühlung, noted by schol-
ticularly transformed by the late eighteenth ars.109
century as Czech and German Radical Pietist In Figure 3 the Teutonic Order castle ruin
missionaries, and enlightened Baltic German on an ancient castle mound is a fading rem-
humanists worked to “elevate and see dignity nant of medieval and ancient tribal history at
and authentic cultural value in the language a time when ‘gotisch’ was becoming more
and (…) character of the Latvians”.107 positively linked to German culture (not po-
A major contributor to the visual preser- litical), and the maiden superimposed on that
vation of Heimatkunde is Brotze.108 He ar- history is a local peasant girl. As an arche-
rived in Riga in 1768, a little before Herder’s type of Baltic origins in hand woven bleached
departure. Like Herder, he was a teacher edu- linen with a broach for the blouse, wearing
cated in theology, and became a significant sandals (pastalas), and carrying a tradition-
30RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
Fig. 3. Ruinen des
Schlosses Helmet
A[nno] 1800 110
Fig. 4. Das Prospekt
auf dem Gute
Pollenhof 1794
al birch-bark basket, her ethnic identity is as when Pietist spirituality, which tolerated
equally layered and ancient. syncretism as argued above for Maydell, al-
By enframing the world of ‘ruin, girl and lowed, personal transformation on the sub-
landscape’ the author has recorded how conscious level also followed.
both, Baltic Germans and Latvians, and in Intertextuality in Figure 4, on the other
this case Estonians, physically shared the hand, is an example that shows how the
same space and time for centuries yet main- simultaneous contrast effect can change
tained their respective cultural identity and perception to bring about cultural assimila-
respective worldviews — partly facilitated tion.111 An aesthetic of measured Greek Clas-
by linguistic difference in a polarised oral sicism and poetry are juxtaposed with bucolic
and literary community, partly by tolerance nature on a feudal estate. A Baltic German
of religious syncretism throughout the Catho- reading Schiller (Johann Christoph Friedrich
lic Middle Ages. When mediation was pos- von Schiller, 1759–1805), Goethe (Johann
sible across parallel traditions, namely, where Wolfgang von Goethe, 1749–1832) or one
Enlightenment interest in ethnology as well of the Classics, while mentally transported to
31RAKSTI 2019. gads 73. sējums 2. numurs
the Greek Isles is simultaneously, at a sub- The visual samplings presented here
conscious level, absorbing the peripheral lay were drawn according to scientific princi-
of the land across the lake (not the Aegean ples as taught by emigré lawyer-historian,
sea), summer smells wafting over from the Gadebusch (Friedrich Konrad Gadebush,
meadows and dulcic sounds of maidens’ mel- 1719–1788): to “let the sources speak for
ancholic songs on the farm.112 themselves”, and do not reflect Christine
This example demonstrates the impor- Kupffer’s observation that Gadebusch thought:
tance of pre-conscious sensorial perception ... das Ziel der Vergangenwärtigung und
in cultural intertextuality, where changes Schaffung einer geschichtlichen, per-
take place as the affective dimension of high- spectivischen Identität der Livländer, die
pitched bucolic tones and primitive rhythms sich mit … eine scharfe Abgrenzung von
of singing are absorbed by the senses which der Geschichte des Russischen Reiches
hijack the mind to form new conscious as- ermöglichen soll.117
pects of perception.113 In this way Latvian As the examples above show, he was in-
archaism enters elite consciousness through clusive of all ethnic and social groups and
an oral tradition, synthesising cognitive and represented rupture as well as continuity in
perceptual knowledge to create a transfor- history. His vast collection has an educa-
mation in self-awareness. When changes in tional function. It gives evidence to how cul-
perception lead to change on a broad scale of ture functions and evolves approximating the
values and rises to the literate Publicum new formation of a Kulturnation in the eighteenth
aesthetics begin to be formulated. Herder century.
called this synthesis poesie als praxis to be The author of this article thanks all who
used as a creative tool in educating the grow- have supported the creation of this article:
ing bourgeoisie and the artificiality of courtly Dr. Ojārs Spārītis for recommendation and
life; at the same time, Hirschfeld (Christian support, Commission for critical comments,
Cajus Lorenz Hirschfeld, 1742–1792) ap- Dr. Inese Runce for reading over, and supervi-
plied the contrast effect in garden theory. 114 sors of PhD thesis Prof David Garrioch, Prof
Heimatkunde also included Catholics, Constant Mews and Dr John Gregory from
Russians and Jews. Orthodox onion domes Monash University for their contribution.
appear in new towns along the border where
Lutheran Pietism, tending to protect itself References
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Gossman, op. cit. p. 331, quoting Herd-
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Ibid.; also Worm A. The Study of manu- and the Gothic spirit that reshaped Europe
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MacPherson J. The Poems of Ossian, the 15
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Dunsdorfs, op. cit., 1973, p. 42.
17
Mellin L. A. Atlas von Liefland, oder von 23
Bartlett, op. cit., 234, n. 5.
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Ibid., p. 233; Dunsdorfs, op. cit., 1973,
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18
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19
Donecker S. Alt-Livland zwischen römi- Tsars.
schen Kolonisten und jüdischen Exilanten. 25
Runce I. Valsts un Baznīcas attiecības
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20
Dunsdorfs E. Latvijas Vēsture: 1700– accord was honoured from 1721 until
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21
Tobien A. Die Livaländische Ritterschaft: cessfully resisted by the local Consistorium
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recognition the recognition of the Privile- Riga by Samarin as discussed by Edward
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legitimate government because they had latysha Indrika Straumita, Sochineniia, 8,
not been incorporated while in the Swed- 177–299.
34RECONSTITUTING THE FATHERLAND IN EARLY MODERN LIVONIA
26
Schirren C. Livländische Antwort Hernn letters Aletheophilus (1739) and Aesthet-
Juri Samarin. Leipzig, 1869, 2nd ed., p. ica (1750, 1758), when Herder worked
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27
Herder J. G. Journal meiner Reise im Jahr garten: Kritik der ‘Aesthetica’. In: Johann
1769. Leipzig: Phillip Reclam, 1972, 1st Gottfried Herders Frühe Schriften 1764–
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28
See n1, loc. cit.; also Harloe K. Winck- Klassiker Verlag, 1985, p. 670: “So wie
elmann and the Invention of Antiquity: das Denken nicht das 1ste am Mensch
History and Aesthetics in the Age of Al- ist: so auch nicht die schöhne Erkentniss
terthumswissenschaft. Oxford: Oxford der anfang der Aesthetik. Der Mensch.
University Press, 2013, p. 270, n. 4. Der Tier empfindet erst; dunkel sich
29
Haym, 1957 (vol. 1), p. 123. selbst; den lebhaft sich selbst; und Lust
30
Herder, 1972, op. cit., p. 69; cf. Haym, und Schmetrz dunkel in sich; denn Lust
ibid.; for the history of dissolution, after- und Schmertz klar ausser sich; und jetz
life and resurrection of Hansa see Postel erkennt er erst.”
R. Wiederentdeckung der Hanse im 19. 42
Thuleen W. Body and Soul: Sensory
Jahrhundert. In: International Conference Perception and Rational Thought in Her-
Hansa Yesterday — Hansa Today — Han- der’s Concept of Man. 1999, n. 19, refer-
sa Tomorrow, Riga, June 8–13, 1998. ring to Herder’s Vom Erkennen und Emp-
Spārītis O. (Ed.). Riga: Vārds, 2001, pp. finden der menschlichen Seele, p. 392.
230–250. http://nthuleen.com/papers/948Herder.
31
Casey, op. cit., p. 367. html#text41 (accessed 13 March 2012).
32
Herder, 1972, op. cit., p. 69. 43
Irmscher H. D. (Ed.) Von Deutscher Art
33
Ibid. und Kunst. Einige fliegende Blätter. Stutt-
34
Mallgrave H. F. Modern Architectural The- gart: Reclam, 1968, p. 167.
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Ibid., pp. 165, 168, 169: “Die Vergan-
bridge University Press, 2005, p. 9 ff. genheit bekommt dammit eine herme-
35
Herder, 1972, op. cit., p. 71. neutische Funktion. In ihrer Auslegung
36
Ibid., p. 69: “wer wil ihn aufwecken“ ... sollen zugleich gegenwärtige und zukünf-
“alle Hansestädte auf ihrem offenbaren tige Möglichkeiten (...) erwäckt werden.”
Rechtstägen lesen!”. 45
Ibid., pp. 163, 164, 168.
37
Becker B. Die alten Kirchen in Riga. No- 46
Ibid., p. 164.
tizienblatt des technischen Vereins zu 47
See Piirimäe E. Humanität versus na-
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er’s position as assistant pastor at St Ger- Russian Empire: Jegór von Sivers’ Herde-
trude’s church, of which he was relieved. rian cosmopolitanism. Ajalooline Ajakiri,
38
Herder, 1972, op. cit. p. 1. 2012, 1/2: 79–113.
39
Ibid., p. 69. 48
Herder J. G. H. Auch Eine Philosophie der
40
Casey, op. cit., p. 367, quoting from Im- Geschichte zur Bildung der Menschheit.
manuel Kant’s Anthropology from a Prag- Riga: [Hartknoch], 1773, pp. 5–9, re-
matic Point of View, I, part 31. garding Biblical patriarchal model; also
41
The theory of sensibility as a gnoseological Herder’s Shakespeare essay in Irmscher,
faculty had already appeared in Alexander op. cit., pp. 67–76, particularly p. 75, for
Baumgarten’s Meditationes philosophicae cultural model. Grimm G. E. (Ed.) Älte-
de nonullis ad pertinentibus (1735), the res kritisches Wäldchen Johann Gottfried
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49
Regarding Vico’s cultural theory, see gate Publishing, 2011, pp. 363–384; at
Parekh B. C. Rethinking Multiculturalism: p. 381.
Cultural Diversity and Political Theory. 59
Ibid., p. 376.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Uni- 60
Ibid., p. 379.
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Cf. Zammito J. H. Die Rezeption der
50
Norton R. E. Herder’s Aesthetics and the schottischen Aufklärung in Deutschland:
European Enlightenment. Ithaca: Cornell Herder’s entscheidende einsicht. Euro-
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51
Stimmen der Völker in Liedern. In: Sämmt dert. Schmidt-Haberkamp B., Steiner U.,
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52
Auszug aus einem Briefwechsel über Ossi- search for models of legislation and consti-
an und die Lieder alter Völker von Herder. tutional law that stimulated Herder’s new
In: Von Deutscher Art und Kunst. Einige views of history; cf. Scottish connections
fliegende Blätter (1773). Stuttgart: Go- with feudal Russia, in Venturi F. From
schen’sche Verlagshandlung, 1892, p. Scotland to Russia: an eighteenth-century
16. (reprint of 1st pub. Hamburg, 1773): debate on feudalism. In: Great Britain and
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Herder, 1972, op. cit., p. 165. discussing Scottish research in Russian
54
Ibid., pp. 64, 68, 69. models of legislation with respect to cons-
55
MacPherson, op. cit. The ‘Introduction’ by titutional law as model for Scotland.
High Blair D. D. lauds the origins of Scots 62
Dunsdorfs, 1973, op. cit., pp. 13 ff,
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