THE SWEDISH BILBERRY INDUSTRY: A CASE STUDY ON FOOD COMMODIFICATION AND SPATIAL IRRATIONALITIES - LOTTEN LUNDGREN - DIVA ...

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THE SWEDISH BILBERRY INDUSTRY: A CASE STUDY ON FOOD COMMODIFICATION AND SPATIAL IRRATIONALITIES - LOTTEN LUNDGREN - DIVA ...
The Swedish bilberry industry:
a case study on food commodification and spatial irrationalities

Lotten Lundgren

Department of Human Geography
Master’s thesis 30 HE credits
Human Geography
Master’s Programme in Globalisation, Environment and Social Change (120 credits)
Spring term 2021
Supervisor: Anders Wästfelt
THE SWEDISH BILBERRY INDUSTRY: A CASE STUDY ON FOOD COMMODIFICATION AND SPATIAL IRRATIONALITIES - LOTTEN LUNDGREN - DIVA ...
Abstract

  The global commodified food system is marked by distance between production and
      consumption. This thesis critically examines the Swedish bilberry industry and
conceptualises spatial irrationalities and commodification. The research is conducted as
    a case study of the Swedish bilberry industry which is examined by statistical data
 analysis and semi-structured interviews. As a case study, the Swedish bilberry industry
holds potential to illustrate links between food, distance and commodification. This thesis
    answers the following research questions: (1) What are the drivers for the Swedish
bilberry industry to export bilberries globally? (2) How are Swedish bilberries constructed
 as commodities for a global market? (3) What spatial irrationalities can be made visible
                       through examining the Swedish bilberry industry?
   According to combined empirical findings, this thesis uncovers spatial irrationalities
 derived from dynamics within the Swedish bilberry industry. These irrationalities result in
   exports and excessive transportations of bilberries intended for the pharmaceutical
industry and global markets. Thus, this thesis suggests ’pharma miles’, a conceptual tool
    for illustrating the long-distance transportations implicated by the integration of the
Swedish bilberry industry and the pharmaceutical industry. The contribution of this thesis
                    to current scholarship is both empirical and theoretical.

Lundgren, Lotten (2021). The Swedish bilberry industry: a case study on food commodification
and spatial irrationalities

Human Geography, advanced level, master thesis for master exam in Human Geography
(30 ECTS credits)
Supervisor: Anders Wästfelt
Language: English
Key words: bilberries, commodification, food miles, spatial irrationalities, commodity fetishism,
exchange value, time-space compression.

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THE SWEDISH BILBERRY INDUSTRY: A CASE STUDY ON FOOD COMMODIFICATION AND SPATIAL IRRATIONALITIES - LOTTEN LUNDGREN - DIVA ...
Acknowledgements

 First, I wish to thank my supervisor, Anders Wästfelt, for his valuable guidance through
each stage of the process of writing this thesis. Most of all, for encouraging intuition and
creativity. I would also like to thank each of the participants for sharing their experiences
           and time with me and thereby contributing to the making of this thesis.
        Lastly, a heartfelt thank you to my family and friends for your loving support.

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Summary
   Today, food on an average plate in Europe and North America travel about 1500 miles before
being consumed. Transporting food across great distances of land and water implicates
environmental effects such as greenhouse gas emissions (Clapp 2016, 16). Food miles is a
concept for making visible the impacts of eating food that has been put through long-distance
transportation. The concept implies that it is more wasteful to import food from distant countries
than consuming local produce (Kemp et al. 2010, 504). As the distance between food production
and consumption increase, so does the spatial irrationalities and geographical paradoxes within
the global food system (Zerbe, 2019). The Swedish bilberry industry holds the potential to
illuminate such irrationalities. Sweden is the main provider of the global supply of wild berries and
bilberries make up two-thirds of this supply. Most of Swedish bilberries are exported to Asia and
extracted into a powder which is used in pharmaceutical products (Hedberg 2013, 61-62). Mass
volumes of bilberries are also imported to Sweden, as there is a demand for bilberries on the
Swedish market as well. This is despite the fact that annually, only 2-4% of all Swedish wild
berries are harvested (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22). Hence, while mass volumes of bilberries are
imported to Sweden, the Swedish forests are overflowing with unharvested bilberries.

  Only a limited amount of research has been conducted on the Swedish berry industry (Hedberg
2013, 58). The aim of this thesis is to critically examine the industry and to conceptualise food
commodification and spatial irrationalities. To do this, a case study of the Swedish bilberry
industry is designed using a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods; statistical data analysis
and semi-structured interviews. The thesis draws from Marxist thought with a focus on
commodification and seeks to answer the following research questions: (1) What are the drivers
for the Swedish bilberry industry to export bilberries globally? (2) How are Swedish bilberries
constructed as commodities for a global market? (3) What spatial irrationalities can be made
visible through examining the Swedish bilberry industry?

  This thesis’s contribution to current scholarship is both empirical and theoretical. The
quantitative data consist of details of Swedish exports of bilberries to the pharmaceutical industry
and of Swedish imports of bilberries. The qualitative data consists of narratives from actors within
the Swedish bilberry industry. Results demonstrate excessive transportations in the production for
distant and global markets, as well as competitive and comparative advantages which causes
spatial irrationalities in the Swedish bilberry industry. The thesis suggests the concept pharma
miles; an add-on to the established concept food miles and a tool for conceptualising long-
distance transportations implicated both by the bilberry industry and the pharmaceutical industry.
Future research is suggested to make comparative studies on global commodification of wild,
semi-wild and cultivated berries. Such studies could track the miles travelled by these berries
prior to consumption and hence; quantify the pharma miles concept. Moreover, future research
could compare differences between the berry industries of Sweden and Finland, as Sweden has
a global focus and Finland has a more national focus. These comparative studies would be
beneficial for further analysis of distance and spatial irrationalities within a globally integrated food
system, and could potentially illuminate what alternatives there are.

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Table of contents

1. Introduction                                          7
    1.1 Aim, research questions and rationale             9
    1.2 Structure                                         9
2. Previous research                                     11
    2.1 The Swedish bilberry industry                    11
    2.1.1 Superberries                                   13
    2.2 The global food system                           14
    2.2.1 Industrialisation                              14
    2.2.2 Trade liberalisation                           14
    2.2.3 Corporatisation                                15
    2.2.4 Financialisation                               16
3. Theoretical framework                                 18
    3.1 Liquidity and infinity                           18
    3.2 Commodification                                  19
    3.2.1 Commodity fetishism and fictious commodities   20
4. Methodologies and methods                             22
    4.1 Methodological approach                          22
    4.2 Research design                                  24
    4.3 Methods                                          24
    4.3.1 Literature review                              24
    4.3.2 Statistical data analysis                      25
    4.3.3 Interviews                                     25
    4.3.4 Sampling                                       27
    4.4 Positionality                                    28
    4.5 Limitations                                      28
    4.5.1 Covid-19                                       28
    4.5.2 Private actors                                 29
    4.5.3 Cultivated berries and the Finish industry     29
    4.6 Ethical considerations                           30

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5. The case: the Swedish bilberry industry               31
    5.1 Statistical findings                             31
    5.1.1 Imports and exports of frozen bilberries       32
    5.1.2 Imports and exports of fresh bilberries        34
    5.2 Combined quantitative and qualitative findings   35
    5.2.1 Industrialisation and globalisation            35
    5.2.2 Segments of the industry                       38
    5.2.3 Trade liberalisation                           39
    5.2.4 Commercialisation and consumption              41
    5.3 Summary of combined findings                     46
6. Discussion                                            48
    6.1 Limitations and contributions of the study       52
7. Conclusions                                           53
    References                                           56

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List of tables
Table 1. Summary of participants and method.               26

List of figures
Figure 1. Annual total amount of exports and imports of
frozen bilberries from and to Sweden in volumes of tons,
between the years 1995-2019.                               32

Figure 2. Annual total amount of exports and imports of
frozen bilberries from and to Sweden in volumes of tons,
between the years 1995-2019.                               34

Figure 3. Bilberry marketing in Japan.                     42

Figure 4. Goji berries marketing in Sweden.                43

Figure 5. Notions of compression and expansion.            51
            .

List of appendix
Appendix 1. Interview guide.                               60

Appendix 2. Pharma miles example.                          61

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1. Introduction
   The purpose and valuation of food has changed during the last century. The value of
food has increasingly become centred around economic value and not around the innate
purpose of food; to feed people. When food is redefined as a commodity it enters a global
commodity chain and the purpose of food becomes the mass consumption of distant
global markets. Today, food on an average plate in Europe and North America travels
some 1500 miles before being consumed (Clapp 2016, 16). The relationship between the
’modern’ person and what he or she eats can be defined by precisely this; distance.
Distance can be mental. Mental distance is represented by lack of knowledge of where,
how and by whom food is produced, transported, processed and what kind of power
relations that are interacting in our global industrial food system. But distance can also be
physical, as in the notion of ”food miles”. Food miles is a conceptualisation of the wider
impacts of eating food which has been put through long distance transportation (Kemp et
al. 2010, 504). Increasingly, food is seen as a commodity - an item which main purpose is
to be produced, traded and sold. This makes us, the people who eat food, consumers
more than anything else (Clapp 2016, 26). Distance to food produce effects such as
overconsumption, environmental impacts from transportations and inequality of access to
resources. As distance grows between production and consumption, so do spatial
irrationalities and geographical paradoxes within the food system (Zerbe, 2019).

 Traditionally, Swedish bilberries were sold at local markets after being picked by local
households and sold to local berry buyers. Today bilberries are requested by the world
market and have been turned into a global commodity chain. (Hedberg 2016, 173).

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Sweden is the main provider of the world market’s supply of wild berries. Bilberries make
up two-thirds of the wild berry industry. The majority of Swedish bilberries are exported to
Asia and extracted into powder. The powder is in turn exported to global producers and
used in pharmaceutical products (Hedberg 2013, 61-62). As mass volumes are exported
while the Swedish market still demands bilberries, Sweden annually import thousands of
tons of bilberries from other countries (SCB, n.d). Despite the fact that annually in Sweden,
only 2-4% of all wild berries are picked (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 12). Hence, every year
Swedish forests are overflowing with bilberries that are left behind to moulder while mass
volumes of bilberries are imported.
   Commodification within the Swedish bilberry industry is particularly striking as the food
item in question, the bilberry, is a wild natural resource that belongs to the commons and is
available in plenitude, free for anyone to harvest. The right of public access to forests
(Swedish; Allemansrätten) is a Swedish right protecting the right to move freely in nature
and it allows for free picking of berries, mushrooms and flowers (Naturvårdsverket, 2020).
Bearing the right of public access to forests in mind, the case of the Swedish bilberry
industry raises the question of weather this right is compatible with commercial activities.
Moreover, Swedish (and Nordic) bilberries have gained large interest from major
companies of the pharmaceutical industry operating globally (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002,
22). Internationally, bilberries are commonly referred to as superberries, indicating a high
nutritional quality, and usually have an ”exotic” image (Sitra, 2008). This study explores
commodification through the superberry status by drawing from influential thinkers on
commodification; Karl Marx and Karl Polanyi and their respective concepts ’commodity
fetishism’ and ’fictious commodities’. Furthermore, concepts of time and space and of
liquidity and infinity are discussed.

  Only a limited amount of research has previously been conducted on the Swedish berry
industry (Hedberg 2013, 58). The research that is available mainly cover issues of labour
and migration and the nutritional character of bilberries and bilberry powder (Hedberg
2013; 2016). This study uses a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse the
Swedish bilberry industry from a numerical, geographical and narrative perspective. The
thesis draws from Marxist thought with a focus on themes of commodification and
consumerism. Hence, the thesis contributes to current scholarship both empirically and
theoretically. By analysing the Swedish bilberry industry, it is possible to shed light on
spatial irrationalities and paradoxes of the global food system.

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1.1 Aim, research questions and rationale
  There are two primary aims of this thesis: (1) to critically examine the Swedish bilberry
industry; (2) to conceptualise spatial irrationalities and commodification within the Swedish
bilberry industry. In order to achieve the aims, the first objective is to collect numerical and
geographical data about Swedish bilberry trade. Hence, data about where to the Swedish
bilberries are exported, where from the imported bilberries come, and in what volumes.
The second objective is to explore motives for this trade by taking part in narratives and
perspectives from actors within the Swedish bilberry industry. The third objective is to
explore elements of commodification of bilberries. Finally, the study intends to outline
spatial irrationalities that can be illustrated through the Swedish bilberry industry.

The thesis raises the following research questions:
1) What are the drivers for the Swedish bilberry industry to export bilberries globally?
2) How are Swedish bilberries constructed as commodities for a global market?
3) What spatial irrationalities can be made visible through examining the Swedish bilberry
   industry?

The Swedish bilberry industry is chosen as the case study as it has the potential to
illuminate links between food, distance and commodification. Focusing on bilberries
enables a narrow focus on a specific food item with a Swedish fixed locality, which still
enables a transnational outlook on global processes, such as trade and commodification.

1.2 Structure
   A presentation of previous research on the Swedish bilberry industry will follow this first
chapter. The previous research mainly draws from findings of Jonsson and Uddstål (2002)
and the literature of Hedberg (2013; 2016) about the Swedish wild berry industry. In order
to place the Swedish bilberry industry into a global context, research on the global food
system will also be presented in this chapter. The latter section is based on the research
conducted by Clapp (2016) on food, the growing distance in the food system and the world
food economy. In Chapter 3, the theoretical framework of the thesis and concepts of
commodification and consumerism, namely ’liquid consumption’, ’commodity fetishism’ and
’fictious commodities’, will be explored. Both chapters on previous research and theoretical
concepts are the result of a literature review. Chapter 4 will explain the methodology and
choice of methods as well as the limitations, positionality and ethical considerations of the
thesis. Next, the case study of the Swedish bilberry industry will be presented. The
quantitative findings will be presented first, as they are intended to provide an overview of
the industry. This overview will be followed by an integration of the quantitative and

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qualitative findings. A summary of the findings will be included at the end of this chapter.
Finally, the discussion will be presented in Chapter 6, where limitations and contributions
of the study will also be outlined. Chapter 7 will provide the conclusions of the thesis.
Appendix 1 of interview themes and Appendix 2 of example calculations of distances will
be included at the end.

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2. Previous research
This chapter will present the state of previous research and existing literature of the
Swedish bilberry industry as well as the global food system. Firstly, it will introduce the
bilberry, the Swedish bilberry industry and a definition of ’superberries’. As research on the
Swedish bilberry industry is limited, and in order to place the industry in a global context,
research on the global food system will also be presented. The main mechanisms and
driving forces behind food commodification will be outlined, as identified by the literature of
Clapp (2016) on the growing distance in the food system.

2.1 The Swedish bilberry industry
  Bilberry is the term for a small wild forest berry with dark blue pigments. In Sweden,
there is some cultural significance attributed to bilberries. They are a common feature in
Swedish books for children, for instance in the literature of Swedish author Elsa Beskow.
Bilberries also appear in folk tales and folk music (Olsson, 2017). In popular speech they
are sometimes referred to as ”the berry of the nation” (Studieförbundet Vuxenskolan, n.d.).

  The bilberry (latin name Vaccinium myrtillus) grows mainly in Europe, but can also be
found in North America and in Asia (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 8). Blueberry is the term for
a cultivated berry from North America (latin name Vaccinium corymbosum), also known as
highbush blueberry. There are more than 65,000 ha planted in North America, the
hectarage is expanding and blueberries have become a major international crop. World
production of highbush blueberries is over 650 million tons annually (Retamales &

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Hancock 2018, 2). ’Blåbär’ is the Swedish term for bilberries, but in direct translation it
means blueberry and hence, does also include blueberries. Needless to say, there is some
confusion between bilberries and blueberries, both in Swedish and English (Hedberg
2013, 72). We will return to blueberries in the findings of the case study, but the focus of
this thesis is on bilberries.

  When entering ”bilberry” in the Google Scholar search engine, one will find an almost
endless amount of research about the nutritional and medicinal character of bilberries
(Google Scholar, n.d.). Many of these studies focus on the extraction of bilberries. Only a
limited amount of research has been conducted on the berry industry (Hedberg 2013, 58),
and much of this research cover issues of labour and migration (Hedberg 2013; 2016).
Previous research does show that the industry has developed successively from small-
scale businesses of households selling berries to local berry buyers as a means of
diversifying incomes, to a global commodity chain where mass volumes are exported
globally (Hedberg 2016, 173). Bilberries, lingonberries and cloudberries are requested by
the world market and Sweden annually exports 10,000-15,000 tonnes of wild berries,
which accounts for approximately half of the market. Thus, making Sweden the main
provider of the world markets supply (Hedberg 2013, 61-62). Lingonberries have
historically been ascribed with the highest economical value in Sweden, due to their
durability. Now, bilberries are the most commercial berry (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22),
despite the fact that they are easily damaged during picking due to their delicate and
fragile nature (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 7).
  Three factors have enabled economic upgrading of bilberries into a global commodity
chain. The first factor is the development of ’freezing houses’ in the 1960s which allowed
bilberries to be stored without risk of moulding - a prerequisite for exporting them (Jonsson
& Uddstål 2002, 7). The second factor is the development of an advanced system of
international seasonal labour migration (Hedberg 2013, 62) which enabled efficient and
cheap picking of berries. The workers within this system are usually marginalised people
from the poorest areas of their countries (Hedberg 2016, 173). Most of the workers are
regulated workers from Thailand, but there are also unregulated workers from Eastern
Europe (Hedberg 2013, 58). The majority of previous research on the Swedish berry
industry focus on these workers. The third factor for ascribing bilberries with high
economic value is due to their medicinal properties and amounts of antioxidants and
anthocyanin (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 22). In terms of challenges, its been concluded that
guaranteeing continuous availability, controlling the delivery chain and creating bilberry
products which are not too messy (leaving stains of colour) despite the strong pigments of
bilberries, are the biggest challenges for bilberries on the global market (Sitra, 2008).
  Bilberries make up two-thirds of the total wild berry industry. The global distribution of
Swedish bilberries is partly made up of fresh and frozen berries sold in the food industry,
the other part is exported to extraction companies. These companies are located globally,

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with a main concentration in Asia. Through a technically complicated process, which is
hazardous for the factory workers involved, bilberries are extracted into powder and
capsules. The powder is exported to global producers, mainly in Asia, and used in health
products. As health benefits of Nordic bilberries are well known and sought after in Japan,
more than 40% of Asia’s extraction powder is exported to Japan (Hedberg 2013, 63). The
United States also import a substantial amount of the extraction powder (Jonsson &
Uddstål 2002, 22).
   In Sweden, only 2-4% of all wild berries are picked (Jonsson & Uddstål 2002, 12),
despite the right of public access to forests (Swedish; Allemansrätten) which allows for free
picking (Hedberg 2013, 62). The right of public access to forests is a Swedish right that
was established at the end of the 1800’s and guarantees everybody’s right to move freely
in nature (Sandell and Svenning, 2011). This includes picking berries, mushrooms and
flowers, with an exception of protected species. As of today, there are no restrictions
against commercial activities and picking of berries (Naturvårdsverket, 2020).

2.1.1 Superberries
   Supertrends refer to the labelling of certain foods, fruits and berries as ’super’.
Superfoods is a marketing term and lacks official definition. It is used to market a range of
foods that are believed to have potential health benefits, for instance anti-ageing qualities.
Superfoods are usually marketed with a backstory that highlights the food item’s ancient
and/or exotic origins and traditional usage. Commonly, superfoods are presented in the
form of juices, powders and tablets. Food industry corporations who use the term in their
marketing strategies often see their sales figures increase. Following superfood claims, the
sales of berries reportedly doubled for The Nielsen Company in a matter of two years.
According to Curll et al. (2016), evidence for superfood claims are often indirect or
uncertain. This makes the customers of so called superfoods vulnerable to exploitation of
’food fraud’ (Curll et al. 2016, 420).
   The more specific term ’superberry’ commonly refers to less-known, exotic berries of
high nutritional quality, with a guaranteed availability for the market. Bilberries, goji berries
and açai berries are commonly referred to as superberries, as a result of their nutritional
composition (Sitra, 2008). Research by Curll et al. (2016) show examples of food fraud in
the marketing of açai berries as superberries. The findings present a deceptive
combination of false or misleading statements about the açai berry’s health benefits,
usage of confusing scientific terms and of exotic backstories (Curll et al. 2016, 448).

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2.2 The global food system
 Clapp (2016) identifies four mechanisms that have shaped food commodification and the
global food system; globalisation, trade liberalisation, increase of transnational corporate
actors in the food and agricultural sector (corporatisation) and the development of food
being treated as a financial product which is bought and sold by investors (financialisation)
(Clapp 2016, 22). These mechanisms are summarised in the following sections.

2.2.1 Industrialisation
   Industrialised agriculture was adopted by Europe and the United States (US) by the end
of the 1800s. The idea was to base agriculture on ”scientific” methods which were
developed in laboratories, and was followed by more advanced technical and scientific
research of agricultural production. Heavy capital inputs, hybrid seeds, chemical fertilisers
and pesticides, mono-cropping, mechanisation for planting and harvesting as well as
irrigation infrastructure are all part of the industrial agricultural model (Clapp 2016, 34-35).
Industrial agriculture has separated itself from geographic specificity by globalising its
nature, causing nations and communities and to eat what they do not produce and
produce what they do not eat (McKittrick 2012, 425), which is also true for the producers;
farmers rarely consume what they produce (Wästfelt 2018, 119). The globalised nature of
the food system is characterised by production oriented toward distant and global markets.
It is capital- and energy- intensive with long-distance transportation and communication
infrastructure (Norberg-Hodge 2002, 3). Refrigerated shipping, mass transportations and
household technology (such as micro-ovens and freezers) have enabled a compression of
both space and time, namely that of distance and season. Seasonal products, berries for
instance, are in the industrial food system made available all year around (Zerbe, 2019). In
short, industrial agriculture has resulted in soaring food prices and ecological damages
(Clapp 2016, 24).

2.2.2 Trade liberalisation
  Today’s global food system is highly dependent on transnational movement of food. As
food trade has grown in the past half century, so has also the distance between food
producers and consumers (Clapp 2016, 61). Trade liberalisation is a process in which
markets are opened up globally through geopolitics, and essentially conceptualises food
as a pure commodity (Zerbe 2019). McMicheal and Friedman (1989) describe different
phases of international food trade as ’food regimes’, each with its own normative
framework and regulations. The first is the regime of colonial food system, when food
production developed from a local system to a global one. During this colonial-global food
regime, protectionist policies were eliminated and Europe started importing cheap staples
and tropical foods from colonies in Asia, Africa and Latin America (McMicheal and

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Friedman 1989, 97-98). The colonial-global food regime lasted from around 1860 until the
start of the World War I. There had been some trade with food items before this regime,
trade with spices for instance, however this era differs from previous trading and is marked
by capitalist notions of competitiveness, efficiency and market dependence in a way that
had not been seen before (Zerbe 2019).
  By the end of World War II, the second regime established itself and is described as the
surplus food regime. Western states began subsidising and protecting its agricultural
sector from international competition to promote national food production (McMicheal and
Friedman 1989, 104). This food regime was structured around the hegemonic power of
global supremacy United States. Food surpluses from the ’global north’ were during this
regime leveraged as foreign aid, particularly by the US, and cheap american commodity
grain was turned into the basis of international agricultural trade. With generous support of
US government, subsidies on American corn and wheat enabled US export of these food
products to be sold at prices below cost of production - much to the detriment of locally
produced food, traditional diets and local food systems (Zerbe 2019). In Sweden, as in
Europe, policy was formulated after World War II to encourage strong productivity in order
to feed populations and secure incomes of farmers. By the 1980s, agricultural
developments and improvements were so efficient that both Swedish and European
farmers were producing more than the market demanded. Nevertheless, production
continued to increase. As the subsidies were designed to guarantee fixed prices and
secure the income of farmers, the agricultural commodities that could not sell on the local
market were placed in the hands of the Swedish government. These surplus commodities
were then sold on the world market for low prices. The surplus regime became costly for
the Swedish government over time and resulted in Sweden being the second country in
the world to accept full competition on the world market by completely de-regulating
national agricultural subsidies (Wästfelt 2018, 119). The third and current regime is the
neoliberal food regime, marked by globalisation and neoliberalisation. In this regime, the
role of the state is once again reduced (as in the colonial-global regime), and the market is
given the central role (Zerbe 2019). With a growing absence of state involvement on the
market, a new actor emerged during this era; transnational corporations (TNCs).
  Trade liberalisation has contributed to food loosing cultural and social connotation, as
food instead becomes conceptualised as a commodity that is traded across the world on a
global market (Zerbe 2019).

2.2.3 Corporatisation
  The term corporatisation means that TNCs have grown in size and are increasingly
making up a central node in the global food system. Since the middle of the twentieth
century, intensive state involvement had characterised food systems all over the world. But
in the 1970s-1980s, governments began to encourage private sector management and a

15
privatisation of the food system developed.
  Today, TNCs are the dominating actors within these segments of the food system; the
agricultural sector inputs, trading/processing and retail sector. The agricultural sector input
segment is the first in the value chain, and is represented by corporations who sell seeds,
chemicals and machinery to farmers. The second segment contains of companies such as
Nestlé who deals with food production, trade and processing - sometimes referred to as
”Big Food”. The last segment is the food-retail corporations who distribute products to
consumers via retail and food service firms (Clapp 2016, 96-97).
  The presence of TNCs in the food economy has been illustrated by some critics as an
hourglass, showing the proportions of producers and consumers in relation to the very slim
amount of traders, processors and retailers. The image of an hourglass demonstrates the
disproportionate amount of power these segments have over both producers and
consumers, as they control the flow of sand from top to bottom. Or rather, they control the
quality, quantity, type, location and price of food products accessible for the market (Weis
2007, 13).
  As TNCs grow in concentration and in power, distances in the food system increase and
value chains become longer (Clapp 2016, 131). This is related to the new and expansive
ways in which TNCs are working with marketing. New marketing tactics has to do with
detaching food consumption patterns from space, time and cultural significance. The aim
of some TNCs marketing tactics are even about downgrading local diets and symbolic
value of traditional food as culturally inferior. Examples of de-spatialisation and de-
culturation in marketing strategies can be found in packaged items, branded with local
meanings which actually has little or nothing to do with where the food was actually
produced or processed. For instance ’Italian’ soup, ’Caribbean’ ice cream or ’Vietnamese’
spring rolls, may in fact be nuanced ways of hiding global sourcing patterns. Food
marketing and consumption patterns also relates to increasing urbanisation and modern,
fast-paced lifestyles which may include pre-prepared and convenience foods (Weis 2007,
14). This marketing strategy produces a new kind of food - the food from nowhere. To put it
simply, brand names are increasingly replacing the knowledge that used to contain how
food is produced, by whom and where (Weis 2007, 45).

2.2.4 Financialisation
  Certain developments have interconnected the worlds between food and finance,
causing food to become ”financialised”. Since the 1990’s financial actors such as banks,
investment brokers and grain trading firms started selling financial products to investors - a
kind of trade which has increased significantly in recent years (Clapp 2016, 133).
The agricultural commodities futures market was previous to the year 2000, a platform
mainly used by farmers and food buyers, protecting them against price changes of wheat,
sugar and maize for instance. In 2000, the Commodity Futures Modernisation Act was

16
passed by the US which meant an influx of purely financial actors into the agricultural
market. According to Olivier De Schutter, the UN special rapporteur on the right to food
(cited in Livingstone, 2012) these financial actors ”had no interest in ever buying food, but
sought solely to profit from changes in food prices”. The financialisation of food means that
investors promise to buy or to sell food, without ever actually coming in contact with the
real material of wheat or maize. This in turn causes prices of food products to increasingly
respond to a speculative logic, and not by the correlation of supply and demand
(Livingstone, 2012).
  Finance is often claimed to be an advantage for farms of large scale. In a study
conducted by Kuns et al. (2016) on Swedish owned large-scale farms (agroholdings) in
Russia and Ukraine, the success of such financialisation was investigated. The study
proved finance to be incompatible with farming in several important respects in the cases
that were studied. This was because financialisation led the investigated companies to
prioritise short-term speculative strategies over strategies which are long-term and focused
on production. Moreover, the study show that the Nordic investors were unable to
appreciate the unique challenges for agriculture and climatic conditions of the specific local
areas. Large-scale farming companies financed by stock market were found not likely to
have an important part in future food production (Kuns et al. 2016, 199).
  In the process of financialisation, food is transformed into a financial instrument that is
stripped of social, cultural context and meaning. Moreover, financialisation and speculation
in food commodity futures can be linked to global hunger, forcing the worlds marginalised
and poor people out of the market as a result of higher prices (Zerbe 2019).

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3. Theoretical framework
The theoretical background of this thesis will be presented in this chapter, and concepts of
consumerism and commodification will be explored. First, the concept of liquid
consumption and notions of infinity will be described, followed by commodity fetishism and
fictious commodities. These concepts will be returned to in the discussion of Chapter 6.

3.1 Liquidity and infinity
    Bauman (2007) argues that consumption is primarily a feature and activity of an
individual, whereas consumerism is a trait of a ’society of consumers’. Consumerism
grows stronger in societies where consumption has taken over the role that used to be
filled by work in societies of production (Bauman 2007, 28). New needs arise in a
consumerism society, and new needs demand new commodities; and new commodities
demand new needs (Bauman 2007, 31). ’Liquid modernity’ is a sort of phase in which the
society of consumers live in. In this phase, members of society are socialised into wishing
for what is needed by the system, in order for the systems to reproduce themselves
(Bauman 2007, 68).
    Bardhi and Eckhardt (2017) went on to develop a concept of liquid and solid
consumption from the theorisation of Bauman’s liquid modernity. This concept introduces a
new dimension to consumption, which exists on a spectrum. Liquid consumption highlights
values of flexibility, lightness, detachment and speed. It is made possible through
increased mobility, digitalisation and social acceleration. Liquid consumption aims to
explain consumption behaviour within conditions of global mobility. One part of liquidity is

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defined by dematerialisation, which means that a commodity uses less material to deliver
the same level of functionality. Dematerialisation results in increasingly lighter, smaller and
more portable commodities, made possible through technology. Solid consumption on the
other hand is defined as material, enduring, tangible and based on ownership. Most
existing literature on consumption has focused on solid consumption and so, it is
necessary to better understand liquid consumption, which is still a novel concept.
Moreover, it is argued that liquid consumption can reduce sources of stability and security
and may not be a longterm positive development for consumers (Bardhi and Eckhardt
2017, 4). This thesis applies the concept of liquid and solid consumption on consumption
and commodification of bilberries. The concept of liquid consumption is useful in this
context as it focuses on the relation to market institutions as well as consumer behaviours
- rather than responsibilities of consumers (Bardhi and Eckhardt 2017, 7-8).

  Notions of infinity is related to the human relation to time and space. In order for humans
to be able to perceive time, we must comprehend spatial limitations. The establishment of
infinity notions took place during the Renaissance and influenced other notions, such as
the desire to colonise ’new’ continents. The idea of infinity has had an impact on the
human interaction with the ecological system. As a response, new terms have been
established in climate research such as ’planetary boundaries’ and ’food miles’, implying
that there is an actual limit to time, space and hence, resources. These terms imply that
the ecological system is not infinite in its relation to time and space - it is always localised
and spatially fixed (Wästfelt 2012, 74-75). Bilberries for instance are dependent on the
ecological system and conditions of Northern Europe in order for them to develop the deep
blue pigments and high contents of antioxidants that they are so desired for (Hedberg
2013, 61). Wästfelt argues that it is important for research to analyse today’s modern and
global processes with an understanding of finity (Wästfelt 2012, 84). Notions of infinity and
finity are included in the discussion chapter of this thesis.

3.2 Commodification
  In the process of food commodification, food production and trade becomes centred
around profitability and accumulation, and the market becomes the central mediator which
provide food security. Food access becomes equivalent to access to the global market -
those without market access risk facing marginalisation, hunger and starvation. In this
process food is constructed socially as a commodity, stripped of humanitarian, social and
cultural meaning.
  Weather a food item is treated as a commodity or not depends on which environment the
food item exists in, and the process of production and exchange. For instance, the mother
who nurses her baby operates in a decommodified environment, and the mother who buys

19
formula from the store operates in a commodified environment. Zerbe (2019) argues that
the same is true for foragers collecting wild berries and mushrooms, as the forest is a
considered a decommodified environment. So it is not the food item itself that establishes
a decommodified or commodified status, it is the context and process of production and
exchange. Processes of commodification are never complete, food products can be
commodities in some circumstances and commons under others (Zerbe, 2019). Brenner
and Katsikis (2020) uses the term ’hinterland’ to demarcate non-city spaces that in
different ways support urbanisation processes under modern capitalism. Such spaces
include ecologies; terrestrial, oceanic, subterranean and atmospheric spaces (Brenner &
Katsikis 2020, 24). Through globalisation these non-city spaces have transformed from
local hinterlands into production networks oriented towards transnational export. The
authors call for a framework which highlights the coproducing, coevolving moments within
the urban capitalist ecologies (Brenner & Katsikis 2020, 27-28).
  Through commodification, production of food moves further away from the consumer as
new technologies arise and seasonality is widened. Food production in the twentieth
century is marked by this compression of time and space where seasonal produce is made
available all year around. This has also resulted in a dramatic increase of producing and
consuming specialty and niche products. Foods which were not previously consumed in
the West have become popular, such as amaranth, quinoa and millets - often to the
dismay of indigenous populations who depend on these crops. On a global level, food
commodification leads to transformation of tastes, ultraprocessing of food items, a pattern
of expansion of global consumption and production, compression of seasonality and
production for consumers in distant markets. Through commodification, food becomes
reduced to its market price and the result is a global extreme combination of starvation and
obesity (Zerbe 2019).

3.2.1 Commodity fetishism and fictious commodities
   Karl Polanyi and Karl Marx are influential thinkers on discussing and defining
commodification and this thesis draws from their concepts of commodity fetishism and
fictious commodities.
   In order to understand processes of commodification, it is relevant to define a
commodity. Generally, a commodity can be defined as an economic good which is
available on the market - a product of agriculture, commerce or mass-production (Merriam-
Webster n.d.). Economic historian Karl Polanyi defines a commodity as an object
produced for sale on the market (Polanyi 2001, 75). The difference between these two
definitions lie in the intent. In Polanyi's definition the object is not just available on the
market, but rather produced with the initial intent of exchanging it.
   According to Marx, the general rule is that exchangeable articles of utility become
commodities. Commodities then have two kinds of values; use value and exchange value.

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Use value is determined by the utility of an article to satisfy a human want or need and
exchange value is the value of an article on the market (Marx 1867, 2-3) (Peredo &
McLean, 2019). Food commodification implies focusing on the exchange value of food,
rather than its use value; namely to feed people.
   The Marxist distinction between values is relevant for the concept of commodity
fetishism. The term fetish originates from sixteenth century colonialists from Portugal, who
used the term to describe mysterious properties of objects - values which were imprinted
on objects by humans. Commodity fetishism has to do with ascribing mysterious or even
magical qualities to a commodity. Marx exemplifies this with a ’normal’ wooden table - an
ordinary thing with use value - however, once this ordinary thing enters the capitalist
market it turns into something quite different, almost alien. It now has a new value
(imprinted by humans) and can be exchanged and bought for money and therefore
transcends the ordinary (Marx, 1867). Hence, a fetishistic character of commodities arises
with exchange value. A commodity with only use value has no imprinted value other than
its utility. Moreover, mysterious qualities of the object is enhanced by hiding the labour that
went in to production of the object (Kosoy & Corbera 2010, 1230). The less that is known
of the production of a commodity, the more mysterious qualities can be attributed to it.
Mystification leads to distancing and separation between the commodity and the
consumer, and between the commodity and producer. This process of objects entering the
market as commodities with both mysterious origins and qualities is the process known as
commodity fetishism.
   Now we return to Polanyi’s definition of commodities, as objects which are produced for
sale on the market. However, there are objects which were not produced with this intent.
For instance, this is the case of wild growing Swedish bilberries. They are merely a part of
nature, yet we can attribute exchange value to them. Polanyi explains this with the concept
fictious commodities. Neither land, labour nor money would really be defined as
commodities, yet they are essential elements of the industry and vital parts of the
economic system. All things that are bought and sold have actually not been produced with
an intent of reaching the market. Hence, commodifying resources such as land (nature),
labour (people) and money is a fictious description (Polanyi 2001, 75). Polanyi points out
that labelling parts of the natural environment for exchange in markets - hence,
commodifying nature - has damaging consequences in the human relation to nature and to
nature itself (Peredo & McLean 2019, 821). As both commodity fetishism and fictious
commodities underline that commodification is a construction, both concepts imply
reversibility and undoing of commodification - known as decommodification
(Vandenbroeck, 2019).
   To conclude, this thesis will apply concepts of liquidity, commodity fetishism and fictious
commodities with a perspective of finite resources on the case study of the Swedish
bilberry industry.

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4. Methodologies and
methods
This chapter will provide an explanation of the methodological approach of this thesis, as
well as the methods that were applied and reasons for choosing them. The positionality
and limitations of this thesis will be outlined. Ethical considerations will be drawn at the end
of this chapter.

4.1 Methodological approach
   The methodological approach of this thesis is inductive as the theoretical proposition has
developed out of the data, with the intent of moving from the particular of the Swedish
bilberry industry to the general of the global food system. However, the approach is not
meant to be absolute or purely inductive, as the research did not begin in a total theoretical
vacuum (Mason 2002, 180-181).
   In order to answer the research questions of this thesis, a mix of quantitative and
qualitative methods were applied. The quantitative method (statistical analysis) provided
findings on imports and exports of bilberries, in terms of trading nations, years and
volumes. The quantitative data was also used as material for conversation in the
interviews. The qualitative method (semi-structured interviews) resulted in descriptive
narratives from inside the Swedish bilberry industry. The mix of methods were used with
the intention of combining numerical and geographical data with narratives. Together, the

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data obtained from each method provided an overall understanding of the Swedish bilberry
industry, which might not have been possible without using both quantitative and
qualitative methods. Mixed methods were useful for this thesis as it strived to adress
specific research questions but was also open for unanticipated findings. The quantitative
methods were useful when addressing specificities of the Swedish bilberry industry, such
as the data of volumes of imports and exports, and the qualitative methods allowed for
novel and unexpected findings to emerge (Bryman 2012, 642). Hence, the methods
completed each other in this study. As Bryman (2012) argues, there is a risk of being
overwhelmed when mixing of methods and ending up with suspect findings that do not
correlate. For this reason the thesis strived for applying the mixed methods as combined
and not separate components and to integrate quantitative and qualitative findings
(Bryman 2012, 649).

  The thesis draw from a constructivist ontology and approach, with a foundational
assumption that the interests of actors are shaped by social structures and intersubjective
values, norms and cultural particularity. These structures are produced and reproduced by
the practices of social and political agents (Reus-Smit 2008, 397). Hence, the thesis relied
on the assumption that human agency and morality matters in terms of shaping the world
to come. As Reus-Smit (2008) puts it; humans have political capacity as moral agents and
thus the world is not an ’iron cage’ (Reus-Smit 2008, 398). The constructivist approach
sometimes guides researchers to ask questions of what we know and how knowledge is
shaped (Cresswell, 2013), which was not the aim of this thesis. However, the constructivist
approach was useful for the qualitative and narrative data of the thesis and also in the
guiding of two research questions; (1) What are the drivers for the Swedish bilberry
industry to export bilberries globally? and (2) How are Swedish bilberries constructed as
commodities for a global market? These questions did concern the practices of social
agents within the industry and how these practices are part of shaping the world.
  One could argue that there were conflicting ideas in this thesis, as it pulled from both
Marxist theoretical framework and a constructivist approach. The Marxist theoretical
framework has influenced this thesis and accordingly, the actor’s interests are regarded as
shaped by their relation to the mode of production (in the Swedish bilberry industry). The
constructivist approach on the other hand views the actor’s interests as shaped by social
identities, which in turn are shaped by the norms of society. Constructivism can in fact be
complementary to a Marxist approach of theorising about international relations, or as in
this case; globalisation (Reus-Smit 2008, 406). For instance, discussions about
commodification and consumerism in this thesis explore the norms which allow bilberries
to obtain ’superstatus’, and the institutionalised norms within the industry. Even though the
thesis rejected the notion of a free, rational and entrepreneurial human subject, it did not
completely disregard human agency within the Swedish bilberry industry. The focus of the
thesis was on the bigger systemic picture, but human agency was regarded as a

23
significant part in shaping the norms which are behind the structures of the system. Hence,
the combination of these two somewhat opposite approaches allowed the thesis to
analyse both agency and structure and in that way question not only the state of affairs in
the Swedish bilberry industry but also the moral dimensions of the logics behind it.
Moreover, Marxism and constructivism coincides in their shared position that the point of
theory is not only to understand the world, but to be able to change it (Reus-Smit 2008,
398).
  Lastly, this research is based on an epistemological assumption which rejects any notion
of an objective researcher. Neither were the participants of the research regarded as
objective actors. Part of the methodology was to develop a reflexive stance; to be as
transparent as possible with the thesis’s procedures and positionality, which inevitably
shaped the thesis (Bryman 2012, 40).

4.2 Research design
  Case study design is compatible with both quantitative and qualitative methods and
enabled intensive and detailed analysis of the specific case. This made the case study
design suitable for this study of the Swedish bilberry industry (Bryman 2012, 66-68). The
case study of the Swedish bilberry industry was defined as a representative/typical case or
rather as Bryman (2012) explains it; an exemplifying case. The exemplifying case allows
researchers to examine processes which can be found in broader contexts than that of the
specific case (Bryman 2012, 70). In this case, the Swedish bilberry industry exemplified
processes of commodification of food items, even though this industry do have unique
features compared to other food industries.
  One could argue that the choice of the Swedish bilberry industry as the case is too
narrow or specific, and suggest to broaden the focus to the Swedish forest berry industry
(which would include several species of wild berries). However, the focus of a single berry
enabled a narrow focus which still allowed a global and transnational outlook on practices
and processes, such as labour migration and trade etc. Moreover, bilberries have a
particular global status and specific routes of global transportation which differentiates
them from other Swedish berries.

4.3 Methods
4.3.1 Literature review
  The literature review was used as a method to lay the foundation of the thesis,
particularly for chapters on previous research and theoretical concepts. The literature
review provided an understanding for what was already known about the Swedish bilberry

24
industry and perhaps more importantly, what was not known (Bryman 2012, 99). In this
case, transnational labour migration was identified as a key area which has been
researched. The bilberry as a global commodity was identified as an area which had not
been researched to the same extent.
  During the literature review a minor review of advertisements for berries was also made,
as the thesis provide a couple of images of marketing examples. These images are the
result of a minor online Google web search for ’bilberry powder’ and ’gojibär’ (English: goji
berries).

4.3.2 Statistical data analysis
  In the quantitative statistical data analysis focus was on primary data covering Swedish
exports and imports of bilberries and consumption of berries. This data describe trade in
the industry, some systematical structure and overall patterns of the industry. It consist of
statistical data from Statistics Sweden (Sw. Statistiska Centralbyrån). The data was
accessed from the online statistical database of Statistics Sweden. In the category of
Trade - goods and services, and Foreign trade - exports and imports of goods, searches
were made on imports and exports of goods to all countries. Data on bilberries were
accessed through its Combined Nomenclature (CN). EU-countries use CN to separate
goods in detailed categories. CNs are hierarchical from 2-digits to 8-digits, and CN8 is the
most detailed code. Fresh bilberries have CN 08104030. Frozen bilberries have CN
08119050 (includes bilberries which have been boiled/steamed/frozen). Data on import
and export of bilberries were available from 1995-2019.
  The statistical analysis was partly a bivariate analysis, as two variables were researched
at a time; the volume of bilberries (tons) and time (year). Later on, country of origin of
imports/export were included and simultaneously three or more variables were considered,
volume/country/time - a multivariate analysis. The bivariate data was turned into diagrams
in Excel, presented in Chapter 5, as diagrams offer an effective and easy way to present
this kind of data (Bryman 2012, 337-339). The multivariate data was analysed by listings of
the countries figuring in the statistics of imports/exports of frozen/fresh bilberries. Each list
consisted of data between the years 1995-2019. Reoccurring countries were noted in
these lists and patterns were highlighted, for instance countries that figured on both import
and export lists and of non-european countries.

4.3.3 Interviews
  The qualitative part of the research consisted of semi-structured interviews with actors
with different links to the Swedish bilberry industry. Interviews were carried out on the
digital platform Zoom, with video and feature to ”share screen”, which enabled
interviewees to take part of diagrams in discussion of imports and exports. Interviewing via
Zoom was a solid alternative to meeting face to face - which was not an option considering

25
the epidemic of Covid-19. Interviews were also carried out over the telephone, as this was
preferred over Zoom for some. Telephone interviews did not include video and feature to
”share screen”. Table 1 shows a summary of the participants. All interviews were carried
out in Swedish and were based on the semi-structure of five themes, as shown in
Appendix 1. The themes were the following; 1) Development of the Swedish berry industry
2) Swedish imports of berries 3) Swedish exports of berries 4) Consumption 5) Current
topics/issues. Before diving into the themes, interviews began with a conversation about
the interviewee’s perspective on the industry (i.e occupation/participation in the industry
etc). An explanation for occupations and segments of the industry will be provided in the
following chapter.
  As shown in Table 1, there were two types of participants; interviewees and informants.
Informants preferred to answer questions via email. The informants were asked specific
questions that concerned their particular knowledge or participation in the bilberry industry.
For instance, informant 1 was asked questions regarding their research on bilberries and
informant 2 was asked to confirm or dismiss specific details about the statistical data. Two
of the pharmaceutical companies that were contacted (informant 4 and 5) are listed in
Table 1. They are included in the table as, out of the 11 pharmaceutical companies that
were contacted, they initially did agree to answer questions about their bilberry products.
However, after receiving the questions they did not reply back.

      Respondent type   Anonymous name Occupation                                        Segment   Date     Dauration    Method

      Interviewee       Interviewee 1   Berry merchant / large TNC                       2         02-mar   44 min       telephone
      Interviewee       Interviewee 2   Senior consultant / Swedish research institute   x         05-mar   1 h 10 min   zoom
      Interviewee       Interviewee 3   Manager / family-owned berry company             1         08-mar   52 min       telephone
      Interviewee       interviewee 4   Berry merchant / medium TNC                      2         10-mar   49 min       zoom
      Informant         Informant 1     Director / Italian research institute            x         13-apr                e-mails
      Informant         Informant 2     National Board of Trade Sweden                   x         12-feb                e-mails
      Informant         Informant 3     Statistics Sweden                                x         23-feb                e-mails
      Informant         Informant 4     Pharmaceutical company / Norway                  2         11-mar                e-mail
      Informant         Informant 5     Pharmaceutical company / Sweden                  2         10-feb                e-mail

Table 1. Summary of participants and method

Additionally, researcher Charlotta Hedberg from Umeå University, who’s previous literature
the thesis draws from, has provided the thesis with advice and literature per email
throughout April.

  The data obtained from participants were analysed by transcription followed by a
thematic analysis, a suitable approach within qualitative data analysis. As thematic
analysis is somewhat of an underdeveloped procedure, researchers must beware of being
vague or unspecific about what constitutes a theme (Bryman 2012, 624). Therefore, this

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