HISTORICAL TRAUMA, HEALING AND WELL-BEING IN MÄORI COMMUNITIES - MAI Journal
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HISTORICAL TRAUMA, HEALING
AND WELL-BEING IN MÄORI
COMMUNITIES
Rebecca Wirihana*
Cherryl Smith†
Abstract
The high rates of indigenous peoples exposed to traumatic experiences are exacerbated by the
affects of historical trauma passed from generation to generation. Research exploring the indi-
vidual and collective impact of this phenomenon is growing internationally. Yet little is known
about Mäori practices that facilitate healing from historical trauma. This article aims to analyse
the affects of this trauma on Mäori by exploring them in the context of the growing body of
international historical trauma research. It then discusses how Mäori defined well-being tra-
ditionally, and outlines the methods used to promote healing from trauma. To summarise, it
demonstrates how these methods are being widely used to facilitate healing and discusses how
their application across health services will enhance Mäori well-being.
Keywords
Mäori, healing, well-being, indigenous, historical trauma
* Researcher/Clinical Psychologist, Te Atawhai o te Ao: Independent Mäori Institute for Environment and Health,
Whanganui, New Zealand. Email: rebecca@teatawhai.maori.nz
†
Director, Te Atawhai o te Ao: Mäori Institute for Environment and Health, Whanganui, New Zealand.198 R. WIRIHANA & C. SMITH
Understanding historical trauma and gestures, anxiety, low self-esteem, anger,
and difficulty recognizing and expressing emo-
Trauma research in the field of psychology tions. It may include substance abuse, often
developed in the 1980s when Vietnam War vet- an attempt to avoid painful feelings through
erans were first diagnosed with post-traumatic self-medication. Historical unresolved grief is
stress disorder (Briere & Scott, 2006). Since the associated affect that accompanies HTR;
this period, research in this field has prioritised this grief may be considered fixated, impaired,
psychological theory and practice which focuses delayed, and/or disenfranchised. (p. 7)
specifically on individual experiences of single
trauma incidents. For example, the recently The historical trauma framework provided a
revised Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for means for indigenous peoples to conceptualise
Mental Disorders, 5th Edition defined trauma the generational effects of colonial oppression
as “exposure to actual or threatened death, on well-being and offered a process for under-
serious injury, or sexual violence” (American standing how it exacerbates post-traumatic
Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 271). This suffering. Pihama et al. (2014, p. 249) noted
includes being witness to such an event, having that “Native American scholars such as Bonnie
a close family member or friend who has suf- Duran, Karina Walters and Eduardo Duran”
fered from a traumatic event, or experiencing initially introduced historical trauma theory
repeated aversive exposure to the event. to New Zealand, offering a template for Mäori
These definitions emphasise individual and to examine their own experiences of colonial
actual events allowing for clear and succinct oppression, a process Turia (2000) described
diagnostic utility, yet they fail to account for as having become “integrated into the psyche
long- term chronic and complex individual and soul Mäori” (p. 28).
and collective trauma. In addition, they do Indigenous peoples are increasingly recon-
not allow for experiences of historical trauma structing Christian patriarchal assimilative
due to assimilative colonial practices, which methods, revealing “unpleasant truths such as
have occurred for indigenous populations ecocide, ethnocide, [and] genocide” (Ruwhiu,
worldwide. To compensate for this problem 1999, p. 30). Pihama (2013) highlighted how
indigenous theorists and health practitioners the long-term affects of colonisation due to
have been exploring how historical exposure multiple “acts of genocide” and generations of
to long-term chronic, complex and collective cultural assimilation have impacted on indig-
trauma has impacted on their communities enous well-being. Duran (2006) reflected on
(Pokhrel & Herzog, 2014; Walters et al., 2011; experiences of genocide in Native American
Whitbeck, Adams, Hoyt, & Chen, 2004). This history when between “1870 and 1900, at least
work began initially with Maria Yellow Horse 80% of the population had been systematically
Brave Heart (2003) who first defined indigenous exterminated” (p. 16). Pihama et al. (2014)
experiences of historical trauma: analysed Mäori experiences of genocide by
contextualising cultural assimilative processes
Historical trauma (HT) is cumulative emo- within the context of historical trauma theory.
tional and psychological wounding over the Atkinson (2013) stated that cultural and spir-
lifespan and across generations, emanating itual genocide was founded on the belief that
from massive group trauma experiences; indigenous peoples were inferior, which ena-
the historical trauma response (HTR) is the bled “authorities to remove Aboriginal children
constellation of features in reaction to this from the families, among many dehumanising
trauma. The HTR often includes depression, and oppressive acts” (p. 69). Crook and Short
self-destructive behavior, suicidal thoughts (2014) reported that “up until the end of the
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014HISTORICAL TRAUMA, HEALING AND WELL-BEING IN MÄORI COMMUNITIES 199
frontier era in the late nineteenth century, geno- which aimed to liberate indigenous peoples and
cidal processes in North America were largely facilitate healing. In summary, if indigenous
geared towards, and derived from, expansionist peoples utilise traditional forms of knowledge
policies opening up Indian land for a seemingly to define health and well-being, this knowledge
limitless influx of settlers” (p. 309). In addition, will enhance the process of healing from histori-
recent advances in epigenetic research have cal trauma within these communities.
found that exposure to historical trauma can
lead to the development of “chronic and per-
sistent” physical illness (Walters et al., 2011). Historical trauma in New Zealand
The confiscation of land has had a mas-
sive impact on the well-being of indigenous Mäori experiences of historical trauma have
communities. For example, land loss affected echoed those of indigenous peoples in Australia,
the well-being of Australian Aboriginal com- Canada and the United States. The New Zealand
munities because of the intimate spiritual and Land Wars began in the early 1840s following
physical relationships they sustained with the conflict over land sales, interpretations of the
land (Raphael, Swan, & Martinek, 1998). indigenous and English versions of the Treaty of
Successive disruptions to the balance of social Waitangi, and the first substantial contingent of
and kinship relationships due to policies facili- British settlers. They included the British army,
tating the removal of Aboriginal children from settler militia and küpapa forces and ended in
their families exacerbated their trauma (Walls 1916 following the arrest of Rua Kenana, a
& Whitbeck, 2012). Walker, Fredericks, Mills, tribal prophet and a leader of Mäori rights for
and Anderson (2013) described indigenous self-determination (Keenan, 2012). The wars
well-being as a “simultaneously collective and occurred throughout New Zealand in a series of
individual inter-generational continuum that battles aimed at staunching Mäori movements
exists in the past, present and future”, and the towards political autonomy and perpetuated
disruptions to this continuum undermined their multiple episodes of mass murder of Mäori
methods of sustaining well-being (p. 208). In men, women and children (Belich, 1998). They
addition, the transmission of trauma across pre-empted large-scale land confiscation and
generations meant that land dislocation had amalgamated the destruction of entire com-
long-term negative implications, as connections munities and their livelihood.
to the land were essential for economic stability. In addition to the impacts of warfare on the
Duran, Firehammer, and Gonzalez (2008) Mäori community, Walker (1990) highlighted
described historical trauma as a soul wound how the primary aim of early European contact
which, if healing did not occur, would trans- was to settle land and assimilate Mäori peoples
fer across generations indefinitely. Moreover, to Christian patriarchal practices. To this end,
interventions that acknowledge and validate early Christian missionary goals to civilise Mäori
historical trauma are required to facilitate led to the conversion of entire tribal regions to
individual and collective soul healing (Duran, Christianity (Naylor, 2006). This process of
Duran, Brave Heart, & Yellow Horse-Davis, assimilation was entangled in what Atkinson
1998). These methods have been effectively uti- (2013) described as psycho-social domination,
lised to support healing from historical trauma stating that “Aboriginal people would call this
within Native American communities for many the greatest violence, the violence that brings
years now (Duran, 2006). When working with the loss of spirit, the destruction of self, of the
historical trauma, Duran and Duran (1995) soul” (p. 69). Psycho-social domination was
also encouraged the adaptation of indigenous achieved using strategies such as “land pur-
knowledge and the creation of new knowledge chase, warfare, land confiscation, legislation,
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014200 R. WIRIHANA & C. SMITH
religion, and the imposition of non-Mäori cul- A study conducted by Poananga (2011) iden-
tural and social practices” (Anderson et al., tified that prior to colonial contact, Mäori
2006. p. 1777). Sorenson (1956) noted that children were nurtured and protected within
Mäori depopulation was strongly connected intergenerational extended family environ-
to land sales and land loss between 1865 and ments (Poananga, 2011). Early observations
1901. Evidence of the impact of these meth- of Mäori children and child-rearing practices
ods was also described by early settlers who evidenced an approach of “loving care (aroha)
believed that Mäori were a dying race unable and indulgence”, which became fragmented
to “survive European conquest and disease” by colonial practices of physical abuse to rein-
(Pool & Kukutai, 2014, p. 2). force discipline (Jenkins & Mountain Harte,
Colonisation had a long-term deleterious 2011, p. x). British disciplinary practices were
effect on Mäori resources, customs and well- reinforced by the introduction of the Native
being, although Mäori resistance and inherent Schools Act 1867. The Native Schools Act also
protective factors have sustained Mäori prac- had a detrimental effect on Mäori language
tices and beliefs (Marsden, 2003). Mäori desires as Mäori children were physically and emo-
for autonomy were demonstrated in the devel- tionally abused for speaking Mäori in school.
opment of such movements as the Kïngitanga, Kuini Rangiamaia described her experience in
which saw many Mäori tribes unite under a Native School growing up in rural Taranaki
the leadership of an elected monarch in 1858 when Mäori was her only language. Due to her
(Smith, 2005). The King Movement grew out of inability to converse in English she was so badly
protest against increasing British settlement and abused by her teacher that she left school before
land sale conflicts and became the key driver for the age of 10 years old (Wirihana, 2012).
the Waikato Land Wars in 1863 (Ministry for The introduction of health legislation
Culture and Heritage, 2014b). further marginalised Mäori well-being. For
The process of legal imperialism began with example, the Tohunga Suppression Act in 1907
large-scale land confiscation and had a devastat- “restricted the use of traditional Mäori rongoä
ing effect on the health and well-being of Mäori. (medicine) and healers in favour of western-
The New Zealand Settlements Act in 1863 and trained doctors” (Came, 2012, p. 70). The
the Native Lands Act led to the confiscation Tohunga Suppression Act also subverted Mäori
of “3 million acres of Mäori land for Päkehä methods of healing by forcing “Mäori healers
settlers” (Walker, 1990, p. 38). This law was underground” (Durie, 1998, p. 45).
used as a method to “punish North Island tribes
which were deemed to have rebelled against the
British Crown in the early 1860s” (Ministry The impact of historical trauma on
for Culture and Heritage, 2014a, para. 1). The Mäori
loss of customary land title under the Native
Lands Act in 1862 further eroded Mäori social Historical trauma in New Zealand has had
structures and led to “rapid Mäori land loss major systemic implications for the Mäori
and consequential impoverishment” (Boast, community. For example, Moeke-Pickering
2012, p. 7). (1996) reported that colonial contact has had
Changes to the structure of interpersonal a detrimental effect on Mäori identity. Liu and
and family relationships also had a damaging Temara (1998) acknowledged that changes
effect on the Mäori community. The adoption in the economy, workforce and rural farming
of colonial views towards women as inferior lifestyles of Mäori eroded the maintenance of
to men had a further subjugating effect on traditional Mäori identities. Mäori disconnec-
Mäori women (Jenkins & Mathews, 1998). tion with these environments perpetuated the
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014HISTORICAL TRAUMA, HEALING AND WELL-BEING IN MÄORI COMMUNITIES 201
decline of Mäori language and cultural practices Mental Health Survey, identified that Mäori
and precipitated the colonisation of indigenous demonstrate higher prevalence rates for mental
values and knowledge (Smith, 2005). Reid, health disorders than non-Mäori (Baxter, Kingi,
Taylor-Moore, and Varona (2014) noted that Tapsell, & Durie, 2006). Recent research has
the loss of land, economic stability and resources identified that Mäori poverty and incarceration
had a long-term effect on Mäori health out- rates are increasing (McIntosh & Workman,
comes. Furthermore, research highlighting the 2013; Poata- Smith, 2013). Mäori children
epigenetic effects of historical trauma on the exhibit higher rates of exposure to trauma,
health and well-being of indigenous peoples abuse and poverty than non-Mäori (Salvation
notes that exposure to environmental trauma Army Social Policy and Parliamentary Unit,
can be passed down across generations (Walters 2014). Mäori rates of attempted and completed
et al., 2011; Yehuda & Bierer, 2009). A study suicide are higher than non-Mäori (Ati Hau,
conducted by Farrelly, Rudegair, and Rickard 1997; Aupouri- Mclean, 2013; Beautrais &
(2005) argued that current suicide rates, poor Fergusson, 2006). Mäori are “negatively over-
health statistics, and the heightened risk of represented in statistics of reported cases” of
exposure to violence and abuse within Mäori intimate partner violence and child abuse and
communities was “a reflection of the trauma neglect (Herbert & Mackenzie, 2014, p. 19).
of colonisation transmitted, as trauma often is, To summarise, the Mäori community has been
through generations” (p. 203). overwhelmed by the impacts of historical, col-
Mäori exposure to historical trauma has lective and individual trauma, which reinforces
had a massive impact on Mäori well-being the need to embrace and utilise all methods of
across multiple generations. It began with the healing and well-being.
loss of entire communities during the land
wars and was maintained by the incapacita-
tion of social, cultural and economic autonomy Mäori well-being and healing
through land loss and pyscho-social domina-
tion. Legal imperialism facilitated the loss of Mäori viewed well-being as a holistic process
language and cultural practices and damaged which emphasised the interconnected nature
protective social structures and interpersonal of spirit, body, society and the natural envi-
relationships within Mäori families and com- ronment. Moreover, individual well-being and
munities. These processes exposed Mäori to interpersonal relationships relied on a complex
chronic and complex trauma precipitating and sophisticated process founded on the basis
the development of physical and psychologi- of spiritual knowledge. Mäori communities
cal conditions across generations. Moreover, encouraged a balance between men and women
they ruptured the sacredness of relationships whose primary aim was to provide for their chil-
between men and women and destroyed the dren in the context of nurturing and protective
nurturing protective environments required environments (Mikaere, 1994; Walker, 2004;
for child rearing. In short, the accumulative Wirihana, 2012). The community as a whole
impact of historical trauma on Mäori well- worked together collaboratively to ensure that
being has been severe and understanding this children were safe and well protected from
history is especially important at present as harm. Mäori values, knowledge and practices
Mäori are suffering from high rates of expo- were sustained within the context of intergen-
sure to physical, sexual and psychological erational and extended whänau environments
abuse (Flett, Kazantzis, Long, MacDonald, & wherein all members of the whänau, which
Millar, 2004; Hirini, Flett, Long, & Millar, included grandparents, great-grandparents,
2005). Te Rau Hinengaro, the New Zealand aunts, uncles, older cousins and siblings,
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014202 R. WIRIHANA & C. SMITH
maintained roles and responsibilities for nur- collective well-being of whänau, hapü and iwi
turing younger generations (Hata, 2012). Smith relationships.
(2012) also advised that Mäori women “were Mäori have been promoting the use of tra-
the protectors, carers, and nurturers of tribal ditional knowledge and practice to enhance
whakapapa in the sense of being responsible well-being for many decades. Durie (1985a)
for the whare tangata (womb) and maintaining identified that within the therapeutic context
ahi kä (home fires) of türangawaewae” (p. 8). psychological theories sit in conflict with Mäori
These methods of sustaining well- being perceptions of emotion. These insights led to
within the Mäori community were presup- the development of Mäori-centred approaches
posed on the basis of knowledge sustained to therapy such as Paiheretia, which aimed to
within whänau, hapü and iwi contexts using improve Mäori well-being by enhancing iden-
whakapapa körero. Whakapapa körero were tity, reconnecting with cultural heritage and
the foundations upon which Mäori knowl- balancing relationships within families and
edge was developed and, as discussed by Smith wider tribal networks (Durie, 2003). Mäori
(2005), were “narratives about the relation- methods of expressing emotions can include
ships of local families with their environment the use of performing arts such as song, chant,
and other peoples. They include accounts of lament, formal speech and dance, which are
creation and how all things came into being” highly therapeutic and healing processes for
(p. 4). Edwards (2009) described whakapapa emotional distress. Additionally, Mäori have
knowledge as “the unbounded collection of the- high rates of emotional expression as emotions
ory, observation and experience seen through are expressed physically rather than verbally.
Mäori eyes” (p. i). These narratives were bodies This is most aptly demonstrated within the
of knowledge which espoused original tribal grieving process at tangihanga when Mäori
teachings and were maintained using the inter- express their remorse with tears and wailing
generational transmission of oral knowledge rather than by sharing their condolences (Durie,
across generations (Wirihana, 2012). In addi- 1985a). Nikora et al. (2010) described how
tion, this knowledge articulated the methods during tangi, “spontaneously composing fare-
Mäori used to nurture their relationships, well orations and enduring chants” (p. 401) is
interact with their environments, and oper- a powerful expression of grief and loss. These
ate as a community. They remain relevant to processes exemplify how therapeutic interven-
Mäori in contemporary society in many ways, tions for Mäori need to encourage the use of
but most importantly in relation to how they Mäori interpretations and constructive expres-
operate within the context of whänau, hapü sions of emotions. These methods of healing
and iwi. For example, the key finding from from trauma and distress were also demon-
the Ministerial inquiry into the determinants strated in a television programme, Songs from
of well-being for Mäori children was that “the the Inside, which used music as a “stepping
well-being of tamariki Mäori is inextricable stone” for Mäori returning to the community
from the well-being of whänau” (Mäori Affairs following incarceration (J. Arahanga, personal
Committee, 2013, p. 5). This report empha- communication, 27 March 2014). Ruth, one of
sised how Mäori well-being would be enhanced the women in the programme, described how
when whänau-centred approaches were uti- singing helped her to express her emotions in
lised and historical trauma was acknowledged a constructive manner and reduced her risk of
and addressed. It highlighted how whakapapa violence towards others:
körero regarding the nurturing of whänau rela-
tionships were imperative, and defined how Music calms me down. Yeah, I love music
individual Mäori well-being was reliant on the because it lets me release a lot of emotion
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014HISTORICAL TRAUMA, HEALING AND WELL-BEING IN MÄORI COMMUNITIES 203
that I’ve had and a lot of hurt that I’ve had realm and could be linked back to whaka-
from 4 years old upwards until I came in here papa körero. Whakapapa körero has also been
when I was 22. Um, to finally let it out in a adapted over time and sustained using various
way where I’m not going to hurt anyone or mediums of knowledge retention. For example,
anything. (Mäori Television, 2014) Smith (2012) noted how Mäori adopted new
communication methods such as writing to
Waiata as an expression of emotion and a tradi- maintain traditional knowledge. More recently,
tional form of healing has long been an effective O’Carroll (2013) discussed how Mäori are
method for maintaining well-being for Mäori. using social networking to connect with te ao
Wirihana (2012) identified how mediums of Mäori.
traditional oral narrative and performance were Traditional methods of healing in Mäori
used as adaptive methods for emotional expres- communities were developed on the basis
sion in Mäori communities and could be used to of the interconnected relationships between
express joy, anger, grief, loss and sadness. The spiritual, physical, social and psychological
use of performing arts as an expression of emo- processes. This view was first outlined in the
tion is demonstrated in the funeral process by Whare Tapa Whä model developed by Durie
the use of “whaikörero (formal speech), waiata (1985a, 2011) who described Mäori views of
(song), haka (dance) and hïmene (hymns)” health as a “four sided concept, representing
(Peapell, 2012, p. 39). Möteatea are another the four basic tenets of life. There is a spiritual
method Mäori used to express grief and to component, a psychic component, a bodily
process memories of loss and trauma across component and a family component” (1985b,
generations (Hata, 2012). Rangihuna (2001) p. 483). Mark (2012) noted how this method
described haka as all forms of dance and noted of understanding well-being remains highly
it could be used as an expression of anger and a relevant for Mäori and continues to be practised
representation of the Mäori god of war, which in contemporary health and community-based
helped to prepare Mäori to engage in the act systems throughout New Zealand. There are
of battle. methods for sustaining well-being by participat-
Pere (1994) advised that Mäori knowledge ing in ceremonial activities which acknowledge
retention and transmission promoted connec- and nurture spirituality. For example, Durie
tions to spirit, family and environment. Barlow (1998) described how Mäori view well-being
(1991) described how the social harmony and illness based on traditional knowledge by
between men and women relied on the balance stating that “both noa and tapu had meaning for
between the physical and the spiritual realms: health: noa denoting safety, tapu protection”
(p. 9). Mäori Vietnam War veterans discussed
The roles of man and woman should be com- how these processes facilitated healing from
plementary. When one aspect of our lives is the trauma of war in a study conducted by Te
wanting, the other part suffers, but the spiritual Atawhai o Te Ao (2008):
and physical components of our being should
develop according to the prescribed order and Nor did we get any kind of deprogramming
function for each. In other words, the Mäori or in Mäori terms, whakanoa. We had to go
people “cannot live on bread alone”: physi- back to our own marae, our own people to
cal development must be complemented with de-programme. I can assure some of us were
appropriate spiritual nourishment. (p. 149) very hyped up, very much so.
These social structures within Mäori communi- The whakanoa was done for me by my own
ties were inherently connected to the spiritual parents. Unlike today’s modern soldiers Ngäti
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014204 R. WIRIHANA & C. SMITH
Tümatauenga they do that when they come became kaitiaki for tribal areas and have a
back. I think that a lot of it was that we were protective relationship towards their descend-
mono-cultural at that time. (p. 38) ants. Barlow (1991) described these kaitiaki as
“left behind by deceased ancestors to watch
These discussions depict how whakapapa over their descendants and to protect sacred
körero provided instructions for how Mäori places” (p. 34). Manu Rangimarie Magrath
prepared for warfare and returned to a state of stated that when she was working in prisons
safety thereafter. In addition, the New Zealand and with at-risk youth, her role was dependent
military’s use of these methods to support recov- on acknowledging the presence of ancestors and
ery from the trauma of war demonstrates the kaitiaki. She stressed the need to be aware of the
importance of Mäori methods of healing for spiritual realm when working with Mäori and
all peoples. that Mäori well-being was connected to rela-
The Whänau Ora policy developed a tionships with the natural environment (Tito,
whänau-centred approach to working with Reinfield, Pihama, & Singer, 2007).
Mäori and was based on widely collected Mäori relationships with their ancestors are
oral and written submissions from Mäori a further example of the deep connections they
organisations and individuals recognising the maintain with spirituality. Mäori spirituality
importance of whänau well-being in relation is a vast and ever-present phenomenon that is
to individual Mäori well-being (Taskforce of strongly connected to sustaining well-being and
Whänau-Centred Initiatives, 2010). This led to supporting methods of healing. When describ-
the funding and the implementation of national ing Mäori indicators of well-being, Tucker
services aimed at integrating Mäori knowledge, (2006) stated the Mäori worldview was based
practice and methods of engagement when on the belief that atua have a connection to “all
working within Mäori communities. A study living things” (p. 213). She went on to note
conducted by Boulton and Gifford (2014) high- that the holistic worldview Mäori upheld was
lighted that though the scope and development described in the creation stories maintained by
of the Whänau Ora policy was based on feed- whakapapa körero. In addition, as whakapapa
back from Mäori, the delivery of services across knowledge and the practices associated to well-
New Zealand was varied and Mäori using them being were sustained by the intergenerational
noted that there was “no one understanding transfer of knowledge, this meant that well-being
of whänau ora; that whänau ora is a multidi- relied on a firm grounding in cultural knowl-
mensional concept; and that, even for whänau edge. Moreover, sustaining this knowledge
with limited understandings of cultural institu- enhanced individual and community potential
tions of te ao Mäori, access to these institutions and gave rise to healthy interpersonal, spiritual
remains important” (p. 12). and environmental relationships. Furthermore,
Generational well-being and acknowledg- Wakefield, Stirling, and Kahu (2006) advised
ing the importance of ancestry is also inherent that “when the balance between atua, whenua
to Mäori well- being. Whakapapa in tradi- and tangata is disrupted, desecrated, disturbed
tional Mäori society formed the foundation or violated, this can have a detrimental impact
of all Mäori social and kinship relationships on these relationships” (p. 173).
(Johnstone, 2005). Moreover, Mäori retained Whakapapa körero can provide infinite value
and acknowledged the influence of previous in relation to healing from trauma for the Mäori
generations by constant reconnection with their community. These narratives encourage Mäori
ancestors. Celebrating the connections ancestors to honour the sacredness of intimate partner
had with their natural environments maintained relationships (Smith, 2012). They view chil-
this practice as Mäori believed their ancestors dren and young people as treasured gifts who
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014HISTORICAL TRAUMA, HEALING AND WELL-BEING IN MÄORI COMMUNITIES 205
are nurtured and protected by the community Conclusion
(Reynolds & Smith, 2012; Wirihana, 2012).
They hold clear healthcare practices, which are Whakapapa körero can be adapted and applied
“employed within a wider philosophical and across a variety of contexts using multiple medi-
theoretical context” (Durie, 1998, p. 15). They ums, and research supporting the potential for
provide multiple examples of how to construc- Mäori knowledge to facilitate healing is grow-
tively express emotion and bear the weight of ing. This article discussed numerous methods
emotional distress. They provide specific meth- which have been effectively used in the Mäori
ods for recovering from emotional distress, such community to support healing from psychologi-
as those used in the process of tangi to support cal trauma, grief and loss. First, it described the
healing from grief (Peapell, 2012). Nikora et al. traditional protective factors in the context of
(2010) described tangi as the “ultimate signi- nurturing intergenerational family environ-
fier of Mäori community and self-expression” ments which have the potential to reduce the
and as a space from which Mäori tradition and risk of exposure to trauma and abuse. Second,
practices have been sustained over time regard- it discussed how Mäori methods of healing
less of cultural assimilative practices (p. 400). such as waiata, möteatea, haka, whakanoa and
Using whakapapa körero as the basis for heal- whakawhanaungatanga are used on a daily
ing within the therapeutic context is becoming basis within Mäori communities to sustain
more widely acknowledged and practised within well-being. Third, it highlighted how these
New Zealand. Cherrington (2003) described methods were based on generations of tradition
her use of Mäori creation stories when working which continue to ease distress and enhance
in a therapeutic context in her role as a clini- well-being. Most importantly, it demonstrated
cal psychologist. Whakapapa körero has been how traditional narratives have the potential
used to adapt cognitive behavioural therapy to support healing from the historical, collec-
programmes when working with people with tive and individual trauma which continues to
depression and has helped to improve rapport influence Mäori well-being today.
and develop therapeutic relationships (Bennett,
2009). It has also been used to develop psycho-
logical interventions when working with young Glossary
people in mental health services (Cargo, 2008).
These examples have identified how Mäori ahi kä home fires
well-being incorporated a complex holistic pro- aroha to love
cess which relied on whakapapa relationships atua ancestor with
and knowledge, connections to the environ- continuing
ment (physical and natural), and an intrinsic influence,
spirituality. Furthermore, whether Mäori have god, demon,
access to traditional knowledge and practice or supernatural being,
not, it is an extremely valuable tool which can deity
be used to enhance Mäori well-being. Finally, haka dance, perform
these studies highlight how important educa- hapü kinship group, clan,
tion regarding this knowledge can be when tribe, subtribe
supporting Mäori to heal from historical, com- hïmene hymn, psalm, hymn
munity and individual trauma. book
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014206 R. WIRIHANA & C. SMITH
iwi extended kinship tangata person, man, human
group, tribe, nation, being
people, nationality, tangi shortened form of the
race word “tangihanga”
kaitiaki guardian tangihanga weeping, crying,
Kïngitanga Mäori King funeral, rites for the
Movement dead
körero narrative, speak, tapa edges
discussion, tapu sacred
discourse te ao Mäori the Mäori world
küpapa a term applied to tohunga expert, priest
Mäori who side türangawaewae domicile, place where
with Päkehä one has the right to
opposition or stand
government waiata song, chant, psalm
marae traditional meeting wha four
grounds whaikörero formal speech
möteatea to grieve, lament, whakanoa to remove tapu
traditional chant, whakapapa genealogy
sung poetry whakapapa körero genealogy narratives
noa free from the whakawhanaungatanga process of establishing
extensions of relationships
tapu, ordinary, whänau family
unrestricted whare house
ora healthy, fit, healed, Whare Tapa Whä Mäori model of health
well based on social,
Paiheretia Mäori-centred psychological,
relational therapy physical and
Päkehä New Zealander of spiritual well-being
European descent whare tangata womb
rongoä medicine whenua land
tamariki children
MAI JOURNAL VOLUME 3, ISSUE 3, 2014HISTORICAL TRAUMA, HEALING AND WELL-BEING IN MÄORI COMMUNITIES 207
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