Pride and Prejudice: The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
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Pride and Prejudice: The Failure of UN Peace
Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
Olga CAMPBELL-THOMSON*
Abstract Introduction
During the five decades of its involvement The United Nations Peacekeeping
in the infamous ‘Cyprus problem’, the United
Nations (UN) has undertaken several large- Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) continues
scale attempts to lead the process of conflict to be one of the UN’s longest-running
resolution, however, the UN’s mediation has peace-keeping missions. The UNFICYP
failed to produce a settlement on the island. was dispatched to the island in March
The issue at the heart of the conflict, political
inequality, remains the major stumbling 1964 when armed confrontation
block. This block is firmly and consistently between the communities of Cyprus
embedded in the UN’s successive resolutions on threatened to pull Turkey and Greece-
Cyprus which continue to sustain the status of
inequality and thus, perpetuate the problem.
two NATO allies - into the conflict.
By drawing attention to the roots of the current The UN Security Council resolution
conflict in Cyprus, and to the UN’s positioning 186 (1964), adopted on March 4, noted
in the conflict, this article challenges the UN’s that the situation in Cyprus was likely
myopic policy towards Cyprus. It is argued that
the UN’s partiality protracts the conflict, and to threaten international peace and
that attempts to reach a workable solution are security, and recommended the creation
deemed improbable as long as the UN’s stance of the UNFICYP with the mandate “to
on Cyprus remains uncontested.
use its best efforts to prevent a recurrence
of the conflict and, as necessary, to
Key Words contribute to the maintenance and
restoration of law and order and a
Cyprus conflict, UN mediation, UN policy
towards Cyprus, peace-keeping, peace-making. return to normal conditions.” “A
Now, which of them was most to blame return to normal conditions”, referred
‘Tis not for me to say; to in the UN Resolution 186 (1964)1,
But this I know: the load is there
Unto this very day
implied the return to the constitutional
(Ivan Krylov “The Swan, the Pike and the Crab”) arrangements of 1960, which laid out
provisions for the functioning of the
* Dr. Olga Campbell-Thomson is a Lecturer at Republic of Cyprus as a bi-communal
the University of Glasgow, UK. state with equitable representation of
59
PERCEPTIONS, Summer 2014, Volume XIX, Number 2, pp. 59-81.Olga Campbell-Thomson
the two prominent communities- Greek developments, which followed the
Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot- in all Constitutional Crisis, did not reduce,
governing structures. but rather exacerbated the significance of
Apart from the deployment of peace- the ‘inequality’ issue at the very heart of
keeping troops on the island, the UN the conflict. The UN’s early involvement
has engaged in multi-level initiatives in the conflict, and its partiality, are
ranging from the issuance of resolutions intertwined with the conflict itself. Thus,
to drafting several comprehensive it is inevitable that a study of the origins
settlement plans. All these attempts have and progression of the conflict includes
failed to reach any workable solution a record of UN initiatives and reactions.
despite negotiations on the settlement in
Cyprus continuing almost uninterrupted Foundation of the Republic
for fifty years. The result being that
of Cyprus
the Turkish Cypriot community has
been effectively reduced to one of non-
Cyprus, the former British Colony,
existence, a pariah state, with UN
was granted independence in 1960.
policies fomenting the process.
The foundations of the new state
were established by the Zürich and
During the five decades of its London Agreements of 1959, which
involvement in the infamous were embodied in several treaties: The
Treaty of Establishment,2 the Treaty of
‘Cyprus problem’, the United
Guarantee,3 and the Treaty of Alliance.4
Nations (UN) has undertaken
several large-scale attempts The British negotiated to retain the two
to lead the process of conflict sovereign military bases of Akrotiri and
Dhekelia (99 square miles) in accordance
resolution, however, the UN’s
with the Treaty of Establishment.
mediation has failed to produce
Turkey and Greece secured the right to
a settlement on the island station troops on the island under the
Treaty of Alliance (an army contingent
The UN’s positioning in, and of 950 officers and men from Greece
subsequent effects on, the ‘Cyprus and 650 from Turkey).5 The Treaty of
problem’ can only be appreciated Guarantee provided a safeguard for
with an understanding of the origins the observance of the Constitution
of the current conflict, namely the and political mechanisms. The Treaty
Constitutional Crisis of 1963, and the also prohibited any activity to promote
resulting political disparity. Historical union with any other state, or partition
60The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
of the island. These special provisions overtly forbade propagation of either
were necessitated by a history of almost enosis or taksim.
a century-long campaign of agitation for
The Constitution of the Republic,
enosis (union with Greece), and a later
signed in Nicosia on 16 August 1960, laid
emergence of the taksim (partition of the
out the foundations of a bi-communal
island) movement.
state with a presidential regime, where
The idea of enosis was imported to the two prominent communities- Greek
Cyprus from Greece in the 19th century, Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot- were to be
as part of the irredentist movement, or recognized as partners. The economic,
the claiming of Greek speaking lands social and political rights were clearly
in the name of Greece. The struggle for outlined in the Constitution within the
enosis in Cyprus escalated into a five- frame of this partnership approach.
year-long armed campaign against the
British in 1955-1959 and was waged
by the guerrilla organization EOKA
Constitutional Crisis
(Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston/
The communal partnership and,
National Organization of Cypriot
hence, the Constitutional arrangements
Fighters). Towards the end of the 1950s,
the Greek Cypriot enosis movement at the foundation of the Republic, lasted
was confronted by calls for taksim only three years. The 1960 Constitution
emanating from the Turkish Cypriot of the Republic of Cyprus was abrogated
camp, but the goal of taksim was not in November 1963 by the then President
unification of the entire island with the of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios,
Republic of Turkey. Fearing the prospect who tried to create a unitary Greek
of becoming a minority in a state Cypriot state based on a majority rule,
dominated by the enosis ideology and in which Turkish Cypriots would
the intensifying Greek Cypriot violence, be considered a minority. Thirteen
taksim proponents asked for the division amendments proposed by Makarios on
of the island into Greek Cypriot and 30 November 1963 undermined the
Turkish Cypriot sections where Turkish principles of bi-communality and were
Cypriots could have self-rule. not accepted by the Turkish Cypriot
members of the government.
The agreements which shaped the
structure of the newly established If there was any room for dialogue
Republic of Cyprus represented, between the two parties, armed attacks
therefore, a compromise; they also on Turkish Cypriot civilians in December
acknowledged the possible threats to 1963 by re-armed Greek Cypriot police
the normal functioning of the state, and and irregulars from the banned EOKA
61Olga Campbell-Thomson
movement, made any constructive announced that he did not recognize
initiatives impossible. the Vice-President and “cut off even
telephone contacts with Dr Küçük”.7 The
UN Mediator, Galo Plaza, confirmed
The Constitution of the in his report to the General-Secretary
Republic, signed in Nicosia on that “since the outbreak of disorder in
16 August 1960, laid out the December 1963, the Turkish Cypriot
foundations of a bi-communal Vice-President and the Turkish Cypriot
state with a presidential regime, Ministers were barred from their offices
where the two prominent and from meetings of the cabinet”.8
communities- Greek Cypriot With the gradual restoration of a
and Turkish Cypriot- were to be ceasefire on the island, Turkish Cypriot
recognized as partners. deputies to the Government of the
Republic of Cyprus made an attempt
to return to the government as partners
According to the UN Secretary- in the Republic, under the provisions of
General’s report of 10 September 1964, the 1960 Constitution. Any possibility
approximately twenty-five thousand of such return was impeded by
Turkish Cypriots and five hundred Greek parliamentary acts which were passed
Cypriots had become refugees since the unilaterally by the remaining Greek
outbreak of violence in December 1963. Cypriot members of the parliament.
The report stated that “in 109 villages, As reported by Droushiotis, on 20
most of them Turkish Cypriot or mixed July 1965, “the Council of Ministers
villages, 527 houses have been destroyed approved a revision of the electoral law,
while 2,000 others have suffered damage abolishing the Turkish Cypriots’ rights
or looting”.6 Those fleeing from their separately to elect the Vice-President
homes sought refuge in the areas already and the Members of the House of
densely populated by Turkish Cypriots. Representatives from their community”.9
These ‘enclaves’ would exist up until 1974 In response to the request by the Turkish
and would absorb a considerable portion Cypriot representatives to attend the
of the Turkish- Cypriot population. session of the House, the then Speaker
The return of the Turkish Cypriot of the House Glafkos Clerides imposed
deputies to the government of the conditions which were “tantamount
Republic of Cyprus in 1964 was not to an acceptance of minority status by
a viable option. The President of the the Turkish Cypriots”.10 Following the
Republic, Makarios, who declared the statement of Clerides on 22 July 1965
constitution to be “dead and buried,” that the Greek Cypriot community “did
62The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
not recognise the relevant provisions of communities did not only manifest at
the Constitution”, the Greek Cypriot the level of parliamentary structure. The
press announced that Turkish Cypriots loss of any political influence resulted
“had no right to return to the House of in a systematic harassment of Turkish
Representatives”.11 Cypriots by a powerful Greek Cypriot
The control of the state was effectively majority impacting on many levels of
left in the hands of the Greek Cypriots. The their daily existence.
UN resolutions confirmed recognition of
this state of affairs as satisfactory, as they With the gradual restoration
continued referring to the government of a ceasefire on the island,
of Cyprus in its truncated version as the
Turkish Cypriot deputies to the
legitimate government of all Cypriots.
Government of the Republic
The acceptance of solely Greek Cypriot
representation in the United Nations on
of Cyprus made an attempt to
behalf of all Cypriots validated the UN’s return to the government as
stance on the established situation in partners in the Republic, under
Cyprus. the provisions of the 1960
The Turkish Cypriots maintained
Constitution.
that the structure of the republic rested
on the existence of two communities During the second half of 1964, the
as equal partners, and not a majority/ government, led by Makarios, initiated
minority division. The ‘minority’ issue an economic blockade, restricting the
was not based on a body numbers. movement of food, clothes and other
The concept of ‘minority’, despite its commercial materials between areas
popular misassociation with a numerical, controlled by Turkish Cypriots. In view
statistical minority, refers to categories of the fact that many Turkish Cypriots
of members of society who hold fewer were now refugees, some having to camp
positions of social power. It was precisely in the open, the blockade significantly
this loss of any political influence that aggravated the situation. The Greek
worried the Turkish Cypriot co-partners Cypriot authorities also imposed
of the Republic.
restrictions on the movement of Turkish
The Turkish Cypriot community Cypriots and obstructed the delivery
was mainly concerned with unjust of the Red- Crescent food supplies and
treatment in their own country, and other relief material sent from Turkey.12
the concerns were well justified. The evidence provided by the Secretary-
The political inequality of the two General in 1964 supported his evaluation
63Olga Campbell-Thomson
of the situation as amounting to a Plaza held a number of consultations with
veritable siege. Reporting on systematic each party throughout 1964-1965 only
obstructions placed by the “Government” to conclude that it was not appropriate
on the movement of UNFICYP escorts at that stage “to set forth precise
to the Red Crescent convoys, and on the recommendations”.15 His suggestion
desperate situation of the “beleaguered was that the two communities of Cyprus
Turkish Cypriots”, the Secretary General should meet together and that the search
warned “of the serious consequences that for a solution “must go on, with patience,
the Government measures could bring tolerance and good faith.”16
about”.13 The two communities carried on their
A report by the Secretary-General negotiations until 1967, when the Greek
on the United Nations Operations Cypriot assaults on Turkish Cypriot
in Cyprus to the Security Council villages brought all talks to a halt. In
on 10 September 1964 contained November 1967, the Greek Cypriot
details of “serious misgivings” about National Guard, led by the Greek General
the Government of Cyprus. It is Grivas, launched an attack on the two
Turkish Cypriot villages of Boğaziçi and
worth noting that throughout the
Geçitkale. On 15 November of the same
report, references are made to the
year, armed troops attacked the Turkish
“Government” and to the “Turkish
Cypriot quarter of Ayios Theodhoros and
Cypriot leadership”, thus cementing the
Kophinou. The UN Secretary-General’s
erroneous official position taken earlier
report of 8 December 1967 stated that
by the UN, treating the Greek Cypriot
the incidents of 15-16 November at
faction as the sole and legal government,
Ayios Theodhorou and Kophinou “were
and accepting the ousting of the Turkish
the gravest since the disturbances of
Cypriot community from the Republic’s
1963-1964, and the situation in Cyprus
government as a fait accompli.14 has undergone a serious deterioration in
consequence”.17
UN-led Cyprus Talks 1965- Turkey’s threat to take military
1974 action, following the attacks, prompted
international concern. The UN Secretary
As the inter-communal relations General sent three appeals to the President
came to a standstill, and the economic of Cyprus, and to the governments
and political gap between the two of Greece and Turkey, urging them to
communities widened, the UN began avoid further outbreaks of hostilities.18
brokering negotiations with the aim of An agreement between the involved
resolving the conflict. UN Mediator Galo parties was reached on 30 November
64The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
1967, in which the Greek government given expression within these rights,
agreed to withdraw the nearly 12,000 ‘mob rule’ replaces ‘democratic rule.’
The concept of the partnership status
Greek military personnel who had been in Cyprus was evolved in order to
clandestinely smuggled into Cyprus, establish a modern system of democracy
and to recall General Grivas to Greece. with sufficient safeguards to prevent its
ultimate emergence as tyranny or mob
In return, Turkey disbanded its forces in
rule.21
south Turkey that were preparing for a
landing in Cyprus. As part of his promise The military assaults on Turkish
to extend normalization measures on Cypriots in 1967 were all too vivid
the island, President Makarios lifted illustrations of what mob rule could bring
most of the restrictions on the Turkish about in the absence of political parity or
Cypriot enclaves and allowed freedom of any possibility of the Turkish Cypriot
of movement for the Turkish Cypriots side to participate in the management of
throughout the island. the state. If the insistence of the Greek
Resuming in 1968, inter-communal Cypriot administration on its control
talks under UN auspices took place over the entire Cypriot population went
intermittently until 1974 between Rauf against Turkish Cypriot desire of equal
Denktaş and Glafkos Clerides, who political representation in the Republic
represented the Turkish Cypriot and of Cyprus, overt claims to pursue the
Greek Cypriot communities respectively. policy of enosis were met with resolute
During the first round of the talks in indignation by the Turkish Cypriot
1968-1971, the Turkish Cypriot side leadership. The UN Secretary-General,
agreed to considerable concessions, reporting on the impasse in the inter-
yet firmly resented any possibility of communal talks in 1971, noted that the
downgrading their partnership status to public statement made by Archbishop
that of a minority.19 Meanwhile, Glafkos Makarios earlier in 1971 that “he would
Clerides insisted that the Turkish never sign an agreement that barred
Cypriots were given representation in the way to enosis made the issue a
government disproportionate to the fundamental one for the Turkish Cypriot
number of their population and, hence, side, which would accept no agreement
declared that it was impossible to return unless it closed the door to enosis”.22
to the Zürich-London Agreements.20 The talks that had broken down
Denktaş’s position on the matter was as
in 1971 were reactivated by the UN
follows:
Secretary-General and his Special
In the modern concept of democratic Representative, and the second round
rule the primary business of political
democracy is to defend the rights of all. of the inter-communal talks (1972-
Where the will of the minority is not 1974) commenced the following
65Olga Campbell-Thomson
summer. This round of talks was Events of Summer 1974
undermined by the intensification
of enosis-inspired activity in Cyprus, On 15 July 1974, the Cypriot
which was now vigorously backed up National Guard and Greek officers led
by the fascist military junta of Greece. an armoured attack on the presidential
In September 1971, General Grivas palace in Nicosia. Makarios was hastily
returned to Cyprus and set up the new proclaimed dead and the presidency
terrorist organization EOKA-B. The was assumed by Nikos Sampson, who
Cypriot National Guard and EOKA-B had distinguished himself as a convicted
aimed their violence primarily against murderer of British civilians and police
Greek Cypriot supporters of Makarios. in the 1950s, and was later nicknamed
Even though Makarios never renounced ‘the butcher of Omorphita’ for his
the idea of enosis, he retracted from ruthless assaults on the Turkish Cypriots
actively promoting it after the military in 1963-1964, specifically for his
junta seized power in Greece in 1967. leadership of the attacks on the mixed
Makarios himself was now seen as a suburb of Omorphita. Although he
major obstacle to enosis by the extreme announced that the ensued fighting on
nationalists in Cyprus and in Greece, the island was an internal Greek Cypriot
and, whatever progress was achieved affair, Sampson’s presidency became an
during the second round of talks imminent threat to any possibility of
between the two Cyprus communities peace for either the Greek Cypriot or
(1972-1974), was negated by the Turkish Cypriot population.
Greek-staged coup d’etat in Cyprus on The elaborate plan codenamed Iphestos
15 July 1974. 1974 [volcano], which was captured with
other documents of the Greek Cypriot
By preventing enosis, Turkey National Guard in the weeks following
had preserved the island’s the coup, contained the specifics of the
independence. As noted by annihilation of the Turkish Cypriots, up
Loizos, Turkey’s intervention to the exact location as to where to bury
stopped the miniature civil war their corpses.23 The raging attacks on
between the Greeks in Cyprus, Turkish Cypriots in summer 1974 were
all the necessary proof of the vulnerability
and so it is impossible to say how
of the Turkish Cypriot population in the
long it would have gone on, and
face of extremists’ control over the island.
how many lives would have been
lost in it. The Greek Cypriots themselves were
not spared during the days following
66The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
the coup; clashes ensued among A round of consultations between
different factions in the Greek Cypriot Turkey and Britain (the two guarantor
society including Makarios supporters, powers), as well as bi-lateral and multi-
communists, EOKA-B militants and lateral diplomatic exchanges between
their sympathisers, and plain civilians. Turkey, U.S., Greece, and Britain, went
Describing the events which followed on for several days following the coup
the coup, Loizos remarked that “the d’etat in Cyprus, with no reasonable
game was now a deadly one, and its resolution on how to halt the bloodshed
name was civil war.”24 As reported by in Cyprus. On 19 July, the National
Borowiec, an estimated 2,000 Makarios Security Council of Turkey made a
supporters were killed by Greek officers decision to intervene under the auspices
and EOKA-B militants in the four days of the Treaty of Guarantee. Six thousand
following the coup.25 Turkish troops landed in the northern
port of Kyrenia on 20 July, and by the
evening of 22 July, Turkey accepted a
The ceasefire line (buffer zone) ceasefire from the Greek-led militia.
established in August 1974
The outcome of this operation (First
and the following exchanges
Peace Operation in Cyprus) was the
of population were necessary restoration of a democratically elected
measures for the maintenance government in Cyprus with Makarios as
of peace on the island, and for President. By preventing enosis, Turkey
the first time in ten years, the had preserved the island’s independence.
Turkish Cypriot population was As noted by Loizos, Turkey’s intervention
able to live in safety. stopped the miniature civil war between
the Greeks in Cyprus, and so it is
impossible to say how long it would
Makarios managed to escape from the have gone on, and how many lives would
island with the assistance of the British have been lost in it.27 The intervention
forces. On 19 July 1974, he addressed had aided the overthrow of the brutal
the UN Security Council and asked the dictatorship in Greece; the junta regime
Council members “to do their utmost to was toppled the day following the
put an end to this anomalous situation landing of the Turkish troops in Cyprus,
which was created by the coup of Athens”.26 and civilian democratic rule in Greece
was restored.
No denunciation of the Greek-led
coup or of the assaults on the civilian In order to protect the Turkish Cypriot
population in Cyprus was made by the community, the Turkish forces carved
UN Security Council. out a piece of land- seven percent- which
67Olga Campbell-Thomson
would become a safety island under of the Secretary-General in July-August
protection of the Turkish troops until 1974 registered instances of looting,
other proper guarantees to the Cypriot and harassment of civilian population,
population were installed. as well as instances of the National
Guard taking prisoners and undertaking
military action against Turkish Cypriot
The proclamation of the Turkish enclaves throughout the island.31
Federated State of Cyprus in
The Second Geneva Conference, with
1975 was an inevitability, and the participation of Greece, Turkey and
reflected the reality of the two the United Kingdom, took place on
separate political and territorial 9-13 August 1974. As the talks were
entities on the island. going on, the occupation and siege of
Turkish enclaves in the Greek sector of
the island continued; the situation in
A round of talks between Turkey, the regions of Serdarlı and Nicosia were
Greece and Cyprus in Geneva on 25- particularly disturbing. On 14 August,
30 July 1974 (First Geneva Conference) talks broke down and Turkey undertook
resulted in a Declaration, signed on 30 a second intervention. The operation
July, which stipulated the establishment was concluded on 16 August 1974 and
of a security zone, immediate evacuation resulted in demarcation of the territory
of all Turkish Cypriot enclaves occupied (approximately one third of the island)
by Greek and Greek Cypriot forces, in the north of Cyprus, where Turkish
and the release of detained military Cypriots could live under the protection
personnel and civilians.28 The provisions of Turkish forces.
of the First Geneva Conference were Slengesol reports that an American
immediately violated by Greek and envoy, Hartman, who was sent to
Greek Cypriot forces, who continued Cyprus “on a fact finding mission” in the
to attack and put under siege Turkish interim period between the two Geneva
Cypriots residing outside the protective Conferences in summer 1974, concluded
umbrella of the Turkish armed forces. that “there were ‘genuine reasons’ for the
According to Türkmen, the Turkish Turkish Cypriots to feel threatened”.32
Cypriot inhabitants of Aloa, Sandallaris, Hartman’s observation was also that a
Maratha, Tochni, Zigi and Mari were separation of both communities was
“almost entirely wiped out.”29 UNFICYP necessary and that “two autonomous
admitted that its resources did not administrations existed on the island
“permit complete surveillance over all the and would continue to exist regardless of
areas concerned”,30 but regular reports constitutional arrangements”.33
68The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
Throughout the summer of 1974, and What exactly the authors of the UN
most of 1975, groups of Greek Cypriots resolutions perceived as “equal footing”
and Turkish Cypriots alike were escorted remains unclear. There has been no
where possible by the UNFICYP evidence of equal footing in the UN’s
and British Armed forces, to areas of dealings with the Cyprus problem since
protection. A Population Exchange the outbreak of the conflict in 1963. The
Agreement was signed on 2 August 1975 UN’s regrets of any efforts undertaken
in Vienna.34 Most Greek Cypriots moved by the Turkish Cypriot community to
to the south to live under the governance establish some form of political and
of a Greek Cypriot administration and administrative mechanisms to run the
most Turkish Cypriots moved to the affairs of their community were short of
north to live under the governance of constituting an equal footing approach.
a Turkish Cypriot administration. The The acceptance of a Turkish Cypriot
ceasefire line (buffer zone) established state would establish political parity
in August 1974 and the following between the two communities of Cyprus.
exchanges of population were necessary Yet, an obdurate insistence of the UN
measures for the maintenance of peace resolutions that the Greek Cypriot
on the island, and for the first time in ten administration was the legal government
years, the Turkish Cypriot population of all Cypriots, compromised equal
was able to live in safety. footing and endorsed continuing
political and economic disparity between
On 13 February 1975, the Turkish
the two communities.
Cypriot community, which had already
been governed by its own autonomous
administration for more than ten years, The Status of Inequality
proclaimed the establishment of the Continues and Intensifies
Turkish Federated State of Cyprus. The
proclamation of the Turkish Federated All parties were affected by the
State of Cyprus in 1975 was an inevitability, Greek-led coup and its aftermath. The
and reflected the reality of the two separate relocation of thousands of refugees was
political and territorial entities on the a painful experience for Turkish Cypriots
island. The Security Council Resolution and Greek Cypriots alike. The process of
367 (1975) regretted the declaration of recovery, however, was shaped differently,
a Federated Turkish State, which it saw and the political and economic disparity
“inter alia, tending to compromise the between the two communities, which
continuation of negotiations between the was already well pronounced by 1974,
representatives of the two communities on reached unprecedented levels in the
an equal footing.” subsequent years.
69Olga Campbell-Thomson
The Greek Cypriot section of the of manufactured goods and agricultural
island was by now confirmed as the produce to the Middle East and the
Republic of Cyprus by the UN. By European Economic Community,
completely erasing the records of Greek expanded at a 6 percent rate between
Cypriot responsibility for initiating and 1974 and 1978.36 Manufacturing
perpetuating the divide between the two increased at double-digit rates during
communities of the Republic of Cyprus, much of the 1980s, and the per capita
the Greek Cypriot administration gross national product (GNP) was
altered the history of the Cyprus conflict about US$7,200 or C£3,597 in 1988,
into a myth of Turkey’s aggression, and compared with C£537.9 in 1973.37
consequently drew on the sympathy and
Open access to its ports, combined
benevolence of an ill-informed world
with the generous tax concessions and
community.
the island’s geographical position, turned
the southern part of the island into a
Turkish Cypriots therefore had shipping hub, and by 2006, Cyprus
no avenue by which to present ranked among the top ten maritime
their side of the conflict and were nations.38
kept isolated by an uninterrupted In the UN annual reports on Human
flow of UN resolutions deploring Development, starting with 1991, Cyprus
its existence. (i.e. the Greek Cypriot administered area
of Cyprus) appears in the list of High-
According to Borowiec, “in the early Income Countries Aggregate, in other
1980s, Cyprus was probably one of the words a country with a GNP per capita
most subsidized countries in the world, of US $6,000 and above. Throughout
to the tune of US$50 million a year for the years 2000-2012, it maintained its
a population of over half a million”, and ranking in the top 30, with the GNP per
the total amount of aid for distribution capita growing steadily.39
was handed to the Greek Cypriot While the standard of living of the
administration. 35 Greek Cypriot community under the
In addition to generous support name of Cyprus has been meticulously
coming from abroad, the legality of its calculated and ranked as ‘high’ and
existence allowed speedy development ‘very high’, the Turkish Cypriot state is
of industries, trade, and tourism in the nowhere to be found in the UN Human
Greek Cypriot administered part of the Development Index. It is not even listed
island. The economy of this section of under ‘other countries and territories’. It
Cyprus, which benefitted from exporting simply does not exist!
70The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
Since the Turkish Cypriot side of the (except for Turkey). Needless to say, the
island was kept under international northern part of Cyprus was less than
political sanctions, it was not allowed attractive for investments.
to establish diplomatic relations with
To add to the economic hardships
any other countries, with the exception
of the Turkish Cypriot community,
of Turkey. Turkish Cypriots therefore
the European Court of Justice (ECJ)
had no avenue by which to present
their side of the conflict and were kept ruled in 1994 that member states
isolated by an uninterrupted flow of were disallowed to accept the import
UN resolutions deploring its existence. of citrus fruit and potatoes from
In parallel, the Turkish Cypriot state northern Cyprus (ruling 5 July 1994).
was not allowed to develop its economy In 1995, the ECJ expanded its ban to
on the same terms as the Greek Cypriot the imports to the European Union of
side. products originating
from the Northern
International non- An aggressive campaign, run by
part of Cyprus and,
recognition of the the Greek Cypriot administration
as a consequence of
Turkish Cypriot state to assert that it was the sole
posed challenges the ECJ decision,
rightful government entitled to around 3,000-
unimaginable in
any other modern
controlling the entire population 4,000 people in
community. The and territory of Cyprus, Northern Cyprus
isolation jeopardized any possibility of were laid off. The
40
political
of the Turkish developing mutual confidence. ECJ ruling resulted
Cypriot state meant in a considerable
that there were no decrease of Turkish
direct international telephone lines, Cypriot exports (mainly citrus and
no postal addresses, no membership dairy products) to the European Union
in international legal and institutional (EU) and forced the Turkish Cypriot
resources, and no direct flights to or state to turn to Turkey for foreign trade
from the country. as it was the only nation to formally
Tourism could not flourish in offer recognition. A UK Foreign Affairs
northern Cyprus, whose ports of entry Committee Report on Cyprus for 2006-
were declared illegal. Trade could not 2007 estimated that 80% of goods
be properly developed because the leaving northern Cyprus did so through
community of northern Cyprus was Turkey and that this imposed “high
precluded from any international costs on Turkish Cypriot businesses,
business dealings outside its borders harming their competitiveness”.41
71Olga Campbell-Thomson
UN-led Cyprus Settlement notes that Kyprianou, “fortified by UN
resolutions in favour of Greek Cypriot
Proposals after 1974
side”, refused to meet with Denktaş in
New York, not even socially.43
Following the events of 1974, the
UN continued its engagement in the In Spring 1979, Kyprianou met with
negotiation process on the settlement Denktaş at the UNFICYP Headquarters
in Cyprus. Invitations were regularly in Nicosia in the presence of the Secretary-
sent to the representatives of Cyprus General. The Ten-Point Agreement
which, in the UN formulation, included reached on 19 May 1979 between
only Greek Cypriots. The UN extended Kyprianou and Denktaş stipulated that
its invitations to Turkish Cypriot “there should be respect for human rights
representatives under a special provision, and fundamental freedoms for all citizens
so they could participate in talks with of the Republic” (Point 3) and that the
‘representatives of Cyprus’, i.e. the Greek parties would “abstain from any action
Cypriot party.42 Thus framed, the UN- which might jeopardize the outcome
led negotiations continued. of the talks and special importance will
be given to initial practical measures by
Six rounds of talks, lasting from April
both sides to promote good will, mutual
1975 to the middle of 1976, known
confidence and the return to normal
as the Vienna Talks, were undertaken
conditions” (Point 6).44
under UN auspices. However, little was
achieved in Vienna. Continuing restrictions on movement,
and the political and economic blockade
In May and June 1978, Kyprianou
of the Turkish Cypriot state, was an
and Denktaş, the representatives of the
outrageous violation of human rights.
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot
An aggressive campaign, run by the
communities respectively, were in New
Greek Cypriot administration to assert
York. Whilst Kyprianou was hosted
that it was the sole rightful government
by the General Assembly and could
entitled to controlling the entire
deliver his version of developments in
population and territory of Cyprus,
Cyprus, Denktaş was not allowed to
jeopardized any possibility of developing
address the Assembly, as he represented
mutual confidence. The UN’s one-sided
a government that was not recognized by
approach, with a bias in favour of Greek
the UN. Thus, the Turkish Cypriot party
Cypriot side, did not promote mutual
was entirely excluded from the debate.
confidence either.
The General Assembly received one side
of the story, as has been the standard The inconsistencies in the UN
practice in the UN- Cyprus affair. Dodd pledges to run negotiations on an equal
72The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
footing, and the reality on the ground, population became the UN’s consent on
were obvious. Thus, for example, the long-lasting abuses against the Turkish
Resolution adopted by the UN General Cypriot community by the erstwhile
Assembly on 20 November 1979, once Government. This contradicts any
again called for “respect of the human UN claims to seek equal footing in the
rights of all Cypriots” and “for the urgent matters of the ‘Cyprus problem.’
resumption in a meaningful, result- The Turkish Cypriot community
oriented and constructive manner of the undertook various steps to end its
negotiations …to be conducted freely on precarious state of non-existence. On 5
an equal footing”.45 The resolution also August 1981, the Turkish Cypriot side
called “upon all States to support and help presented a comprehensive proposal in
the Government of Cyprus to exercise response to the UN Secretary-General’s
the above-mentioned rights”.46 Whilst renewed efforts to bring the two sides
calling for the respect of the human rights together. The discussion of the proposal,
of all Cypriots, the UN was denying which continued until 1983, ended with
rights to Turkish Cypriots, including the no solution.
right of equal representation, the right
for economic development, the right to By the beginning of the 1980s, the
freedom of movement and freedom of impossibility of a return to Constitutional
self-determination. Whilst calling for arrangements was obvious. The territorial
negotiations on an equal footing, the and administrative separation of the
UN Assembly refused to hear the voice two communities became a living fact.
of the Turkish Cypriots, and the UN’s A unitary system under Greek Cypriot
references to ‘Cyprus representation’ domination was resolutely rejected by
did not take account of the Turkish the Turkish Cypriot community. Failure
Cypriots in such representation. to reach any acceptable agreement with
Moreover, the UN affirmed its support the Greek Cypriot party, and continuing
to a government that consisted solely of sanctions imposed on the Turkish
Greek Cypriots, and which had lost both Cypriots by the UN, left the Turkish
its legitimacy and the moral ground once Cypriot community in a political limbo.
it violated the Constitutional provisions, On 15 November 1983, The
imposed an economic blockade, and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
perpetrated brutal armed assaults on (TRNC) was proclaimed. The UN
the living community under its alleged Security Council resolution 541 (1983)
legal control. The UN’s call to support promptly deplored the declaration of
the Government of Cyprus to exercise the TRNC. The resolution considered
its right to control the entire Cypriot the declaration of the Turkish Cypriot
73Olga Campbell-Thomson
State to be “incompatible with the 1960 In 1985, the UN Secretary-General,
Treaty concerning the establishment of Perez de Cuellar, hosted a new round
the Republic of Cyprus”.47 But so was of meetings between Greek and
the abrogation of the Constitution in Turkish Cypriot parties in New York.
1963 by Makarios and further unilateral While Denktaş, the Turkish Cypriot
changes to the 1960 Constitutional representative at the talks, was prepared
arrangements by the Greek Cypriot to sign the Secretary-General’s complete
administration. The UN resolution 541 proposal, his Greek Cypriot counter-
(1983) considered the declaration of the part, Kiprianou, objected to almost every
Turkish Cypriot State illegal, but so was paragraph in the document.48
the Greek Cypriot administration which
The successor to Perez de Cuellar,
ousted Turkish
Boutros Ghali, who
Cypriot partners
from the Republic’s
Despite the fact that the Turkish assumed his position
as UN Secretary-
government and Cypriots and their leadership
General in 1991,
appropriated the were commended for their
moved the existing
name of the Republic willingness to compromise to
proposals on Cyprus
of Cyprus. Neither reach a settlement in Cyprus,
to a new level.
exists in agreement and were promised by the UN
The ‘Set of Ideas’
with the 1960 and the EU bodies that they
developed under his
Treaty concerning would lift the economic and
leadership laid out
the establishment political sanctions imposed, the
the ground for UN
of the Republic of
pledges died on the vine and have discussions with
Cyprus. So, there
remained in place to this date. the two Cypriot
is no juridical
communities. The
justification of the
‘Set of Ideas’ was
UN’s acceptance of one fraction of the
underpinned by the understanding of
Republic of Cyprus as legal and the other
the importance of equal standing of
as illegal.
the two communities if a solution to
With the UN obviously leaning in the Cyprus problem was to be reached.
their favour, and riding on the crest of UN Resolution 744 (1992) reaffirmed
economic prosperity, the Greek Cypriots that the settlement in Cyprus must be
had little to lose, regardless of the based on a State of Cyprus “comprising
outcome of any proposed solution. The two politically equal communities”.49
losing party, as always, were the Turkish Three rounds of talks took place in
Cypriots, and the incessant negotiations phases from June to November 1992.
did not bring any notable results. The Turkish Cypriots accepted 91 out of
74The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
100 paragraphs of the ‘Set of Ideas’ and intensified. Following the meeting of
the Greek Cypriots “only accepted them the European Council in Corfu in June
subject to the provisions they had listed, 1994, the UN reaffirmed its position
which were substantial.”50 that “a Cyprus settlement must be based
On 3 July 1990, the Greek Cypriot on a State of Cyprus…comprising two
Administration (again, presenting politically equal communities” but once
themselves as the Republic of Cyprus) again reiterated its call not to recognize
submitted a unilateral application for the existence of the state of the Turkish
membership to the European Economic Cypriots.52
Community (EEC), without any talks Trying to use the possibility of EU
on the matter with the Turkish Cypriot accession as a catalyst for settling
community. In 1993, the European the Cyprus problem, the UN
Commission erroneously concluded that Secretary-General Kofi Annan called
the application was made in the name for negotiations on 29 June 1999.
of the whole of Cyprus. In early 1994 Numerous discussions and consultations,
Greece assumed presidency of the EU as well as a continuous process of
Council and urged EU membership for making concessions by all sides and of
Cyprus. amending the text, finally shaped into
The European Council, which met a comprehensive settlement plan. On
in Corfu in June 1994, welcomed “the 11 November 2002, a plan sponsored
significant progress made regarding the by the UN, Kofi Annan’s plan (named
application of Cyprus” and asked the after UN General Secretary at the time),
Commission “to do their utmost” to was proposed. The two communities
bring to a rapid conclusion the efforts had two years (2002-2004) to study the
of Cyprus towards integration into plan and to hold a referendum in April
the European Union.51 The European 2004 to voice their support or rejection
Council’s Corfu discussion on the of the plan of re-unification. The Turkish
progress of Cyprus was, of course, limited Cypriots voted YES (64.91%). Greek
to the Greek Cypriot community. It was Cypriots voted NO (75.83%). The
amidst this “progress of Cyprus” in the Republic of Cyprus was allowed to join
background, that the Turkish Cypriot the EU on 1 May 2004 as a part of a
community suffered the 1994 ECJ ruling divided island. The TRNC community
imposing the forbidding of member was left out and continues its existence
EU states to export goods originating as an ostracized community, largely
from the Turkish Cypriot state, with the dependent on Turkish aid, since political
result that economic sanctions imposed embargoes and trade restrictions do not
on the Turkish Cypriot community allow the TRNC to develop its own
75Olga Campbell-Thomson
economy to reach the level of modern the Greek Cypriot controlled area of the
developed economies. Republic of Cyprus in the south. They
function as two states independent from
each other, and a stark political and
Convinced in their righteousness economic disparity exists between the
by strong UN backing, the Greek two communities.
Cypriot administration has learnt
Despite the constraints imposed on
that it could scorn proposed
the TRNC by its precarious existence
settlement plans without any as an internationally unrecognized
loss of the privileges it has been political entity, the TRNC has all the
granted by the international characteristics and institutions of a
community. nation-state. But as the UN continues
to call to all countries to deplore the
existence of the Turkish Cypriot state, a
Kofi Annan, the then Secretary-General living community of the TRNC carries
of the UN, noted in his report following on its daily subsistence in a state which
the referendum of 2004 that the Turkish is customarily referred to as ‘quasi state’,
Cypriots’ vote in the referendum had ‘so-called state’, ‘runaway state’, ‘the
“undone whatever rationale might have north of the green line’, ‘the nation-in-
existed for pressuring and isolating waiting’ or ‘de facto state.’ This list is not
them”.53 Despite the fact that the comprehensive but it provides an idea
Turkish Cypriots and their leadership of the unusual nature of the Turkish
were commended for their willingness Cypriot state’s existence.
to compromise to reach a settlement in At the time of this writing, negotiations
Cyprus, and were promised by the UN on the settlement of the Cyprus problem
and the EU bodies that they would lift continue. The most recent (at the time
the economic and political sanctions of this writing) UN resolution asks all
imposed, the pledges died on the vine parties to engage “fully, flexibly and
and have remained in place to this date. constructively in the negotiations”
and makes a note that “the status quo
Present Day is unsustainable”.54 In point of fact,
the status quo in Cyprus is sustainable
As the negotiation process towards and is being sustained precisely due
an alternative political arrangement to the UN resolutions, which do not
in Cyprus continues, there are, in fact allow for an equal standing of the two
and in substance, two separate states in parties in conflict. Convinced in their
Cyprus: the TRNC in the north, and righteousness by strong UN backing, the
76The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
Greek Cypriot administration has learnt Indeed, the Cypriot conflict has been
that it could scorn proposed settlement a matter of principle, or rather, two very
plans without any loss of the privileges different principles. If the Greek Cypriot
it has been granted by the international principle of domination at any cost can
community. be seen as an atavism of a supremacist
ideology which has been shamed and
The status quo in Cyprus will sustain
banished from the scene of modern
itself for as long as the United Nations
human order, the Turkish Cypriot
continues to endorse the conditions of
principle of equality is not at odds with
inequality between the two parties. The
any of the principles underpinning the
root of the problem was (and is) the issue
philosophy of the modern Western
of inequality. The UN’s endorsement
world.
of the status of inequality of the two
prominent communities in Cyprus has
escalated the problem to the point of The UN’s wilful imposition
a deadlock. As the UN continues to
of political and economic
send emissaries to the island, it would
sanctions on the Turkish Cypriot
be timely to review the organization’s
myopic policies, and to consider focusing
community, and its partiality in
on the roots, and not the symptoms, of the Cyprus conflict, contradicts
the conflict. the very foundational principles
of the organization’s existence
Afterwards and operation.
Glafkos Clerides, a long-term Greek
The slogan of modern democracy
Cypriot negotiator, summed up the
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity has been held
Cyprus problem as the following:
high in Western society. The UN Charter
Just as the Greek Cypriot preoccupation
itself was founded on the principles
was that Cyprus should be a Greek
Cypriot state, with a protected Turkish which adhere to liberty and equality as
Minority, the Turkish preoccupation necessary pre-conditions for a dignified
was to defeat any such effort and to human existence. As it is stated in the
maintain the partnership concept,
which in their opinion the Zurich
Preamble to its Charter, the Organization
Agreement created between the two of the United Nations was established in
communities. The conflict, therefore, order “to reaffirm faith in fundamental
was a conflict of principle and for that
human rights, in the dignity and worth
principle both sides were prepared to
go on arguing and even, if need be, to of the human person, in the equal rights
fight, rather than to compromise.55 of men and women and of nations
77Olga Campbell-Thomson
large and small” and “to promote social The UN’s prejudice in the case of Cyprus
progress and better standards of life in is of an even greater sorrow, since the
larger freedom”.56 It was also foreseen core of the Cyprus problem is the issue
that the formation of the organization of inequality, and the UN’s endorsement
would be a way “to employ international of inequality exacerbates the problem.
machinery for the promotion of the
It is argued here that the UN has failed
economic and social advancement of all
peoples.”57 The purpose of the creation to lead the island towards a workable
of the UN was to ascertain the existence solution, because it has actively prevented
of an impartial organization which any possibility for the two sides to act
would safeguard basic human rights “in as equal partners in the process, and
conformity with the principles of justice” has not created a level playing field.
and “based on respect for the principle There are no more reasons to grant
of equal rights and self-determination of legality to a separatist Greek Cypriot
people”.58 The UN was not foreseen as a administration than there are to deplore
tool of manipulation and certainly not as the proclamation of the Turkish Cypriot
a tool of arbitrary punishment. state. As stated in numerous UN reports
The principles of justice, equality, and and resolutions, the two sides indeed
the right for the economic and social have to be on equal footing; and to go
advancement have no less significance forward, either both have to be treated as
today than they did in 1945, when legal political partners or both deplored.
the UN Charter was adopted. The It is hardly possible to anticipate any
UN’s wilful imposition of political and success in the UN’s attempts to fraternize
economic sanctions on the Turkish the two communities of Cyprus unless
Cypriot community, and its partiality equality is achieved first. Although the
in the Cyprus conflict, contradicts the UN has advocated for equal footing,
very foundational principles of the its partiality has, in fact, hobbled the
organization’s existence and operation. process of settlement in Cyprus.
78The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
Endnotes
1 UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964).
2 “Treaty Concerning the Establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, signed at Nicosia on 16
August 1960”, in Murat Hakkı (ed.), Cyprus: Selected Treaties and Documents (1878-2004),
Volume I: Constitutional Issues, Morrisville, Lulu Enterprises, 2004, pp. 29- 134.
3 “Treaty of Guarantee between the Republic of Cyprus and Greece, the United Kingdom and
Turkey”, in Hakkı (ed.), Cyprus: Selected Treaties and Documents (1878-2004), Volume I:
Constitutional Issues, pp. 135-136.
4 “Treaty of Alliance between the Republic of Cyprus, Greece and Turkey”, in Hakkı (ed.),
Cyprus: Selected Treaties and Documents (1878-2004), p. 136.
5 Ibid.
6 UN Report S/5950.
7 Rauf Denktaş, “How the Zürich Agreements Unravelled”, in Michael Moran (ed.), Cyprus:
Unity and Difference, Istanbul Kultur University, Global Political Trends Center, 2009, pp.
113-114.
8 UN Report S/6253, paras 49-50
9 Makarios Droushiotis, “Zurich- from curse to blessing in disguise,” in Moran (ed.), Cyprus
Unity and Difference, p. 109.
10 Ibid., p. 109.
11 Ibid., p. 110.
12 UN Reports S/5950 and S/6253.
13 UN Report S/5959.
14 Ibid.
15 UN Report S/6253.
16 Ibid.
17 UN Report S/8286.
18 Ibid.
19 Susanne Baier-Allen, Exploring the Linkage between EU Accession and Conflict Resolution: The
Cyprus Case, Baden-Baden, Germany, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2004, p. 82.
20 Halil I. Salih, Cyprus: The Impact of Diverse Nationalism on a State, Tuscaloosa, University of
Alabama Press, 1978, pp. 81- 82.
21 Quoted in Salih, Cyprus: The Impact of Diverse Nationalism on a State, p. 82.
79Olga Campbell-Thomson
22 UN Report S/10401.
23 Füsun Türkmen, “Cyprus 1974 Revisited: Was it Humanitarian Intervention?”, Perceptions:
Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Winter 2005), p. 77.
24 Peter Loizos, The Heart Grown Bitter: A Chronicle of Cypriot War Refugees, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 1981, p. 70.
25 Andrew Borowiec, Cyprus: A Troubled Island, Westport, Praeger Publishers, 2000, p. 84.
26 “The Speech by Makarios Delivered Before the UN Security Council on 19 July 1974”, in
Hakkı (ed.), Cyprus: Selected Treaties and Documents (1878-2004), p. 341.
27 Loizos, Heart Grown Bitter, pp. 76-77.
28 Geneva Declaration of 30 July 1974 on Cyprus.
29 Türkmen, “Cyprus 1974 Revisited: Was it Humanitarian Intervention?”, p. 83.
30 UN Report S/11443.
31 See, for example, Reports of the Secretary-General on developments in Cyprus S/11353/
Add.14; S/11353/Add.15; S/11353/Add.16. Report S/11353/Add.15 of 5 August 1974
registered that some 5,300 Turkish Cypriots sought refuge in the British Sovereign Base
Areas, around 800 Turkish Cypriots were kept prisoners in Larnaca district and 1,300 Turkish
Cypriots were detained in a prison camp in the stadium of Limassol.
32 Ivar-André Slengesol, “A Bad Show? The United States and the 1974 Cyprus Crisis”,
Mediterranean Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Spring 2000), p. 121.
33 Ibid., p. 121.
34 “The Third Vienna Agreement, signed 2 August 1975 in Vienna”, in Hakkı (ed.), Cyprus:
Selected Treaties and Documents (1878-2004), pp. 344-345.
35 Borowiec, Cyprus: A Troubled Island, p. 129.
36 Eric Solsten (ed.), Cyprus: A Country Study, Washington D.C., Federal Research Division,
Library of Congress Call Number DS54.A3 C955 1993, at http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/
cytoc.html [last visited 10 January 2014].
37 Ibid.
38 Anna Manoudi, “An Exhaustive Analysis of Employment Trends in All Sectors Related to Sea
or Using Sea Resources”, ECOTEC Research & Consulting, C3135, August 2006.
39 UNDP Human Development Index 1990-2012.
40 Stefan Talmon, “The Cyprus Question before the European Court of Justice”, European
Journal of International Law, Vol. 12, No. 4 (2001), p. 737.
41 UK Foreign Affairs Committee Report, Visit to Turkey and Cyprus (HC 473), London, The
Stationery Office Limited, 2007, para 133.
80The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus
42 UN Security Council Resolutions 367 (1975); 414 (1977); 440 (1978); 443 (1978).
43 Clement Dodd, The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict, Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, p.
139.
44 Ten-Point Agreement, 19 May 1979, in Hakkı (ed.), Cyprus: Selected Treaties and Documents
(1878-2004), p. 347.
45 UN General Assembly Resolution A/RES/30/34.
46 Ibid.
47 UN Security Council Resolution 541 (1983).
48 Dodd, The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict, p. 153.
49 UN Security Council Resolution 744 (1992).
50 Dodd, The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict, p. 174.
51 Corfu European Council, Presidency Conclusions, 24-25 June 1994, Section II B.
52 UN Security Council Resolution 939 (1994).
53 UN Report S/2004/437.
54 UN Security Council Resolution 2114 (2013).
55 Glafkos Clerides, Cyprus: My Deposition, Vol. 3, Nicosia, 1990, p. 105.
56 UN Charter, Preamble.
57 Ibid., Preamble.
58 Ibid., Chapter I Article 1.
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