The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults: San Ginés de la Jara and Santiago de Compostela
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The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults: San Ginés de la Jara
and Santiago de Compostela
Jane E. Connolly
La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and
Cultures, Volume 36, Number 2, Spring 2008, pp. 99-123 (Article)
Published by La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures,
and Cultures
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/cor.2008.0003
For additional information about this article
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/429807/summary
[ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ]THE RELATIONSHIP OF TWO
IBERIAN CULTS:
SAN GINÉS DE LA JARA AND SANTIAGO
DE COMPOSTELA
Jane E. Connolly
University of Miami
In 1982, John K. Walsh called to the attention of literary scholars
an extraordinary fifteenth-century text, the Vida e estoria del bien
aventurado San Ginés de la Xara (Biblioteca Nacional Madrid 5880). The
Vida de San Ginés provides striking testimony of hagiological creativity
and syncretism. In it the third-century martyr St. Genesius of Aries is
fused with hagiographie and epic motifs, producing San Ginés de la Jara,
relative of Charlemagne, devotee of St. James, protector of Cartagena and
its environs, loyal patron of the Christians and Moors who serve him.
The cult ofSan Ginés de la Jara enjoyed considerable popularity during
the Middle Ages and well into modern times. In the most thorough study
to date of the cult and monastery dedicated to San Ginés, Juan Torres
Fontes suggests that Alfonso X, desiring to Christianize and Europeanize
the newly conquered southeast, established a monastery near Cabo de
I am grateful to Andrew Beresford for his comments on an earlier version
of this study.
La corónica 36.2 (Spring 2008): 99-123100Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
Palos near Cartagena, perhaps where there had once been an Islamic
religious center, under the direction of Augustinians from Cornelia de
Confient in Pyrénées-Orientales, France (Torres Fontes 41-49).1 Although
there is no firm evidence for a preexisting Islamic institution, San Ginés
did find a following among both Christians and Muslims. The Vida de
San Ginés recounts two miraculous healings performed by the saint for
Moors from Granada, and the elaborate service to him rendered by one
of these recipients, Abdaramel, and the King of Granada, Abencacin.
Additionally, the final words of the Vida de San Ginés accentuate Ginés's
dual patronage: "E éstos e otros milagros munchos podríamos contar,
así de christianos como de moros".2 The association of the saint with an
Islamic following was apparently so strong that they claimed him as their
own, a thought that the hagiographer Fray Melchor de Huélamo found
so ridiculous (or repugnant) that he felt he had to dispel it. In his Vida
y milagros del glorioso confessor Sant Ginés de la Xara (Murcia 1607),
Huélamo writes:
No quiero passar en silencio, lo que no se puede oyr sin risa, y
es, que las Moras Africanas, y Beberiscos que ay en Murcia y
Carthagena, y por esta tierra (y aun en parte de Africa) tienen
por cierto, que Sant Ginés fue de su tierra. Y aun dizen ellas que
fue Morabito. Y como a tal le reverencian, y offrecen muy buenas
limosnas y offrendas. Y muchas délias (como yo lo he visto)
llevan en los cabos de sus tocas, por reliquia muy estimada, tierra
de su santa casa, (quoted in Torres Fontes 45-46)3
1 Asensio Sáez contributes a personal and often poetic tribute to San Ginés,
which unfortunately does not meet scholarly standards. He seems to draw
heavily, if not solely, on Juan Torres Fontes, although this is uncertain as the
book lacks any concrete bibliographic reference. Francisco Henares Díaz reviews
the development of the cult of San Ginés from the Middle Ages through modern
times. His study is valuable mostly for its extensive bibliographic references and
for its consideration of the cult as a manifestation of popular religion. Julio Mas
Garcia offers a brief overview of the legend, based primarily on Torres Fontes,
and a complete description of the monastery and the hermitages.
2 Folio 37r. AU citations from the Vida de San Ginés are from my forthcoming
edition.
3 E. Várela Hervías believes that Huélamo's Vida draws in part on notes
based on the Vida de San Ginés made by Pedro Camarín in the late sixteenthThe Relationship of Two Iberian Cults101
More than two centuries later, in 1740, the Franciscan Pablo Manuel
Ortega would marvel at the magnitude of the Muslim devotion to the
saint:
Pero admira más el extremado afecto con que le veneran y
obsequian hasta los moros, haciéndole de continuo grandes
limosnas, principalmente el día 25 de agosto, que se celebra su
Fiesta, con Indulto Apostólico; que concurren a solemnizar su
día, no sólo los moros y moras que se hallan esclavos en todo
este Reyno, que son muchos, sino es también algunos, que suelen
venir, de intento, de varias partes de la Berbería. Explícanse,
diciendo que es San Ginés el mayor Santo, y más piadoso, que
ay en el Cielo; pues no sólo atiende a las peticiones y súplicas de
los fieles moros, si también, de los christianos; y al fin, hechando
todo el resto a su expression e elogio, dicen, que San Ginés, estar
Pariente de su Gran Profeta Mahoma. (Ill; my italics)
It is not surprising that Angus MacKay, discussing the fluidity of the
Castilian-Granadan frontier between 1350-1460, cites San Ginés as an
example of "religious confusion", noting that in the Middle Ages Moors
from Granada visited his sanctuary (221-22). This remarkable Islamic
devotion to San Ginés lends credence to Torres Fontes's argument that
the monastery replaced a Muslim religious community.4
Whatever the circumstances surrounding the founding of the
monastery, the cult of San Ginés was quickly established and spread so
rapidly that it extended far beyond Cabo de Palos in just over a century:
se irraditó el culto a San Ginés por todas direcciones y a hombres
de distintos reinos y creencias, como lo fueron en Aragón y
Granada. La celebridad y popularidad de San Ginés, como
abogado de las labores del campo, alcanzó a Toledo y Cuenca,
century, and offers a comparative outline for Huélamo and the Vida de San Ginés
(78-83). Here and in all further citations, I have modernized the accentuation
and punctuation and regularized the use of u and ? according to their use as
vowel or consonant.
4 Torres Fontes notes that Abu-1 Hasan Hazim al-Qartayanni, a Cartagenan
poet writing in the early thirteenth century, mentions two such centers near
Cartagena (45).102Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
y como protector de los viñedos su devoción se extendió hasta
Jerez de la Frontera, pasando por las provincias de Jaén, Granada
y Sevilla bastante antes que llegara a su apogeo, todavía en los
siglos medievales, queda constancia documental de cómo se
realizaban peregrinaciones desde Lorca, Murcia y Orihuela.
(Torres Fontes 40)
As in the case of the saint's Muslim following, his geographic reach is also
reflected in the Vida de San Ginés : he has followers in Murcia, Valencia,
Andalucía, along the "Camino Francés", and in France. In the eighteenth
century Ortega notes the cult's continued observance: "Es grande la
devoción, que tienen a este Santo, no sólo los cartaginenses, sino en todo
este Reyno de Murcia, y algunos otros bien distantes" (111).
The rapid expansion of the cult may be attributed in part to the saint's
identification with St. Genesius of Aries, for whom Torres Fontes posits
a considerable following in Spain dating back to Visigothic times (44).
The Cartagenan hermit is celebrated on the same date (25 August) as the
two Genesiuses registered in the Acta Sanctorum (the martyred notary
of Aries and the martyred Roman comic).5 Juan Meseguer Fernández,
however, rejects any association of the three, stating that their lives "no
ofrecen, salvo el nombre y la fecha de la celebración de la fiesta, elemento
alguno que permita pensar en un desdoblamiento o que sirva para
explicar la historia de S. Ginés de la Jara" (113). While this may be true
for the Roman martyr, a fairly strong case can be made for a conflation
with Genesius of Aries, for the two saints have in common more than
a name and date: they share minimally a national origin (France), a
link to Santiago de Compostela, and a relation with Cartagena. One ot
the pilgrimage routes to Santiago, the via tolosana, originated in Aries,
and in the Codex Calixtinus pilgrims are urged to visit Genesius's relics
there. The Codex further notes that while the saint's body is in Aries, the
martyr himself placed his head in the Rhône and it eventually floated to
Cartagena, guided by an angel: "Caput uero ipsius per Rodanum et mare
currens Kartaginem urbem Yspanorum ductu angelico peruenit, in
qua obtime nunc quiescit et multa miracula facit" (Whitehill 860). The
5 Joannes Pinnius, et al, 119-23 (actor and martyr), and 123-35 (notary and
martyr); at 125-26. The Acta Sanctorum discusses at some length the veneration
of Genesius of Aries in Spain.The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults103
parallels with the life and miracles of San Ginés de la Jara as recounted
in the Vida de San Ginés are numerous. Our saint leaves France by ship
to undertake a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, but upon meeting
with mishap, throws himself into the sea and is miraculously conducted
to Cabo de Palos near Cartagena, where angels have prepared a hermitage
for him. As in the Codex legend, Ginéss arrival in Cartagena is by sea
and the product of divine design. A further correlation to Genesius of
Aries may be seen in Ginéss association with the pilgrimage route. In
a miracle entitled "De unos romeros que yvan por el Camino Francés",
Ginés appears as a pilgrim and offers water and shelter to those suffering
along the Camino (fol. 27r). It concludes: "E si algunos pasan por aquellos
lugares han sed, e les viene en mientes de San Ginés, luego la pierden
e no les acuyta la sed. Que muy grandes milagros haze e ha fecho en
aquellas tierras e provincias" (fols. 28r-v).6 Perhaps the most compelling
evidence ofa fusion with the third-century martyr relates to the reference
6 All references throughout this study to Vida de San Ginés are my
transcriptions. The following norms are used in the present edition: 1.
Abbreviations have been resolved and silently. 2. Based on usage in the MS, ome
and como are transcribed as ome and como. 3. Given the MS preference for ?
before a bilabial, à, ë, ï, ö- before bip are resolved as an-, en-, in-, on-, un-. 4.
The Tyroman sign is transcribed as e based on MS usage. 5. Muncho appears in
all but one case in the MS, so mûcho is resolved as muncho. 6. u and ? have been
rendered as u when a vowel and ? when a consonant. 7. The long / is given as i. 8.
R-, rr- and S-, ss- are transcribed as r- and s-. 9. ? is transcribed as ñ. 10. f is given
as c before e and i. 11. The inconsistent use of b/v and ily has been maintained:
bivieron, asylasi, etc. 12. The inconsistent use of f-lh- is maintained: fijo/hijo,
fazer/hazer, etc. 13. Periphrastic forms of the future are given as follows: darte-
hé. 14. The inconsistent use of learned and hyper-learned forms are respected:
santo/sancto, segundlsegún, escriptoIescrito, hera/era, hordernar?Ordenar, etc. 15.
Apocopated and elided forms have been respected. In a few cases of elision, the
sign ? has been used for clarity: e.g., yrmè for yrme-é. 16. Punctuation follows
modern practice. 17. Accentuation generally follows modern practice. To avoid
ambiguities, an accent has been used to distinguish certain words: do (donde)!
dó (doy), so (bajo)/só (soy), a (preposition)/^ (from aver), nos (object pronoun)/
nos (nosotros), fuese (subjunctive)//wése (sefue), etc. 18. Word-division generally
follows modern practice. To facilitate comprehension, a distinction has been
made between porque (porque) and por que (para que). 19. Additions are enclosed
in brackets.104Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
to the head in the Codex. The Vida de San Ginés tells of the visit by the
saint's nephew, Ginés de Francia, to the saint's tomb. The saint refuses his
nephew's request to remove his bones to France because his presence is
required in Cartagena ("só menester en esta tierra" fol. 19v), but grants
him permission to return with his head ("toma mi cabeça, que yo te do
licencia que la lleves" fol. 19v).7 When the nephew disobeys and absconds
with both the bones and the head, the saint miraculously retrieves them
and orders them hidden near his sanctuary.
While it is clear that San Ginés de la Jara is not Genesius of Aries, there
are so many correspondences between the two legends (name, date, origin,
arrival by sea, the Camino, the head as relic) that the likelihood ofa blending
or "desdoblamiento" of identities cannot be easily dismissed. Indeed, Torres
Fontes believes that the Augustinians who founded the monastery, aware
of the legend registered in the Codex, "renewed" (or established) a cult to
St. Genesius of Aries, who was later transformed into our Ginés.8 To this,
one might add that direct knowledge of both the legend and of Genesius of
Aries could well be expected of monks from Cornelia de Confient, which
lies just south of one of the pilgrimage routes.
The portrait of Ginés drawn by the Vida de San Ginés is a
conglomeration of attributes: onto the figure of Genesius of Aries are
grafted numerous Carolingian elements, which were noted only in passing
as "resonancias carlovingias" by E. Várela Hervías (85). Their presence
causes Torres Fontes to refer to the Vida de San Ginés as a "novela",
and he attributes them to the hagiographer's dual desire to elevate the
saint through kinship with Charlemagne and to age the monastery
founded in the thirteenth century by placing it in Charlemagne's time
(51-53).9 I suspect that the motivation for the invented consanguinity
with the French emperor is even more complex than one might initially
infer from Torres Fontes's observation. Charlemagne was not only an
7 Torres Fontes mentions that a fifteenth-century author, Al-Himyari, tells of
the return of the head to France by devotees in 1023-24 (44).
8 In his article Torres Fontes only suggests that a cult may have existed in pre-
Islamic time (41), but offers no evidence for it. This does not, however, negate the
possibilty of the creation of a new cult.
9 The designation of the Vida de San Ginés as a novel may reflect the influence
of Hippolyte Delehaye, who speaks of 'novels of imagination', designed to fill a
void for the devout (91).The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults105
illustrious epic hero, but was also considered a saint by many.10 The
association of Ginés with Charlemagne and with Roland and Oliver, also
received as saints by some (Sholod 218-19; Walsh, "French Epic Legends"
5; Melczer 262-64), may represent the creation of a fictional beata stirps
in an attempt to validate further his claim for sainthood. Finally, the
Carolingian connection would also serve to strengthen Ginés's tie to
Santiago de Compostela, since Charlemagne was the Cathedral's chief
benefactor, credited with the building of the Camino.11
Whatever the reasons, the Carolingian relationship is remarkable and
nearly complete, as a summary will reveal. Ginés el Franco, the son of
King Roldan Magno and Queen Oliva, lived in the time of the Emperor
Carlos and departed on pilgrimage to Santiago. After a twenty-five year
absence, his brother Roldan and Oliveros are sent in search of him so that
he might take the throne. On their arrival at the Cabo del Moro Falconi,
Roldan sounds his Olifant as a signal of kinship ("veremos sy ay algunos
de nuestro linaje"), an act that leaves observers in wonder "por tañer el
cuerno que non lo conoscía en aquella tierra" (fol. 7v) Oliveros sees an
acknowledging smoke signal, and they are eventually reunited with Ginés,
who refuses to return to France. Worried about the fate of his kingdom, a
now-ailing Roldan Magno orders Roldan and Oliveros to return to Ginés
to ascertain his wishes in writing. They discover a community obliterated
by plague, and a dying Ginés who, foreseeing their return, has postponed
his own death. After burying their brother, they discover that their ship
has departed without them and return desolate to the monastery, where
they pray to Ginés and are miraculously supplied with food and wine.
They later learn that the ship had been attacked by Moors from Granada
and all aboard were slaughtered. Their cousin Bertrán, resurrected along
with the other men on board by Ginés, explains that he received three
10For the cult of Charlemagne see Barton Sholod 198-208; Robert FoIz;
Colin Smith, "The Cid as Charlemagne"; Walsh, "French Epic Legends" 5; André
Vauchez 166.
11Luis Vázquez de Parga 499-502, José María Lacarra, "La formación del
camino de Santiago" 11-12, Sholod 69-109, Smith, "The Geography and History
of Iberia" 28-31. Sholod notes that the Camino was under Augustinian direction
during the 13th century (126). According to Torres Fontes, the same Order
founded the monastery and cult of San Ginés in the same century (58-75).106Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
wounds that were cured by a "maestro de sanar llagas" (fol. 17v) brought
to him by the saint.
Each of these elements is examined in admirable detail by Walsh
("French Epic Legends"), who establishes the relationship of the Vida
de San Ginés to the epic and ballad traditions. Some aspects, however,
require further scrutiny. In a footnote, Walsh notes that Samuel G.
Armistead, in a commentary on a version of the article, believes that:
"Roldan el Magno is quite clearly a transformation of Charlemagne-
Carlomagno. His being the father (and not the uncle) of Roland
responds, of course, to the exigencies of the narrative itself" ("French
Epic Legends" 6). Analyzing Sephardic versions of La muerte de don
Beltrán, Armistead and Joseph H. Silverman write: "That Roldan, in
the Vida de San Ginés, should be identified as the son (rather than the
nephew) of Roldan el Magno (i.e., Charlemagne) may represent a distant
echo of the legend of Charlemagne's sin" (286). The belief that Roldan
Magno is a transformation of Carlomagno may result from an incomplete
knowledge of the Vida de San Ginés . Although the text was edited in
1961 by Várela Hervías, this edition seems to be virtually unknown
outside Spain (and in Spain, primarily among historians). The Vida de
San Ginés was introduced to literary scholars by Walsh, who includes in
his analysis a number of lengthy passages from the Carolingian portion
of the text. Not included, however, are the introductory sentences, which
make it clear that Charlemagne (Emperor) and Roldan Magno (King) are
two distinct people:
En el nonbre de Dios e de Sancta María, Amén. Este es el libro de
la vida de San Ginés. E fue fecho en Francia por un omne bueno
que destas cosas se trabajava, e fue començado en el tienpo quel
emperador Carlos era en su ymperio. En el año de los moros en
dozientos años, reynante en Francia don Roldan Magno e la noble
reyna Oliva su muger, amos eran buenos e plazenteros a Nuestro
Señor Dios. (fol. 2r)
Separation of the two figures may also be seen in Ginés's letter to
his father: "Al muy alto apremiador de sus enemigos, e anparador e
guardador de sus amigos, el rey señor de la gran tierra de toda Francia
del emperador ayuso, e a la muy amada mi señora, la reyna Oliva" (fol.The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults107
13v). It would seem that while the hagiographer is eager to establish a
relation between Charlmagne and Ginés, he is hesitant to claim him as
our saint's father.
More difficult to resolve is the precise relationship between Roldan
and Oliveros. Walsh notes:
The pairing ofOliver and Roland is well known in early renditions
of the epic legend, but our hagiographer has twisted it into a
fraternal union. The brotherly bond becomes blood relationship,
and this relationship is stressed almost formulaically throughout
the Vida (cf. fol. 6r "Oliveros e Roldan, ambos a dos, que fueron
criados en uno", 7r "ambos a dos hermanos", etc.). Furthermore,
the names of the parents are a kind of reduplication of the names
of the now-fraternal epic heroes. ("French Epic Legends" 8)
To be sure, the union of Roldan and Oliveros is striking. They are
called brothers by Roldan Magno, Ginés, and by Roldan and Oliveros
themselves, and they are inseparable. Nonetheless, there are several
elements in the text that question their status as biological siblings. While
a fraternal relationship is repeatedly emphasized, there are occasional
inconsistencies. Before Ginés leaves France, he predicts that his parents
will have other children, a prophecy that is fulfilled a few folios later:
consolávanse con otros fijos que Dios les avía dado después
del muy noble varón e noble cavallero. E avía nonbre Roldan.
E luego truxeron otro moco hijo del emperador a criar con él. E
pusiéronle otrosí nonbre Oliveros. E fueron criados anbos a dos
en uno Oliveros e Roldan, (fol. 5v)
Oliveros is here presented as the son of the emperor, who was brought
to be raised along with Roldan. In his letter to his parents, dictated to
Roldan, Ginés says: "Sepan vuestras reverencias que mis hermanos, los
dos esmerados, el vuestro hijo Roldan e Oliveros, son venidos a mí, e me
fue anunciada de vuestra parte la embaxada de la su venida" (fol. 13v).
While he calls both of them "my brothers", only one, Roldan, is referred
to as his parents' son. Further on, in describing the shipboard massacre,
the narrator speaks of Beltrán as "primo hermano de Oliveros" (fol.
16v), and not of the pair. Nine years after Ginés's death, Oliveros's son,108Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
Ginés de Francia, visits the tomb.12 When the saint speaks to him, a
frightened Ginés de Francia asks: "¿Soys vos mi tío Ginés, el hermano de
Roldan?" (fol. 19r). The phrasing of this question strikes one as strange,
for it would be expected that Ginés de Francia rely on kinship to his own
father. It should be noted that the term "hermano" and the expression
"criar en uno" are not used in the Vida de San Ginés solely to indicate a
blood relationship. "Hermano" is used with its meaning within a religious
community (a messenger from the monastery and the prior both refer to
Ginés as "hermano"), and a French nobleman who benefits from Ginés's
miraculous protection explains "él y yo nos criamos en uno bien doze
años" (fol. 26v). These incongruities seem to reflect reluctance on the
hagiographer's part to make Oliveros and Roldan blood brothers.
In discussing Beltrán's sudden intervention in the text, Walsh shows
that the episode "would appear to draw upon several motifs known either
through progressively transformed Castilian versions of the epic legend
or, perhaps, through the Carolingian ballads" ("French Epic Legends" 13).
In his analysis he believes that the epithet "el viejo" is used for Beltrán,
which may have derived from the epic or ballad traditions ("French Epic
Legends" 14). Armistead and Silverman (194) also conclude that the
ballad tradition resonates in the phrase "el viejo". When Beltrán narrates
his death and resurrection, he describes the healing of his three wounds:
"Y luego vino el Santo Ginés, y con él un hombre de una barba blanca, y
pregunté a Ginés que quién era aquel ome, e díxome que era maestro de
sanar llagas. E luego que fue acabado de curarme, luego fui sano" (fol.
17v). Later the narrator adds: "E las llagas del rostro de Beltrán nunca el
viejo gelas quiso bien sanar, salvo que paresçiese en él señal por testimonio
de lo pasado, porque las gentes viesen qué hazía el Señor Dios por este
Santo Ginés" (fol. 18r). While "el viejo" may refer to Beltrán, the context
suggests another interpretation: the master healer with the white beard.
These alternate readings in no way diminish the Vida de San Ginés
as testimony of an active knowledge of the Carolingian cycle in fifteenth-
century Spain. Charlemagne may not be Ginés's father; Oliveros may
not be Roldan Magno's son or Ginés's and Roldán's blood brother; and
12 Walsh ("French Epic Legends" 15) suggests that Ginés de Francia maybe a
reflection, possibly unconscious, of Oliver's son Galien.The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults109
Beltrán may not be called "el viejo". Nonetheless, their presence reveals
not only the author's considerable familiarity with the epic and ballad
traditions but his expectation that his audience know these traditions
as well. As Walsh notes: "the author provides proof that the details of
the epic itself—the pairing Oliver/Roland, the motif of the Olifant, the
mutilation ofDon Beltrán—were known by all intended readers" ("French
Epic Legends" 15). The importance of the Vida de San Ginés for the study
of the epic and the romancero should not be underestimated:
The possibility offuture discoveries, like those ofRoncesvalles, the
Nota Emilianense, Çorraquin Sancho, the Vida de San Ginés de la
Xara, stands as a constant threat to any neo-positivist approach
that binds itselfstrictly to evidence present in documents currently
known to have been preserved and insists on elaborating theories
based exclusively on such fragmentary, gratuituosly preserved
testimonies. (Armistead & Silverman 286)
Terming the Vida de San Ginés a "mediocre biografia", Torres Fontes
laments that little reliable information can be gleaned from the text
regarding San Ginés (55). This judgment appears to result from a desire
that a saint's biography satisfy modern standards of historical analysis
and representation. As recent scholarship has shown, the purpose of
hagiography in the Middle Ages was not to supply a historically accurate
portrait of a living person (Ward; Gurevich; Geary, Furta Sacra). Patrick
J. Geary notes:
The difficulties involved in using hagiographical materials for the
reconstruction of history are notorious. This is particularly true
of vitae which are fundamentally literary rather than historical
or biographical in purpose.... A medieval hagiographer wrote a
life of a saint, not to tell his readers anything about the saint's
personality or individuality, but rather to demonstrate how
the saint exhibited those universal characteristics of sanctity
common to all saints of all times. (Furta Sacra 9)
The saint portrayed in the Vida de San Ginés is a curious admixture.
Combined with Genesius of Aries, whose presence in Spain is accounted
for by the legend in the Codex Calixtinus, are epic elements that increase
his association with sanctity, and standard hagiographie motifs, the110Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
"universal characteristics", that confirm it. While the Vida de San Ginés
may not serve to identify a historical Ginés, if indeed such a figure truly
existed, it is by no means mediocre.
Although Torres Fontes (53) asserts that the Vida de San Ginés is
divided in two parts (the saint's life and his posthumous miracles), it
actually follows a tripartite structure: life, death, miracles.13 The narrative
immediately evokes for the reader of hagiography the commonplaces
associated with sanctity: Ginés's birth is the answer to his parents'
prayer after long years of marriage; his family is royal and he is destined
to be king; as a child, he proves himself to be an avid student; and he
demonstrates his piety at an early age, making a promise to serve God and
praying secretly.14 When he requests his parents' permission to make a
pilgrimage to "Santiago de Galizia que es en España" (fol. 3r), they initially
refuse, not because they oppose his devotion, as is sometimes the case in
hagiographie texts, but for fear of losing a son -and the kingdom an heir-
to the dangers he might encounter on the road. Ginés responds:
Padre señor e madre señora, sabed que vos avredes más fijos que
no a mí, e los podedes dexar el reyno si quisierdes. E yo en tanto
cumpliré mi voto, e sabré de reyno muy bueno, del qual yo soy
enamorado e vale más que no el vuestro, e es mejor. E fasta que lo
yo aya non folgaré nin seré seguro en mi coracón, e veré después
qué cavallero seré yo, e qué gozo avredes comigo. (fol. 3r-v)
With these words, Ginés reveals for the first time his gift ofprophecy as well
as his rejection of the earthly kingdom. Moreover, he insists on keeping his
pledge to St. James, introducing the importance ofvow fulfillment that will
be emphasized in the miracle section of the Vida de San Ginés.
13Henares Díaz (131) also views the structure as bipartite, the first part
serving to exalt the hero and the second to stress the magic of the tomb.
14For late birth as a sign of holiness, see Donald Weinstein and Rudolph
Bell (20-23) and Walsh ("French Epic Legends" 6). For the connection of
nobility to sainthood, see Weinstein and Bell (201-02, 216-18) and Vauchez
(173-77). Weinstein and Bell discuss briefly the common motif of the saint as
an accomplished student (26-27). Examples in Spanish of the precocious student
motif may be seen in the lives of San Alifonso (Walsh, "La vida de San Alifonso"
80-81) and San Alejo (Vega 68).The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults1 1 1
He commences an ascetic life upon his departure, taking nothing
with him and spending his time on the ship separated from everyone
in prayer. When a storm disrupts the journey, the sailors conclude that
it is because a sinner is on board and decide to draw lots to select who
should be thrown over. Although Ginés is not present when the decision
is taken, he nonetheless miraculously knows of it and that he is the
intended victim: "salió Ginés de su oración, e dixo a todos ellos: 'Señores,
ruégovos que non me queredes echar en la mar, que bien sé que este
consejo que vosotros fezistes, que por mi Io fezistes. E pues que así es, yo
me echaré en la mar'" (fol. 4r-v). By the grace of God, he floats safely atop
his habit to Cabo de Palos, where angels have prepared a hermitage for
him near the monastery of San Laurés.15 When his brothers arrive, Ginés
again demonstrates his precognitive powers, revealing that he already
knows the reason for their visit and recounting all that transpired during
their journey. Refusing to return, he writes a letter explaining "cómo avía
cerca ganado otro reyno mejor quel suyo, e que le pedía de gracia que lo
perdonase, que luego que lo oviese ganado, luego yría a lo ver con buena
ganancia e Vitoria" (fol. Hr). The brothers are pleased with the reference
to a better kingdom, believing that Ginés has fought a physical battle and
won a tangible kingdom. Lest the reader reach the wrong conclusion, the
narrator clarifies: "E ellos non entendieron que el reyno era la gloria del
cielo, e de la pelea e vencimiento del mundo, e de la carne e del diablo"
(fol. Hv). The spiritual pilgrimage he began twenty-five years earlier
nears its end and the "reyno muy bueno, del quai yo soy enamorado" (fol.
3r) that he had spoken of before his departure from France is at hand.
When Roldan and Oliveros return to Cabo de Palos, Ginés reiterates
the rejection of his father's kingdom for the one that "plaze más a Dios"
(fol. 14r). On his death and as proof of his sanctity, his soul is carried
visibly by angels to Paradise. Four young men appear with the necessary
accoutrements to prepare for the saint's burial: tools, six candles, an
elaborate cross. Following the ceremony, attended by so many that there is
not even standing room, the two brothers hear celestial voices singing: "A
15 Torres Fontes believes that the Vida de San Ginés was written after the
Augustinians lost control of the monastery, and sees in the monks of San Laurés
a veiled reference to them (51).112Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
Dios laudamos, a Dios bendezimos por el buen seso de Ginés, guardador
de los mandamientos de Dios. E ovo vitoria en vencer su voluntad, por
ende avrà corona de gloria antel Señor Dios" (fol. 15r-v). The meaning
of the other kingdom he so often alluded to is then made even clearer
to the brothers by a single heavenly voice: "Amigos, sabed que éste va a
tomar otro reyno mejor, que no el de su padre ni de su madre, e él lo ha
afanado bien con gran trabajo" (fol. 15v).16 Immediate healings of the
crippled and blind occur at his sepulcher, and they confirm that he is a
saint: "Ynflamado es de Spíritu Sancto. Verdadermanete hombre sancto
es este Ginés" (fol. 16r). The tomb miracles are followed by the narration
of Ginés's intervention in battle against the Muslims and his resuscitation
of the dead, which Walsh sees as a "fictional préfiguration of the disaster
at Roncesvalles - though here the denouement is necessarily more
felicitous" ("French Epic Legends" 14). Ginés then orders his brothers'
return to France, revealing that Roldan Magno is dying, and on their
arrival they learn of their father's death. The visible and audible signs and
miracles accompanying Ginés's death are now so numerous that Roldan
and Oliveros proclaim him a saint:
Verdaderamente Ginés el Franco, fijo del rey de Francia, es santo,
que todo cuanto nos dixo así lo avernos visto, así desta muerte
como de otras cosas que ha fecho. E lo traemos por testimonio, e
cómo ha fecho y faze munchos milagros en aquella provincia de
Cartago. (fol. 18v)
With these words the brothers not only bear witness to Ginés's sanctity,
but localize the center of his power: Cartagena.
Peter Brown observes that devotees visiting a shrine go to experience
"praesentia, the physical presence of the holy", and that they wish "to
meet a person" (88). This is an apt description for the next miracle. The
first person to go to the grave to "meet" San Ginés is his nephew and
namesake, Ginés de Francia, and a real communion between the two
ensues, with audiences twice daily over a six-day period. During their
conversations, the nephew expresses his desire to return the saint's bones,
16 Many of these motifs are common in hagiography. Ward comments that
"the presence of angels, white robes, sweet odours, and heavenly sounds recall the
images of the first Easter and the deaths of the early martyrs" (169).The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults113
his praesentia, to France, "donde vós e los vuestros son naturales" (fol.
19v). San Ginés's response increases his connection to Cartagena, for
he describes himself as its protector against natural disaster: "Sobrino,
muncho só menester en esta tierra, pues al Señor Dios plaze que yo esté
en ella para desviar piedra e niebla e fuegos e otras tenpestades por el
Señor. Pero toma mi cabeça, que yo te dó licencia que la lleves, e dexa mis
huesos" (fol. 19v). San Ginés reveals his understanding of the nephew's
desire, but denies permission based on the greater need in Cartagena
and God's design. Not satisfied with his uncle's concession, the nephew
enters the shrine at midnight and steals both head and body. Patrick
Geary (Furta Sacra, Living with the Dead) elucidates in admirable detail
the economic, spiritual and social motivations and justifications for the
theft of relics, explaining:
the saints could understand the tremendous drive, the absolute
necessity that led men to the act. In their desire to help their
devotees, saints allowed themselves to be moved about from
place to place, and were willing to add their spiritual strength to
their followers' mundane causes. (Furta Sacra 125)
In order for afurta sacra to be successful, then, a saint must consent to it,
implicitly or explicitly. Geary focuses primarily on successful thefts, but
he does mention some failed cases: St. Appianus stopped the removal of
his relics from Comacchio to Pavia by preventing the ship from sailing
(Furta Sacra 125), and relics commonly thwarted forced translation by
becoming too heavy to transport (Living with the Dead 172). Despite
the saint's manifest prohibition, Ginés de Francia literally kidnaps the
relics but his efforts are futile. Expecting to enter France triumphantly,
the nephew finds instead that the relics -head and body- have vanished.
The cause of the disappearance is immediately diagnosed, and Ginés de
Francia becomes the object of scorn:
E desque se sopo por la cibdad, despreciávanlo muncho, e dezian
que bien parescía que no era él digno de traer tal cuerpo santo,
salvo honbre anciano e de buena vida, e non moco loco como
éste. E el dicho Ginés de Francia no osava entrar en la cibdad ni
yr por lugar ninguno salvo de noche, porque le dezían munchas
cosas malas, e quél bien merescía aquello, (fol. 20r-?)114Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
He determines to regain the saint's favor and return to France with the
head, "si gela quería otorgar, pues non quería que truxiese a Francia el
cuerpo e los huesos" (fol. 2Ov).
Ginés de Francia, it would appear, has learned his lesson, but not to
the satisfaction of his uncle. In the next miracle, knowing his nephew's
intention, the saint appears to a man of seventy who, along with his wife,
is fulfilling a vow at the shrine, and instructs him to hide his bones. As a
reward for his willingness, the man is suddenly (and secretly) rejuvenated,
feeling as though he were twenty-five. He spends the remainder ofhis days
(another thirty-three years) working to improve the hermitage "porque,
ante que muriese, dexase algún buen enxenplo" (fol. 2Iv). His obedience
to and labors for the saint as well as his miraculous reinvigoration and
longevity serve as a reminder to the reader of the importance of serving
San Ginés. When Ginés de Francia, the negative example, arrives at the
shrine, the rejection by his uncle is absolute: "E estando ende bien quinze
días, e cada día yva dos vezes al sepulcro, e nunca le respondió nin fabló
nin falló consolación" (fol. 22r). Excavating the grave, he finds nothing,
and returns to France with dirt from the tomb, which produces all sorts
of miracles except resurrecting the dead.
The mere mention of the inability of this sacred dirt to produce the
most awe-inspiring of miracles ought to be a sign for the audience of
things to come, for we know that the saint possesses this power. When
Ginés de Francia is killed in battle, his relatives are uncertain what to do,
and after much debate over three nights, they decide to turn to San Ginés
and his relics. They find the relics safely stored in an area, place them on
the coffin, and within an hour Ginés de Francia is restored to life. As the
nephew recognizes, his disobedience occasioned his death:
Bendito sea Dios e el mi tío, Santo Ginés, del canpo de Cartago.
Sabed, señor[e]s, que mi tío me quería mal porque le hize falsía
e pasé su mandamiento, que me mandó traer su cabeça a Francia
e tráxele su cuerpo. E con todo lo que fize, no se cunplió mi
voluntad, e pasé el su mandamiento, e dio lugar que me matasen
mis enemigos. E en esta hora ha[n] resucitado más de cien
presonas comigo. Pero non sabemos adonde están sus huesos,
ni ninguno non tomó dellos, los cuales están enterrados cerca
la puerta de Oriente, cerca del pino alvar, el primero que ay se
puso. (fol. 23r-v)The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults11 5
In this miracle we see the restoration of the relationship between uncle
and nepJiew. It is curious that the general but not the precise location of
the bones is revealed. This may, perhaps, reflect a hesitance to declare
the unknown. Writing several centuries later, Ortega observes of the
monastery: "Y asimismo, el descansar aquí sus cenizas, y algunos dicen
que su cuerpo entero e incorrupto, aunque se ignora el sitio" (111).
Torres Fontes states that the miracles performed by San Ginés occur
solely at his shrine, which he believes may be explained in one of two
ways:
que el cronista no llegó a conocer ninguna curación milagrosa
debida a la intervención de San Ginés fuera del monasterio de
la Jara, o que, intencionadamente, no menciona nada más que lo
sucedido en el eremitorio del campo de Cartagena, buscando la
atracción directa hacia el lugar donde había vivido el santo. (54)
Although miracles are most often experienced at a shrine, for it is there
that a saint's praesentia and potentia are most strongly felt, they could
and did occur elsewhere, and those retold in the Vida de San Ginés are no
exception. While the majority of San Ginés's favors relate to his "place"
(his hermitage or church), some transpire at a considerable distance from
Cartagena. As we have seen, the narrative tells of miracles (the vague
"todo milagro" and the specific resurrections of the nephew and one
hundred men) performed in France by the saint. It may be argued that a
shrine connection can be seen here since the miracles are effected using
the sacred dirt excavated from San Ginés's grave. The next two miracles
are, however, entirely independent of any tie with the tomb.
The first of these occurs in France and the beneficiary is a relative
and devotee of the saint, who has been at war with a Lombard for some
time. Upon attempting to kill him in his sleep, the Lombard discovers
but half a man in the bed ("medio hombre de la cinta ayuso" fol. 25r)
and departs disturbed and puzzled. The next day, he offers to make peace
with the French knight, and, describing the strange sight he encountered
the previous evening, asks to know his enemy's prayer. The French knight
reveals his special devotion to the saint ("mi señor, el fijo del noble rey
de Francia, Ginés el Franco, mi pariente, él y yo nos criamos en uno
bien doze años" fol. 26v), and explains that had his daily prayer to San116Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
Ginés not been interrupted by the arrival of his lord, he would have been
entirely invisible. The two become good friends, and together build a
church in the saint's honor.
The second miracle takes place on the Camino, where a woman,
dying from thirst, prays to San Ginés, who appears in the guise of a
pilgrim. He fashions a shelter from his habit and staff, and provides
the pilgrims with food and drink. When they arrive in Compostela
they learn that others traveling by various roads tell the same tale. The
miracle concludes: "E oy día ay en aquellos lugares cruzes e buenos
descansaderos. E si algunos pasan por aquellos lugares han sed, e les
viene en mientes de San Ginés, luego la pierden e no les acuyta la sed.
Que muy grandes milagros haze e hafecho en aquellas tierras y provincias"
(fol. 28r-v; my emphasis).17
The final five miracles emphasize the saint's locus. In rejecting his
nephew's wishes to remove his bones, San Ginés explained he was needed
to protect Cartagena from disaster, as the next miracle illustrates. When
a fire burns out of control, people flee to surrounding areas. Some take
refuge at the tomb of San Ginés, and they put out the fire with a cloth that
covered his sepulcher. The people, the shrine, and even the surrounding
trees (including the "pino alvar" near which are buried the saint's relics)
are unharmed. The narrative is striking not so much for the miracle it
relates, which is standard fare for hagiography, but for the description
of the land.18 The miracle begins: "El campo de Cartagena era muy bien
poblado de munchas cosas e poblaciones e torres, e munchas arboledas
de munchas naturas, que avía en él más de mili vezinos, e munchos
naranjales e frutales" (fol. 28v). Such descriptions are not given for
17I wonder if the references to the "cruzes e buenos descansaderos" might
not result from the Carolingian association. The Pilgrim's Guide contained in
the Codex Calixtinus speaks of the Crux Karoli planted by Charlemagne and
the prayer to St. James he recited when work began on the road to Compostela.
Following Charlemagne's example, pilgrims would fall to their knees in prayer
and place their own crosses along the route. Near the Cross and Roncesvalles is
the Hospitale Rollandi and the Fontana Rollandi, where legend held that Roland
had tried in vain to quench his thirst and where pilgrims would rest. See also
Lacarra "Roncesvalles", and G. ]. C. Snoek 334-36.
18For the use of relics to fight fire, see Snoek 334-36.The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults117
Granada, France, or the Camino. Similarly, as in other episodes (such
as San Ginés's initial arrival in Cartagena or his brothers' visits), the
hagiographer demonstrates a concrete knowledge of the geography of
the area: the people scatter to Lorca, the "baylia", Todomir, Orihuela, the
"sierra", and the fire burns as far as Vera and Lorca. The vague references
to distant places ("aquellas tierras e provincias") combined with the
detailed descriptions of Cartagena (its landscape, population, towns)
indicate that the Vida de San Ginés was written there.19
When his son dies, the "adelantado de Todomir" prays to San Ginés to
resuscitate him, recalling the saint's power over fire seen in the previous
miracle and offering his service for a year and his son's for six. When the
son revives, the "adelantado" sends for fruit trees and begins to plant a
garden: "tomó un açada, e comencó de cavar para fazer ende un huerto
cerca de la hermita para él e su fijo, que tomasen plazer, e encerró un
pino alvar que quedó del fuego" (fol. 3Ov). The father remains there one
and a half years until his death, and the son for twelve, during which
time "siempre aquella ortezuela estava bien labrada" (fols. 30v-31r). The
monastery was apparently noted for its gardens, for Ortega notes in the
eighteenth century:
Tiene una tan hermosa huerta, tan poblada de árboles, flores, y
yervas, que dudo se halle otra en todo este ameníssimo Reyno
de Murcia, no sólo que le exceda, pero ni aún le iguale. Es muy
a propósito, para la vida contemplativa, porque parece que
aquella soledad es solamente productiva de pensamientos del
Cielo. (113)
19 Similar precision is seen elsewhere in the text. San Ginés first sets foot on
land at Cabo de Palos and walks to the "alcácar muy fuerte e bueno" with its eight
towers and beautiful church, and he establishes his hermitage on the Cabeço del
Mirar. The arrival of his brothers is even more detailed: "arribaron al cabo de
Ruviotorto que es encima de Cartago tres millas ayuso de las Águilas...e de allí
anduvieron por tierra hasta que llegaron al cabo que llaman del Moro Falconi".
I have been unable to identify Cabo de Ruviotorto and Cabo del Moro Falconi.
Várela Hervías states that the toponomy refers to the area around the "monasterio
de San Laurés" but does not establish the location of any of the references (85).118Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
The next miracle begins with a reflection of contemporary local
pilgrimages to the sanctuary: "Otrosí los de Cartago yvan algunos dellos
entre el año a tomar plazeres con sus mugeres e fijos cas de el Sancto
Ginés, así como hazen agora" (fol. 3Ir).20 When a young boy wanders
off, the father blames his wife and the saint, abandoning both:
Cata qué ha fecho el santo, e tú con él, que atanto me feziste
porque viniese a tomar este pesar en lugar de plazer. Porque te
digo que pues que mi fijo es muerto o comido de bestias fieras,
quédate con tu santo, que jamás no me verás, pues mi fijo no
veré, e yrmê agora a perder, (fol. 3Iv)
Distraught, the wife remains at the shrine for thirty days crying. One day,
while she reminds the saint in prayer of past miracles (all recounted in
the Vida de San Ginés), a lioness kisses her on the shoulder. The woman
follows the animal from the tomb and finds her son, safe and sound,
atop a lion. Soon after, the husband arrives, having been ordered by
San Ginés to return to the hermitage to see his son. Fully repentant, the
husband declares his desire to serve the saint, shares his wealth with the
monastery, and is buried there.
The beneficiaries of the final two miracles are both Moors from
Granada. In the first of these, and one of the longest miracles narrated
in the Vida de San Ginés, Abdaramel, nephew of Averamolín, goes in
search of a cure for his leprosy, and Christians in Baeza tell him to visit
San Ginés. He no sooner sees the hermitage from the foot of Cabeço de
Mirar than he is cured. He exclaims:
Gran grado he a Dios e al Santo Ginés, que verdad era lo que
me dixieron los christianos de la gran virtud e santidad deste
nobleçido santo. Ca en verdad vos juro quél deve ser de la casa real,
que bien se paresçe a ojo quando él me á sanado sin darle pecho
ninguno. Por ser de la casa real, pensava que no me guaresçiera,
salvo a los pobres por amor de Dios. E él ha fecho por alabar a su
criador e a su ley, pues esto ha fecho, (fols. 34v-35r)
20 A modified form of this phrase is used elsewhere in the Vida de San Ginés:
the 70-year-old man keeps vigil at the saint's tomb "como agora se usa".The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults119
While Abdaramel reveals here an understanding of the purpose of
miracles, to praise God, he clearly views Ginés as a Christian saint
Csu criador", "su ley"). He also emphasizes the saint's catholicity, an
aspect that the thirsty pilgrim also cites ("ayudas a los del reyno como
los del poblado", fol. 27v) and for which the Vida de San Ginés offers
ample evidence: San Ginés helps all who turn to him, the powerful
and the humble, Christian and Muslim. The thanksgiving rendered
by Abdaramel and his King, Abencaçin, is the most elaborate in the
collection. After spending sixty days at the shrine keeping appropriate
vigils and hunting, he departs, leaving "dos paños de zarzahán, e una
aljuba de su cuerpo de azeytuni, e dozientas doblas para reparo de la
casa e monesterio" (fol. 35r). A year later Abencaçin sends numerous
jewels, candles, sixteen silver marks, and a curious gift: "una imagen
que pesó arova e media de cera noblemente labrada a figura del rey" (fol.
35v). André Vauchez observes that waxen images were often used as ex-
voto offerings (456-57). Seen in this way, this figure may be interpreted
as Abencaçin's in- absentia service to the saint. These gifts are stolen by
"romanos quando vinieron por mar" (fol. 35v). When the king learns of
the theft, he sends one Abdarahamete to replace them, who then returns
annually to the hermitage always bringing jewels, and one year his son
remains behind. The devotion to San Ginés by the Moors is complete,
but what is truly remarkable is that there is no mention of a conversion
to Christianity, as one might expect there to be.
In the final miracle, a Moor's son is blinded, and he is counseled
by a Christian captive in his house that San Ginés can cure the child
provided he give the saint his most valued possession ("la mejor joya
quanto vieses en casa", fol. 36r). The Moor promises to give him his
horse, and the child is cured as soon as they arrive at a cross that is
within sight of the hermitage. After thanking the saint and keeping vigil
at his sanctuary, the Moor departs leaving money in lieu of the horse.
Substitutions, however, are not allowed, and the child is struck blind
at the spot where he regained his sight. Understanding the cause, the
father returns to the shrine and leaves not only his horse but the saddle,
bit, jewels, and money "para el pro de la hermita" (fol. 37r), a phrase
repeated in the tomb miracles. As in the previous miracle, the Moor120Jane E. ConnollyLa coránica 36.2, 2008
does not convert. The message of this, the final miracle, is clear: vows
are to be fulfilled to the letter, and service must be complete.
The miracles thus come full circle, starting at the tomb and concluding
there. It is clear, though, that the saint's favors are not confined to his
shrine. The hagiographer attributes to him miracles in the land of his
birth where his followers construct "una de las nobles yglesias que
son en toda Francia" (fol. 27r, a reference, perhaps, to St. Genesius of
Aries), and along the pilgrimage routes, in far-off lands and provinces,
where San Ginés, once a pilgrim himself, watches over pilgrims. The
hagiographer's motives for including the non-tomb miracles could be
multiple: to reflect existing practices in France and on the Camino,
to promote devotion to San Ginés in these places, to demonstrate the
saint's all-reaching power, to increase his stature through association
with St. James.
Whatever the reason, the connection between San Ginés and St.
James is strong in the Vida de San Ginés , and is foundational to the
narrative itself. San Ginés's devotion to St. James and his desire to fulfill
a vow to him, occasion his abandonment of power and wealth in France
and his miraculous arrival in Cartagena. His relationship with Santiago,
both the place and the saint, is subtly strengthened through the numerous
Carolingian references, and then solidified through San Ginés's miracles
on the Camino. His implied connection with Aries (made explicit in the
Codex), his devotion to St. James, his miracles on the pilgrimage route,
and the Carolingian echoes, are clear attempts by the author of the Vida
de San Ginés to establish a relationship between San Ginés/la Jara and
St. James/Compostela in order to bolster the cult at la Jara, and perhaps
even to make it a second pilgrimage destination.The Relationship of Two Iberian Cults121
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