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A publication of
Lindenwood University Press
Fall/ Winter 2020
vol. 12, no. 1
®
pg. 1
Fall/ Winter 2020
A publication of Lindenwood University Press vol. 12, no. 1
EDITORIAL BOARD STAFF CO N T E N TS
Mark Abbott, harris stowe state university editor, Jeffrey E. Smith, PhD
Steve Belko, missouri humanities council art director & designer, Michael Thede
Lorri Glover, saint louis university archivist, Paul Huffman
Andrew Hurley, university of missouri-st. louis
Meredith Marsh, lindenwood university
SUBSCRIPTIONS pg. 2
Robert J. Moore, Jr., gateway arch national park
Kristine Runberg Smith, lindenwood university ISSN 2150-2633 The Confluence is a nonprofit semi-annual
publication of Lindenwood University, St. Charles, Missouri.
Andrew Theising, southern illinois university edwardsville
All rights reserved. The Confluence and Lindenwood University
Kenneth Winn
are not responsible for statements of fact or opinion expressed
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Confluence should be sent to Editor, The Confluence, c/0
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2 15 38
Campbell House Museum Nature Much Improved: Krekel & Kribben– Joseph Robidoux III,
Paul Huffman Have you moved? Let us know if you have or will The Curation of a Diverging Views on the 1780 Battle of
Library of Congress be changing your address so you don’t miss an issue Nineteenth-Century the Future of Slavery St. Louis, & the St. Louis
Missouri Conference on History of The Confluence. Neighborhood Robidoux Legacy
Missouri Historical Society and Greenspace
Subscription Rates. One year, $20.
St. Charles County Historical Society
Visit us on the web at:
by shannan c. mason by steve ehlmann by stephen l. kling, jr.
St. Joseph Museums, Inc.
Stanford University http://www.lindenwood.edu/confluence.
Shannan Mason uses the Steve Ehlmann explores The Robidoux family has
State Historical Society of Missouri ISBN 978-0-9600179-1-1 Lucas Place neighborhood as the evolving views of been part of the history of
Michael Thede a case study to understand two German politicians Missouri on both sides
THGC Publishing the early movement of on slavery as the Civil of the state dating to the
COVER IMAGE wealthier St. Louisans to War approached. Revolutionary War period.
the outskirts of the city Stephen Kling places
The intersection of 16th Street and Lucas Street in 1914, the and their role in rejecting Robidoux’s role into
site of the Lucas Place subdivision and Missouri Park. By the crowded urban sensibilities historical perspective.
time William G. Swekosky (1894–1963) took this photo, Lucas for expanded greenspace.
Street had been renamed Locust Street, and Lucas Place had This article won the Morrow
Prize for the Best Student
largely become a business district. For more on Lucas Place,
Paper on a Missouri
see “Nature Much Improved: The Curation of a Nineteenth- Topic from the Missouri
Century Green Space.” (Image: Missouri Historical Society) Conference on History
in 2020.
The Confluence is a regional studies journal published by Lindenwood University, dedicated to the
diversity of ideas and disciplines of a liberal arts university. It is committed to the intersection of history, art
and architecture, design, science, social science, and public policy. Its articles are diverse by design.
fall/winter ’20
pg. 2
Nature Much Improved:
The Curation of a Nineteenth-Century Neighborhood and Greenspace
pg.3
by s ha n n a n c . m a so n
In John O’Sullivan’s 1845 Democratic Review article
“Annexation,” the columnist and editor claimed that land in America
represented opportunity, and that the burgeoning nation’s “manifest
destiny” was to be fulfilled by the patriotic march westward, with the
“Mississippi valley – [as] the natural facility of the route.” 1 Such calls for
the spread of the United States and Americans across the continent were
not only economically and politically motivated, but socially motivated
as well. Portrayals of the domination of nature and greenspace represented
a Romantic sense of cultural refinement. To possess commodified
edifications of nature, such as landscape paintings, garden-scape
wallpapers, and dried horticultural specimens represented Victorian
Americans’ desire to possess land and vicariously control nature. Calls
for expansion encouraged Victorian Americans to treat nature itself as a
commodity, one to be possessed both physically and symbolically.
Just four years after the Democratic Review published O’Sullivan’s
“Annexation,” St. Louis elites James H. Lucas and his sister Anne Hunt
began cultivating inherited land on the westernmost side of St. Louis,
Missouri, for neighborhood habitation. They were attempting to create a
secluded park-like atmosphere where only the most socially adroit and
economically elite would reside. This study examines the sentimentality
surrounding the creation of their elite suburban residential enclave,
Lucas Place, primarily to understand the neighborhood as a transition in
Lucas and Hunt’s relationship with the natural world and to better
understand how urban elites saw their role in shaping nature into a more
ideal version of itself. I seek to answer these questions by looking at the
development of the Lucas Place neighborhood, its attached greenspace,
Missouri Park, and St. Louis from the 1820s to the turn of the twentieth
century to better understand how St. Louis’ urban population created
greenspace through its consumption of nature.
fall/winter ’20
pg. 4
Lucas Place was a new type of residential community, pg. 5
de vel op e d pre dom i nant ly by t he ne w ly we a lt hy,
Lucas Place Missouri Park
1856 Colton Map w here ol d mo des of hi g h fashi on and t astes bl ende d
w it h i n novat ive m i dwester n st y l es .
This map is a section from the 1856
Colton Map, copied from the David
Ramsey Map Collection Online. All
additional information was added by In the early nineteenth and Sixth streets and Olive westernmost edge would have
Shannan Mason. Summit Square, Lucas century, St. Louis, was in and Pine.4 Because of the city’s been considered distant, despite
Market, Lucas Place and, Missouri Park,
all outlined in white were built transition, rapidly shifting from swift growth, however, Hunt’s the neighborhood’s easternmost
City of in that order, starting in 1828 and
continuing well into the 1870s.
a French frontier settlement development at Summit was edge being just a block away from
St. Louis (Image: David Ramsey Historical Map to a rising mercantile metropolis. absorbed by intense urban the city limits, but a mile from
Collection, Stanford University) By the 1850s the city had expansion and commercialization, the riverfront. To further
quickly prospered and expanded; largely due to a lack of zoning create a private and exclusive
however, it was increasingly restrictions. Its residents soon atmosphere, the deed restrictions
No wards past Seventeenth Street Lucas Market 1828-Summit Square confronted with the problems that moved elsewhere.5 Nearly were designed to make the
– but signs of future development
accompany urban development, two decades later the Lucas neighborhood into a separate
such as disease and overcrowding. family developed another set of residential “place.” With
These conditions provided the parcels in the former site of a the structure of the deed
Portrait of animus for residents to move well-known meadow surrounded restrictions, greenspace, and
James H. Lucas in
1878 by John Reid. further westward onto undeveloped by “natural growth” known as mandatory housing setbacks
(Image: Missouri lands, expanding the city limits “Lucas Grove.” 6 The grove from the road, the development
Historical Society)
through the creation of new was destroyed, reshaped, and would be a healthful alternative
residential areas such as Lucas renamed “Lucas Market,” which to the sickly and disease-ridden
Place, located between the city featured attractive permanent downtown area, especially after
blocks of fifteenth and twentieth buildings. The natural space of a particularly deadly Cholera
streets on the westernmost the Meadow surrounded by trees epidemic in 1849.
edge of St. Louis. was transformed and valued for
its commodification, or economic
Lucas Place was a new type of potential. As a grove, the land
residential community, developed only represented the potentiality
predominantly by the newly of speculative wealth, but while in
wealthy, where old modes of high operation, the market was widely
fashion and tastes blended with lauded as “one of the finest”
innovative midwestern styles. markets in the city, “a handsome
St. Louisans in the mid-nineteenth edifice, built of most durable
century abandoned the traditional materials in every part. . . .
row house in favor of a more Everything about it . . . betokens
experimental single-family detached the most liberal spirit, and desire
style of city home, which to secure permanent prosperity
favored the creation of front yards to that section of the city,”
and side lots.2 In Lucas Place, due to its attractive exterior
“there emerged a preference for and spaciousness.7
detached homes surrounded
by landscaped grounds.” In 1849, with the success
“Spaciousness would become of Lucas Market, James Lucas Anne Lucas Hunt. This is the same image
used to carve her likeness on her
a guiding principle” in the and Anne Hunt decided to gravesite in the city’s Calvary Cemetery.
American West, because land develop another plot of land, (Image: Missouri Historical Society)
was not as limited as it was along a neighborhood called “Lucas
the coast and in Europe.3 Place.” Unlike Summit Square, The land proposed for
it would remain viable and Lucas Place was forested; it was
Out of desires to create a desirable for the long term, untamed, wild, and unlivable.
“self-contained world,” in hence the creation of a series of However, by “improving” the
1828, Anne Hunt (1796–1879) thirty-year deed restrictions on rough “idle waste” and creating
View of St. Louis from Lucas Place, labeled as 1854. This is a cropped version had developed a residential the land.8 The proposed site for private places such as Lucas
of the image, eliminating an informational border along the bottom of the image
that contained incorrect labeling. (Image: Missouri Historical Society)
neighborhood referred to as the neighborhood straddled both Place, people could be a part
“Summit Square” between Fifth city and hinterland as it resided of nature, but in a strictly
on the outskirts of town, and its
fall/winter ’20
pg. 6 pg. 7
controlled environment. This Over this twenty-five feet, the harkening back to the idea of a
sense of control and community- owners have entire control pastoral or gardenesque landscape.
as to the manner in which it
led regulation makes the The Sarah Collier residence at
may be adorned, but they
re-modeling of the untamed into cannot build upon it. . . . The 1603 Lucas, built in 1858, is an
a more ideal form of nature a space at present set apart example of this French style, with
consumptive practice, as the for this purpose embraces its free-standing home surrounded
The Sarah Collier
about eighty lots, and if these
destruction of nature was by a garden-like environment.11
should be improved in the
then followed by the sale and manner proposed, it will make The Collier residence included
construction of residential
buildings, designed by and for
it one of the most healthy and
beautiful parts of the city. As
a new fledgling garden, complete
with trees and a manicured residence at
1603 Lucas,
the wealthy. Such distinction was yet it is unimproved and the lawn. Such depictions of saplings
opportunity is thus afforded
reinforced by Hunt and Lucas’ of erecting dwelling houses at the site of Lucas Place are
choice of name for the residential of such a character and in ironic—they represent the bui lt i n 1 8 5 8 , is an
enclave; by using the moniker such style, as will distinguish destruction and reshaping of
it from all other parts of the ex ampl e of t he
“Place,” they were likely land that was previously known
intentionally attempting to sell it
city. A magnificent street,
as Lucas Woods.12 All signs of Fre nch st y l e, w it h
wide sidewalks and beautiful
as a place outside of the danger, groves of trees, will ensure the older growth, however, were it s f re e - st and i ng
decay, and disorganization of the circulation of fresh air, while it removed and destroyed prior to home sur round e d
city. The later 1854 addition of may reasonably be supposed construction in favor of a curated
that the houses to be erected by a g ard e n- l i ke
a park at the easternmost edge version of a carefully manicured
of the neighborhood physically
will combine architectural
ideal vision of nature. Trees were env i ronme nt.
beauty and every comfort
solidified its separation from the which wealth can command. desirable, but only in specifically
thoroughfare of the city.9 Yet the We hope the project will find selected locations, appropriately
park was not the only actions general favor with the public distanced from each other and
. . . it must become the most
Hunt and Lucas took to give the attractive part of the city.
10 likely specifically selected based
impression of a private landscape on their uniform rate of growth
for residents. One of the The Missouri Republican was and appearance. In this way, the
neighborhood’s unique features projecting the imagery and natural world was not necessarily
was the requirement that owners benefits of a park-like boulevard, desirable, but individual elements
create a 25-foot easement. This where construction has a healthful of it such as trees, flowers, and
setback was unique, because it is benefit to the city due to its shrubbery— once properly
the first recorded instance of such much-needed addition of fresh selected and controlled by man
a restriction in St. Louis. The air and sidewalks aplenty to enjoy —were desirable.
easement had two effects: it it. However, it was not the idea
created a front yard for residents Similarly curated versions of
of the outdoors itself that was
to have grass or small gardens, the community were depicted in Sarah A. Collier Residence in 1868, at 1603 Lucas Place,
lauded for its “fresh air,” but On the northwest corner of Lucas Place and Sixteenth Street.
while simultaneously causing the the newspapers, advertisements, (Image: Missouri Historical Society)
instead healthfulness created by
street to have the broader, more and print media such as the wood
a specifically curated space.
majestic appearance of a boulevard engraving of Lucas Place entitled
Only a particular type of
rather than a thoroughfare. In View on Lucas Place. Dated
natural space was restorative and
1850 a Missouri Republican 1860, it offers us more than just
healthy—the natural that had
editorial justified the setback’s a “view”; it is an example of
been improved by men.
establishment, even before the the picturesque model of an
development’s first house had Because of St. Louis’ French idyllic version of Lucas Place.
been completed in 1851. Claiming roots, Lucas may also have been The choice to have a carefully
it would make the surrounding envisioning the open pastoral manicured and picturesque lawn
area a more “attractive” and French village style as a model was not only an aesthetic one,
“healthful” portion of the city, while planning Lucas Place, but a moral sentiment as well.13
the editorial stated: Americans perceived the disorderly
wilderness as a danger, indicative
fall/winter ’20
pg. 8
Lucas Street and Missouri Park at its easternmost point pg. 9
were l i n e d gen erousl y w ith tre es , cre at i ng a u n i qu e i mpre ss i on
of t he hous es b ei ng i n t he cou nt r y or s itu ate d i ns i de of a
p ark or v i l l a r at her t han t he cit y. . .
of darkness, decay, and chaos, series of improvements to Missouri east, the rows of stately trees and
while cleaner, more orderly spaces Park. Their work showcased the stately houses, the aristocratic
were recognized as Godly and continual investment of the city tide which streamed from its
pure.14 Such conceptions are on and the desires of the area’s residents doors, the smart carriages, and the
display in the photograph of the to maintain the greenspace as a constant hospitality of its gracious
Collier residence as well. The showpiece. Lucas also used the inhabitants.” 22 Lionberger’s
neat, orderly lines of Sarah Collier’s opportunity to remind the Board statement illustrates Lucas Place’s
manicured lawn, representing of Parks Commissioners of the unique composition of rows of
good and Godliness, are sharply city’s promise to permanently trees, stately homes, and the
contrasted against the disorder maintain and improve the land park to the east–all markers to
and darkness of the weeds and that he and his sister had privately outsiders of how well J.H. Lucas
shrubbery directly opposite it, developed (and generously and his Lucas Place residents had
especially during a time when donated).19 The letter then created a park-like atmosphere.
the existence of yards in the front personally congratulates the
or side yards between urban superintendent for his supervision The curation of the land and
homes was fairly rare.15 of the installation of a public its transition from “idle waste,” as
fountain inside of the park.20 it had been previously referred to
Lucas Street and Missouri Such interactions illustrate the by the Missouri Democrat, to an
Park at its easternmost point concern and connection residents accessible and productive land was
were lined generously with trees, of Lucas Place felt with the evident by 1854.23 The Missouri
creating a unique impression of greenspace of Missouri Park. Republican’s editors even instructed
Wood cut engraving
View on Lucas Place the houses being in the country These connections simultaneously other city residents to conduct
of the northwest or situated inside of a park or villa encouraged development while a voyeuristic homage to the site
corner of Lucas Place,
dated 1860. Note the rather than the city, especially gently reminding the city of its of development and examine
representation of Sarah when one looked from the east responsibility to continually the location, stating that “in its
Collier’s residence (the
first house on the left) across Missouri Park towards the maintain the public space as a natural state, it is most beautiful,
in direct contrast to the neighborhood. To create the park healthful and desirable location and when improved . . . a more
wild and unmanaged
lot across the street. as a utilitarian greenspace and for the neighborhood. pleasant neighborhood will not
(Image: Missouri buffer against through traffic, the be found in the country. Valuable
Historical Society)
city spent $1,357 to grade and In 1877, maintenance and improvements are already going
fill the land in 1858.16 After this careful attention to the greenspace up on some of the lots, and others
construction, commonly referred was still apparent. Regular have been enclosed, and in a little
to as “heavycutting,” was conducted, inventories were taken of the trees while it will present an enchanting
the earth was then relocated to and shrubs that lined the park, appearance.” 24 Both the editorial’s
the riverfront wharf for removal.17 creating the impression of a vast, tone and the language used to
To assemble a substantial amount verdant landscape. This effect describe the land prior to its
of land to create the park on the was especially apparent along development and in the anticipation
easternmost end of Lucas Place the boulevard-like atmosphere of development are striking. The
alongside Lucas Market, Lucas looking westward down Lucas land in its “natural state, it is most
and Hunt additionally purchased Place. Until 1870, Missouri Park beautiful,” an appreciation solely
several buildings and land along had been the only city park with for its beauty to be sure, but this
the eastern edge of the “place.” gas lighting. It operated with an statement is placed after it has
By 1854, the duo had donated the annual budget of about $1,000.21 been commodified as a “for sale”
land to the city for use as a park Many St. Louisans remembered listing. The second point of interest
in perpetuity. 18 its carefully crafted beauty. For here is the authors’ reliance and
Lucas Place, 1875, from Richard J. Compton and Camille N. Drye, Pictorial St. Louis,
example, St. Louis resident Isaac appreciations of “improvements”
the Great Metropolis of the Mississippi Valley; a Topographical Survey Drawn in In 1870 James Lucas and other Lionberger (1854–1948) claimed, to the “lots.” Here we can see that
Perspective A.D. 1875. View looking Northwest. In the bottom right corner of the image Lucas Place residents wrote a “We who have lived a little while, despite the natural beauty of the
is Missouri Park. It is clear that by 1875, Lucas place was surrounded on all sides.
(Image: Campbell House Museum) letter to the Board of Parks recall the quiet charm of Lucas land, it becomes “enchanting” and
Commissioners, congratulating Place: the pleasant park upon the “improved” only when the land is
it on the job well done on a
fall/winter ’20
pg. 10 pg. 11
essentially owned and subsequently Lucas Place and its adjoining park recognizing the impetus to Taken by William G. Swekosky (1894–1963) in 1914, this image looks east on the
Intersection of 16th Street and Lucas Street (which had been renamed by that point
shaped or transformed by man. As were a gem to its residents and the change, decided to move. Unable to Locust Street). The neighborhood had dramatically changed by the turn of the
a wilderness, it yields little utility, city, but in the same year the city to sell their stately mansions to century into an urban business neighborhood. (Image: Missouri Historical Society)
but as a commodity to be “sold had made several attempts to cut individual homeowners, they
and improved,” it increases in a thoroughfare through Missouri unanimously voted to remove the
attractiveness because it increases Park, much to the dismay of deed restrictions put in place to
in commercial and social value. residents and the press. Directly protect the neighborhood from
The editorial also lends to the petitioning the city through the outside influence. As early as 1883,
idea of an exclusionary aspect of Globe Democrat, the proposed some St. Louis residents in a St.
the development. Outsiders are alteration was described as Louis Post Dispatch editorial aptly
instructed to go to the site to an “impairment,” and residents titled “Westward” were already
imagine its potential and their lamented the inevitable considering the neighborhood for
potential inclusion, or others’ devaluation of the surrounding its potential utility as a “business
exclusion, from the residential land as a result, writing: “The first street.” 29 Prominent St. Louisans
enclave. Even before it is fully remonstrance against the extension seeking the same sort of verdant
developed, its potentiality for of either Lucas Place or Locust environment Lucas Place
the cultural and social capital Street through Missouri Park represented in its earlier years
that could be gained through its was received by the Street moved westward along the
construction is understood and Commissioner yesterday. The outskirts to areas such as Forest
celebrated. Nature itself garners objections raised to the extension Park and the Vandeventer
no respectability for residents; are that it would greatly impair Neighborhood. Because of the
man’s command over nature the value of Lucas Place, and that demands of urban sprawl, a
is what makes it desirable it is the belief of the petitioners de-emphasis on nature and
and exclusive. that the city cannot open either greenspace downtown occurred in
Prominent St. Louisans
of the streets named without tandem with an increased interest
Even as late as 1880, forfeiting their right to the in the land’s productive economic
descriptions of Lucas Place and property used as the park. . . .” 26 utility rather than its social or
Missouri Park focused on the Later attempts at cutting a street cultural utility. In 1903 the city s e ek i ng t he s ame s or t of verd ant
greenery and the careful through Missouri Park were finally followed through with its env i ron ment Lu c as Pl ace repres ente d
maintenance of the social and similarly referred to as “vandalism” proposals to connect Lucas Street
physical curation of the space, i n it s e arl i er ye ars move d west ward
to be “resisted vigorously,” with Locust by paving over the
such as the following October as it would represent the middle portion of Missouri Park. 30 a l ong t he out sk i r t s to are as
1880 “sketch” of “Lucas Street” “disfigurement of the only And after the completion of the
from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
su ch as Forest Park and t he
breathing spot near the crowded St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904, the
It says the development is and smoky section of the city.” 27 city constructed a Carnegie Library Vande venter Nei g hb orho o d.
Despite such appeals in April of over half of Missouri Park. 31 The
one of those places which
1880, a month later the city stately houses that lined its streets
a certain class of reporters
delight, once a year, to speak commissioner determined the park were then torn down one by one,
of as “the lungs of the city,” and its “fountains” and walking replaced with boarding houses of nature and its role in society their quest for social and cultural O’Sullivan’s calls for Manifest
one of the city’s “breathing paths were an obstruction to city and further business development —in the city, in the region, and capital, prominent St. Louisans Destiny through westward
places,” etc. . . . Missouri Park traffic and ordered them to be until only one house remained. nationally. As St. Louis began to simultaneously adopted and expansion. 32 Yet such movements
abounds in shrubbery. . . .
At Fourteenth Street begins removed for the betterment of It still stands today as the grow and prosper economically, rejected the natural world. did not occur in a vacuum; the
one of the beauty spots of the city itself. 28 Concerns had Campbell House Museum. the city’s inhabitants constantly Seeking social respectability, land was cut, cultivated, and
St. Louis, commonly known shifted as the space no longer re-negotiated their relationship St. Louisans sought to create a curated, essentially to be harvested
as Lucas Place. . . . All the represented the refinement gained Lucas Place neighborhood with nature and its role in curated version of the idealized not for its nutritional bounty but
houses are large and represents a unique opportunity
handsome, and the shade
through the curation of the natural garnering respectability. As the form of the natural world in ways instead for the potentiality for
trees the best the city can space. Rather, that conception to explore westward expansion in city continued to thrive, businesses that enhanced the its residents’ the social and cultural capital that
show. The street is paved with had given way to a larger, more the “Gateway to the West” and and industry were pushed further social status and health. The its “improvements” represented in
large blocks of limestone, and powerful narrative of industrial the beginnings of suburbanization westward, transforming land yet movement westward from the the nineteenth century. Ultimately,
is, consequently, very clean.
urban growth and development. in St. Louis. It also offers a again from residential curated crowded, dirty downtown area St. Louisans created and cultivated
It is an intensely quiet spot,
unique opportunity to examine versions of nature to what the not only represented a trend to an “improved” greenspace
and if children live there they
are kept within doors and Industrial development and the development and heritage of contemporary individual would escape the unhealthful effects through their consumption
are never allowed to make time were not kind to the Lucas not only a neighborhood but also recognize as a downtown urban of the riverfront, but also larger and destruction of the
25
mud pies in the gutter. Place neighborhood. Residents, nineteenth-century conceptions industrialized metropolis. In national trends towards land uncultivated natural world.
acquisition exemplified in John
fall/winter ’20
pg. 12 pg. 13
ENDNOTES Morrow Prize
1
John L. O’Sullivan, “Annexation,” 7
“St. Louis,” St. Louis Republican, March 10
“Lucas Place,” Daily Missouri 22
Isaac Lionberger, as quoted in James This article received the 2020
Democratic Review (July–August 1845), 10, 1846, as cited in Joseph C. Thurman, Republican, November 11, 1850, 3. The Neal Primm, Lion of the Valley (Boulder: Lynn and Kristen Morrow Missouri
5–11. “James H. Lucas: Eminent St. Louis paper has changed names several times Pruett Publishing Company, 1990), 362.
Entrepreneur and Philanthropist” throughout the course of its run; the
History Student Prize, awarded for
2
Richard Allen Rosen, “St. Louis, Missouri Missouri Historical Review 101, 3 titles listed below are alternate names 23
“City Items – St. Louis Enterprise – No. the best student paper on an aspect
1850–1865: The Rise of Lucas Place (2007), 129–45. the paper operated under in the 5,” Daily Missouri Democrat, September of Missouri history presented at the Missouri
and the Transformation of the City nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 29, 1854, 3.
Missouri Conference on History. Conference
from Public Spaces to Private Places” 8
The deed restriction was established In 1919 the paper was sold to the
(Ph.D. thesis, University of California, at the sale of each parcel of land, so St. Louis Globe Democrat. For more 24
“Cote Brilliante Property,” Daily The annual Missouri Conference on on History
Los Angeles, 1988). Richard Allen they would be expiring at different times information, see “Daily Missouri Missouri Republican, March 19, 1854, 2. History brings together teachers
Rosen, “Rethinking the Row House: throughout the neighborhood. In Republican,” State Historical Society of history and other professional
The Development of Lucas Place, 1888 a petition was created to end the of Missouri, https://digital.shsmo.org/ 25
“A Street Sketch,” St. Louis
1850–1865,” 22. deed restrictions on the street, and it digital/collection/dmr (accessed Post-Dispatch, October 16, 1880, 4. historians to share in the presentation
successfully attained the necessary two March 31, 2019). of the results of research, to exchange
3
Rosen “Rethinking the Row House,” 22. thirds of landowners needed to sign it, 26
“City Hall Matters,” St. Louis information on teaching and
according to “Real Estate Market,” Sarah Collier Residence, Photograph,
11
Globe-Democrat, April 25, 1880, 13.
4
Despite Anne’s early attempts to Missouri Republican, May 16, 1888, pg. Missouri Historical Society, Lucas
curriculum, to consider ways to
develop the square on her own, in later 9, col 7. The deed for the land specified Place Collection, https://mohistory.org/ 27
Editorial comment, St. Louis promote interest in history and the
developments, she was typically listed as four major restrictions: “First, No search?text=Lucas%20Place Post-Dispatch, April 28, 1880, 2, 4. welfare of the profession, and to
co-owner, though many times it was her tenement of any description shall be
discuss other concerns common
property being sold. Most transactions, erected” and created a setback “Along Olive Street,” St. Louis
12 28
“The Missouri Park,” St. Louis
however, were made under the name of “twenty-five feed to the front line of Post-Dispatch, December 11, 1887, 21. Post-Dispatch, May 24, 1880, 4. to all historians.
her brother James H. Lucas (1800–1873) said premises. . . . second, For the
or his business. But in terms of land term of thirty years . . . [prohibits] 13
Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass 29
“Westward,” St. Louis
ownership, typically, if James owned one any Family Grocery, Apothecary shop, Frontier: The Suburbanization of the Post-Dispatch, December 7, 1883, 2.
half of the block, Anne would then own Coffee House, Eating house, United States (New York: Oxford
the other side. Their father, Judge John Restaurant, Dram Shop, Theatre, Circus, University Press, 1985), 55. 30
“To Make Locust A Handsome Street,”
Baptiste Charles Lucas (1758–1842), or any other business of amusement, or St. Louis Republic, May 14 1903, 2.
equitably distributed the land in his of the bargain or sale of any description 14
Ibid., 55.
estate between his son and daughter. of goods, wares, or merchandize.” It 31
Ibid.
then prohibited any construction of any 15
Ibid.
5
The land used for Summit Square was of the above-mentioned businesses 32
Others who have written on the
gifted to Anne by her father after her after thirty years without the express 16
“City Engineer’s Report – 10 May development of St. Louis’ residential
marriage to Theodore Hunt. See Laws approval of all the owners on Lucas 1858,” Daily Missouri Republican, areas have similarly argued that
of the State of Missouri, Chapter 85, Place. If an owner of the land was found May 18, 1858, 4. St. Louisans were increasingly
dated 11 Dec. 182,8 in Laws of a Public in violation of any of these restrictions, seeking alternatives to housing above
& General Nature of the State of their property would then be reverted 17
Ibid. the downtown area of shops and
Missouri passed between 1824 & 1836, to the hands of James Lucas and his industry. However, they posit that such a
Jefferson City, 1842, 2:139. heirs, according to the deed. See James 18
Lucas Market consisted of the block change occurred because of class
H. Lucas to Carlos S. Greeley and Daniel to the west of today’s St. Louis Public anxieties and a concern for the social
6
The market’s location is described as B. Gale, Missouri History Society Library, Library, along the street we now refer issues that emerged from blending
a meadow as late as 1842, according to Treadway Papers Collection, January 1, to as Tucker Blvd. to the west of where residential and business social spheres.
the “Annual Review, History of St. Louis, 1853; Charles Savage claims the architect Tucker now widens. Glen E. Holt, “The Shaping of St. Louis,
Commercial Statistics, Improvements George I. Barnett worked with Lucas 1763-1860” (PhD dis., University
of the Year, and Account of Leading to introduce the deed restrictions on 19
James H. Lucas, et al., Letter to the of Chicago, 1975) 317-318, 325;
Manufactories, Etc.,” from the Missouri Lucas Place. See Charles C. Savage, Board of Park Commissioners, Missouri Richard Allen Rosen, “St. Louis,
Republican, January 10, 1854 (St. Louis, The Architecture of the Private Streets of History Museum Archives, St. Louis, Missouri, 1850-1865,” 93.
Chambers & Knapp), 1854, 43; for the St. Louis: The Architects and the Houses October 29th, 1876.
quotation about the meadow and its they Designed (Columbia: University
surrounding of timber, see Elihu of Missouri Press, 1987) 13. 20
Ibid.
Hotchkiss Shepard, The Early History
of St. Louis and Missouri (St. Louis: 9
Savage, The Architecture of the 21
Swekosky papers, S.1.7.2a, Missouri
Southwestern Book & Publishing Co., Private Streets of St. Louis, 8–9. History Museum.
1870), 136.
fall/winter ’20
pg. 14 pg. 15
KREKEL & KRIBBEN–
DIVERGING VIEWS |
| ON THE FUTURE OF SLAVERY
by stev e ehlmann
In 1848, Arnold Krekel and Christian Kribben were young, free-thinking
lawyers and aspiring Democratic politicians, whose families had emigrated
from Prussia to St. Charles County, Missouri, in the 1830s. Like most German-Americans,
both initially opposed the spread of slavery into the territories, but neither was an
abolitionist. In 1854 they began moving in opposite directions.
Engraving from William Still’s 1872 book The Underground Railroad Records,
with modern watercolor enhancement. (Image: Shutterstock)
fall/winter ’20
pg. 16 pg. 17
By July 1863, in the midst of a Both men joined the Democratic resolutions to ensure slaveholders’
Civil War that would determine Party to oppose anti-immigrant right to take their slaves into
the slavery question, William and anti-Catholic Nativists in the new territories. Senator
Tausig, Presiding Judge of St. the Whig Party. While both came Thomas Hart Benton opposed
Louis County, reported to the from Catholic families, each him, insisting the future of the
Neue Zeit that President Abraham became free-thinking anti-clerics. country depended on free soil
Lincoln had asked him, “Why Political opponents would use and free labor and warning that
don’t the Germans of Missouri their German origin and support the slavery issue could destroy
stand still?” Krekel had not stood for “Red Republican doctrines the Union. In 1848 Claiborne
still and now favored emancipation of Europe” against them as the Fox Jackson passed the Jackson
in Missouri, while the Neue Zeit debate over slavery intensified. 3 Resolutions in the Missouri General
described Kribben as someone Assembly, opposing Benton and
who had stood still but explained After a rally for Democratic asserting Congress had no power
he had not “receded more than presidential candidate James K. to limit or prohibit slavery in
the times have advanced,” but Polk in 1844, the pro-Democrat the territories. 7
“no longer understood the times; Missouri Republican reported
that was all.” 1 that Kribben spoke “in a brief, That year, while both shared
but spirited and eloquent manner, Benton’s concerns, Kribben went
showing the importance of the a step further than Krekel. After
present contest and the magnitude the New York State Democrat-
of the Texas question.” 4 ic Party refused to endorse the
Missouri’s U.S. Senator Thomas Wilmot Proviso, a faction known
Hart Benton, who had opposed as Barnburners opposed the
the Texas Annexation Treaty, Democratic nominee Lewis Cass
was forced to work hard to win and joined with others to form
re-election that year. Kribben the Free Soil Party, nominating as
was nominated for St. Louis city their candidate former President
attorney in 1846, but the Whigs Martin Van Buren. Kribben
nearly swept the municipal signed a Barnburner Call insisting,
elections that year and elected “He was an enemy of slavery and,
the first nativist mayor of St. if he were able to drive it out of
Louis.5 The following year, Krekel Missouri with a wave of his hand
was elected St. Charles County or a nod of his head, he would
Arnold Krekel (1815-1888) emigrated from surveyor as a Democrat, receiving do so in a second. He drank his
Germany in 1832 at age 17 and moved
to St. Charles, Missouri. His lengthy career 65 percent in the three townships hatred for slavery from his
included editing a newspaper, working as with highest percentages of mother’s breast and inherited it
an attorney and a surveyor, serving
in the Union Army, presiding over the German voters.6 from his forefathers!” 8
1865 Missouri Constitutional Convention,
and as a U.S. District judge. Kribben enlisted as a lieutenant Even though Benton opposed
(Image: St. Charles County Archives)
in an all-German artillery unit it, passage of the Compromise
under the command of General of 1850 defused somewhat the
Arnold Krekel, born in 1815,
Alexander Donovan after the slavery issue. That year, Kribben
was six years older than Christian
outbreak of the Mexican War in was in Europe and Krekel was an
Kribben. Each received schooling
1846. During the war, the United unsuccessful candidate for the
in Germany before immigrating
States House of Representatives State Senate. The following year
to Missouri with their families at
passed the Wilmot Proviso, which Krekel was elected city attorney Christian Kribben studied law under Thomas Cunningham, attorney and mayor of St. Charles,
age seventeen. Both eventually
would have excluded slavery from for St. Charles, but the legislature who published this notice of slave sale in 1844. (Image: State Historical Society of Missouri)
studied the law in St. Charles,
any new territories gained in the denied Benton re-election to the
where Kribben began his practice
war. When the matter reached Senate. A month later, Krekel
in 1843, as did Krekel in 1844, the
the United States Senate, began publishing the St. Charles
year Kribben moved to St. Louis.2
Senator John C. Calhoun offered Demokrat, the first Germanfall/winter ’20
pg. 18 pg. 19
Forecasting political death for the Democratic Party, this cartoon imagines a funeral
of its standard-bearers with Senators (left to right) Sam Houston, Thomas Hart Benton,
carrying a slip of paper with the words, “Last of the Family Reign,” and John
Calhoun, carrying a manacle labeled “Slavery,” serving as pall bearers for the bodies
of Martin Van Buren and Lewis Cass. (Image: Library of Congress)
Founded in 1852, the Demokrat was published by Krekel for four years, after
which it was edited by his political allies. (Image: Steve Ehlmann)
votes, becoming the first German Nebraska and guarantee “popular Benton,” causing the pro-Benton
immigrant elected to the Missouri sovereignty,” whereby the people Neue Zeit to editorialize:
General Assembly and an opponent of each territory would decide
of the Jackson Resolutions. While whether to allow slavery. Shortly When a German tramples
the legislature had passed a thereafter, Representative Krekel under foot all the traditions
statute requiring observance of attended a meeting allegedly of his native land, all the
achievements of philosophy,
the Puritan Sunday practiced by “composed of the confidential of enlightenment and humanity,
English-speaking Protestants, friends and mouth-pieces of which he has brought with
closing theaters, concerts, beer Benton,” opposing what became him from his old home—when
halls, and wine gardens —all known as the Kansas-Nebraska a German obtrudes himself
to be the advocate and
significant to Germans, who Act. The abrogation of the representative of slavery and
observed the “Continental Missouri Compromise provoked all its consequences—when
Sunday,” during which even a strong reaction from he degrades himself to a
religious Germans enjoyed beer, opponents of slavery. 17 Thompson German, and
becomes the servile hod-carrier
wine, music, and the theater on
Anti-slavery Germans were of slavocrats, then there is an
Sunday—Krekel did not attack end to all mercy, and such
the Sunday, or any other existing further alarmed when Congressmen an exemplary exception of a
law, “regarded with sacredness from slaveholding states, including German must be placed
language newspaper in St. Charles personalities out of the game.” 1 0 campaign.” 12 But Kribben, having by the American people.” 15 Senator John B. Thompson, a before public opinion in his
County, and praised Benton Neither did, and to oppose changed his mind while in Europe, Whig from Kentucky, attempted entire nudity, to serve as a
19
horrid example to others.
for his opposition to Calhoun’s the Whig candidate for state parted ways with Benton and Kribben married Edith Delafield to amend the Homestead Bill by
resolutions, which “contained all representative, St. Charles Krekel on the slavery issue, and in St. Louis in February 1854. confining benefits to “heads of
About the same time, a
of the principles and tenets that County Democrats were forced supported Bogy. 13 Heinrich Edith, a non-German, had been families” and to “citizens of the
Krekel critic, citing the German
the Missouri legislature later to choose between Maj. George Boernstein, editor of the born in Ohio, and the Kribbens United States.” Many German
Progressive Party’s support for
passed in the infamous Jackson W. Huston, “a bitter Anti-Benton pro-Benton Anzeiger, decried did not own slaves. Krekel and his men, who had left their families
several “Red Republican doctrines
resolutions.” His primary concern man,” and Krekel, “a Bentonian,” the pro-Whig Republican for wife, Ida, also a German immigrant, in Germany until they could pay
of Europe,” as well as opposition
was that they “were intended to causing one observer to state supporting Bogy, suggesting it owned two slaves. They, like most their passage, would not have
to the extension of slavery and
prepare the split of the union.” 9 sarcastically, “This is the kind “has a particular inclination and Missouri Germans, had reached the right to homestead prior to
support for the Homestead Bill,
of ‘union and harmony’ that tenderness for the most regular an accommodation with slavery naturalization. 18
Missouri Democrats reconciled charged him with “anti-American
prevails all over the state.” 11 [Democrat] Christian Kribben where it existed, but they feared
in 1852, running an anti-Benton Benton announced his sentiments” and “exciting the
and for the more than regular its spread could lead to disunion.
candidate for governor, while That same month, after Krekel candidacy for the Senate seat to Germans against American
‘Democratic Press.’” Indeed, They were reassured that the
pro-Benton men were nominated had seen the new Demokratische be filled by the legislature after institutions,” whether it involved
Boernstein charged, “Mr. Missouri Compromise, which
for down-ticket offices. When Presse edited by Kribben, he the election. The Anzeiger’s pages Sunday or slavery. Krekel, who
Kribben is opposed to Benton,” prohibited slavery in territories
Benton ran for Congress against again called for reconciliation, bristled with editorials assailing had repudiated the party, alleged
and “Bogy is the representative north of Missouri’s southern
Democrat Lewis Bogy and a Whig commenting, “We hope that Mr. Douglas, with whom Kribben “deliberate villainy” and accused
of the Southern nullifiers — border, would stop the spread of
candidate, Krekel editorialized, Kribben, a good advocate/lawyer clearly had cast his lot. Kribben his critic of attempting “to
the ultra-slave-holders —the slavery into new territories. 16
“We hope this split within the who grew up in this area, will spoke in favor of Senator Douglas excite the religious feeling of
faction that would destroy
party will be completely mended not use his talents for personal However, in early 1854, Senator and the Kansas-Nebraska Act, Catholics by charging that I am
this glorious Union. . . .” 14
once the outstanding men of both squabbling, but to vigorously and Stephen Douglas of Illinois, urging Germans not to go like opposed to them.” 20
branches, who are partly responsible jointly represent the interests of On Election Day, Benton was hoping to ease sectional tensions, a “herd of sheep to vote for
While Krekel was mentioned
for the split, will finally, decide to the Democracy, particularly in elected to Congress and Krekel proposed legislation to establish
as a possible pro-Benton candidate
make the small sacrifice of leaving view of the upcoming election was elected to the House by six the territories of Kansas and
for Congress that year, afterfall/winter ’20
pg. 20 pg. 21
We would much
rather give our
vote to a true democrat.
stating, “We would much rather Missouri, Benton supporters, election in August 1857. After
give our vote to a true Democrat,” now called Free Democrats, National Democrat Robert
he endorsed the Whig candidate continued to work for free soil. In Stewart, a native of New York
because he opposed the Kansas- 1857 State Representative Gratz State, announced his candidacy to
Nebraska Act. 21 Regarding Brown, editor of the Missouri be elected governor on the same
Benton, Krekel assured readers Democrat, called for the gradual day, the Glasgow Weekly Times
of the Demokrat, “We are warm emancipation of the slaves, explained, “Black Republicans To promote a
northern route for the
friends of the old hero, and do not citing economic rather than prefer Northern men. They know transcontinental railroad
feel ourselves at liberty to strike humanitarian reasons. When their love of slavery is lip-love, that would benefit his
Illinois constituents
him down, either for his vote on declining health forced Benton to whereas a southerner stands by Senator Stephen A.
the Nebraska or Texas question.” retire from public life, many of his the cause of the south, upon principle. Douglas wanted to
organize the territory of
As to Benton’s detractors, Krekel supporters joined Francis P. Blair, Kayser and Kribben know what Nebraska, which would
pointed out that Benton had who had been elected to Congress they are about. . . . They are all have become a free
state under the Missouri
passed the Homestead bill in and announced a plan in 1858 to against slavery, and they know Compromise. Douglas
the House of Representatives emancipate the slaves and remove if Stewart is elected, they will proposed creating Kansas
and Nebraska to gain
and asked, “Is it for this you them from the country. After have an approachable person ‘at Southern support, leaving
bloodhounds howl upon his track, Free Democrats joined other court.’” 27 The same paper later it up to the settlers and
providing an opportunity
and seek to dabble your thirsty anti-slavery factions in opposition complained about “Van Burenites for Kansas to be the
jaws in the old man’s gore, and to the National Democrats, like Kribben—that supports such complimentary slave
state, thus preserving the
riot on the carcass of him under they could not agree on a name abolition papers as the German balance in the Senate.
whose fostering care the and became known simply as Chronicle, which supports the (Image: Library of
Congress)
Democracy have acquired all “The Opposition.” 25 New York Yankee for governor,
their glory and renown.” 22 because ‘he was not a slaveholder’
Meanwhile, another split was and would be the ‘first to lend his
Benton was not sent back to developing between those who hand’ toward its abolishment.” 28
the Senate, and his forces were wanted the Democratic Party
not even seated at the 1856 to remain a national party Proponents of slavery reminded
Democratic National Convention. and those who wanted it to protect German audiences that many
When Benton ran for governor the sectional interest of the abolitionists were also nativists.
that year, Krekel ran as the South. The issue was especially When a jury quickly acquitted
pro-Benton candidate for intense in Missouri, given its Kribben after a Grand Jury indicted
attorney general, opposing those proximity to “bleeding Kansas,” him for “false pretense,” even
who became known as “National where the pro-slavery Lecompton though the supposed victim stated
Democrats.” After Kribben spoke Constitution was approved at an he had no complaint against him,
in German, the Republican noted, election boycotted by anti slavery the Republican called it “Failure of
“the Germans of Quincy still voters. The Columbia Democrat the Free-soil Know-Nothings to
maintained their proud position asked, “Are our Pro-Slavery, and Reduce a Political Opponent to
upon the old national Democratic as they claim, National ‘Americans,’ their Own Level.” 29 In St. Louis
platform.” 23 However, when he prepared to cooperate with on Election Day, Stewart lost by
spoke in English across the river Blair, Brown, Boernstein, Krekel 1,500 votes and Kribben, whom
in Hannibal, a nativist identified and company, in their efforts to one newspaper described as “Bob
Kribben as a “Red-Republican ‘demonstrate to the Union’ that Stewarts’s Major General,” lost by
Dutchman” and advised, “The the subject of emancipation 444 votes. Stewart, however, won
democracy had better let such will be agitated in Missouri until statewide by less than 300 votes
men as Kribben stay at home for she has become a free state?” 26 over Opposition candidate James
American citizens cannot learn Rollins and, in January, appointed
the duty they owe their country Kribben announced his Kribben Division Inspector for
on advice from a foreigner.” 24 candidacy to fill a vacancy in the the 1st Military District of the
St. Louis delegation to the Militia in St. Louis, with the rank
While National Democrats Missouri House at a special of colonel. 30
swept the state offices infall/winter ’20
pg. 22
Jayhawkers had been pg. 23
crossing the border to
free slaves, and Governor Stewart
reluctantly sent militia
units to Bates and Vernon
A prominent jurist later wrote, the Germans in his audience that fifty-eight for the opposition. 38 When the House met to counties in Missouri.
“Few lawyers were better known James B. Gardenhire, his opponent organize, Representative Sitton
in his day than Kribben and he for the legislature, had been a After Douglas declared the zeroed in on Representative
exercised a large influence with Know-Nothing. A reviewer called pro-slavery Lecompton Kribben from the left, citing
the German population.” 31 his performance “one of the most Constitution was a “fraudulent the same speech and stating
Members of the German Peters logical and powerful arguments submission,” Congress rejected sarcastically, “If the National
family hired Kribben to defend in behalf of Democratic it and ordered another election Democratic Party sent such men
them after they were indicted for principles and policy, and that resulted in a new expression here he was a National Democrat.” 41
beating their slave Lucy nearly to against the conglomeration of of “popular sovereignty” from Sitton “divested himself of
death. With increasing concern Know-Nothingism and Black a large majority of anti-slavery the exclusive proprietary
in the German community over Republicanism, here denominated Kansas voters and seemed to settle title conferred on him by the
the plight of slaves, the Anzeiger [by] the Union Party.” 34 He took the Kansas question. However, Republican” and shared it with
had assured its readers the Peters the position that, if the Constitution Jayhawkers had been crossing the Kribben. The Glasgow Weekly
family had agreed to manumit allowed a slaveholder to be border to free slaves, and Governor Times now reported the divestiture
Lucy, and the German community divested of his slave property, no Stewart reluctantly sent militia “created some merriment and a
could stop raising money to buy one’s property was safe, arguing: units to Bates and Vernon good deal of feeling on the part
her freedom. The paper was counties in Missouri. Kribben of Mr. Kribben,” who explained
outraged when the family, on the informed Stewart that he that, to keep the Germans from
A man’s abstract notion as to disagreed with his decision,
advice of their lawyer, changed its whether slavery, which had voting for Gardenhire, he had to Some pro-slavery Missourians were suspicious of Governor Robert
mind and noted “a remarkable been entailed upon us by the explaining, “The step to send make a stronger free-soil speech Stewart, who had been president of the Hannibal & St. Joseph
Railroad, because one of its largest shareholders was the family
fact that a German family that so mother country, was right or troops there now will make a than him and make sure it was of Eli Thayer of Boston, a known abolitionist who had argued the
cruelly mistreated a poor defenseless wrong, had nothing to do with noise in the world; it may give “good enough Morgan.” 42 600,000 acres of land along the railroad would be more valuable
the question now agitating if Missouri were a free state. (Image: Missouri Historical Society)
negro woman that even in a slave our enemies a hold again on the
the public mind. It was among
state the law intervened . . . and it us, and it was not merely a
Kansas question.” 39 After Sitton thanked Kribben
is a German who as lawyer for matter of dollars and cents, for his youthful service to Van Stating he had changed his mind slaves in Missouri by abolitionist
but a question of good After the election, the Buren and nominated him for
the family resisted the single step after a two-year stay in Europe, he John Brown. When the Militia
faith involving personal and Republican heralded the fact that speaker, Krekel wrote with some
that could have redeemed in the inalienable rights — rights
explained, “When I returned, the Act, appropriating $30,000 to
Representative James O. Sitton sarcasm of his own: “Mr. Kribben
eyes of their fellow citizens and that cannot be disregarded change that had taken place in my enable the governor to “suppress
from Gasconade County was the is said to be an able gentleman,
make right again the injustice without endangering mind during my absence was the and bring to justice the banditti
our whole social and only emancipationist elected to a good advocate/lawyer, a
committed on humanity.” 32 cause of the difference between on the western border of the
political fabric.
35
the legislature. But ultra-pro- German whom he, Sitton, largely Mr., Benton and myself, prior state” came to the floor of the
After Colonel Kribben became slavery newspapers continued credits with his election, and to which time I was his personal House, Kribben introduced a
a candidate for one of the ten St. Kribben, owning no slaves, to attack representative-elect Mr. Kribben is sure to make a friend.” 44 Sitton then ended the substitute bill increasing the
Louis County seats in the Missouri asked the simple question, “If they Kribben from the right, claiming splendid speaker!” 43 charade, criticizing the National appropriation to $50,000. While
House in 1858, he informed the really intend that the Negro shall that while contending abolition
Democratic Party by claiming no the substitute was defeated, the
governor of complaints by “the be free, why do they not set the was unconstitutional, he had Kribben said he was ashamed
man “can get an office who does original bill passed and expanded
German Companies” of the militia, example by manumitting their suggested, “if it could be winked he had supported van Buren and
not change ground, holler ‘Nigger’ the powers of the governor to
writing, “I wish you to remind own slaves.” 36 That same month out of the state, he would set blamed it on his youth, explaining:
and commence pulling Negro deal with Jayhawkers. 46
them of their duty as military men Krekel, who still owned a slave, his eyes to winking quite fast.”
wool over everybody’s eyes.” 45
and officers,” and to inform them claimed the National Democrats One article concluded that such The predilections of most Like Krekel earlier, Kribben
a speech “leaves little room to foreign persons who come to
that their behavior “is not only had “sinned against the people this country, not acquainted
Kribben would have an had to battle the “Sunday
reprehensible and unmilitary, and how no man, who was still rejoice over the defeat of black opportunity to demonstrate his fanatics” in the legislature, who
with the institution of slavery,
but renders them subject to honest and open about Missouri, Republicanism in Jefferson are adverse to it. I do not anti-abolitionist credentials. called Kribben “a low-flung,
Court Martial.” 33 could still support this party.” 37 City,” while another regretted, deny that such were my Governor Stewart sent the vulgar Dutchman.” 47 As they had
On Election Day, Kribben “Cordell is endorsed by the first impressions; but on
General Assembly a special with Krekel, nativists like
When Kribben spoke in National. Kribben is endorsed subsequent acquaintance
became one of seventy-four with its workings I discovered message detailing troubles along Representative Charles Drake
Jefferson City in favor of the National Democrats elected by them, and Senator Douglas its harmony with the the border with the Kansas used his criticism of the Sunday
National Democrat candidate to the Missouri House of will be shortly.” 40 Constitution, and my views territory, including the freeing of Law to suggest he was no better
Enos B. Cordell, he reminded Representatives, compared to underwent a transformation. than an abolitionist:You can also read
