American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis in the Poema heroico a San Ignacio de Loyola

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American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis in the Poema
   heroico a San Ignacio de Loyola

   Kathryn Mayers

   Hispanófila, Volume 155, Enero 2009, pp. 1-19 (Article)

   Published by The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Department
   of Romance Studies
   DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/hsf.2009.0011

       For additional information about this article
       https://muse.jhu.edu/article/477748/summary

[ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ]
AMERICAN ARTIFICE: IDEOLOGY AND
   EKPHRASIS IN THE POEMA HEROICO
       A SAN IGNACIO DE LOYOLA

                                                           by Kathryn Mayers
                                                             Wake Forest University

OVER the past several decades, studies of the verbal description of visual art –
the literary device known as ekphrasis – have increasingly demonstrated the
ways encounters between the “sister arts” bring up issues of power, gender, and
alterity.1 For the highly pictorial literature of the Barroco de Indias, this new
work on ekphrasis can contribute to the critical reexamination of canonical
texts that is currently underway. During the latter half of the twentieth century,
many scholarly studies began to associate texts from the Barroco de Indias
with the articulation of a specifically American point of view and with a foun-
dational role in the rupture with Spanish hegemony. Current scholarship, how-
ever, is questioning the inclusiveness of this americanismo and is exploring the
far more complex role of many works from the Barroco de Indias in forging al-
ternative models of social synthesis. The present essay contributes to recent dis-
cussion of criollismo2 in American Baroque writing by exploring the workings
of ekphrasis in a pillar of the Colombian national canon – the Poema heroico a
San Ignacio de Loyola by the Creole Jesuit, Hernando Domínguez Camargo.3
The epic-hagiographic Poema draws strongly on the tradition of arte por el
arte. However, it borrows and re-frames a series of lyric ekphrases from the
peninsular poet Luis de Góngora in a way that historicizes this extreme aes-
theticism. By exploring the ways Camargo’s ekphrases both evoke and elide
Amerindian and Afro-American others, I demonstrate how the Poema’s refigu-
ration of Gongoran ekphrases creates an ideological “space” that visualizes an
American model of cultural synthesis. However, as I will suggest, this model
simply replaces an imperial disregard for American political legitimacy and

                                        1
2                                                                  Kathryn Mayers

suffering with an elite, Creole denial of Amerindian property claims and capa-
bilities for resistance.
     The Poema heroico emerges during an era that some have called a rising
“empire of the gaze” (Shapiro 31). Counter Reformation and Cartesian theories
of the power of images brought about an intense proliferation in the production
of visual artifacts including a flowering of art and architecture as well as, in lit-
erature, a burst of “writing for the eyes.”4 The numerous ekphrases that embell-
ish the Poema heroico register some of these devotional and scientific shifts in
viewing. Along with reflecting changes in visuality, they also evoke certain so-
cial changes occurring in seventeenth-century society. In the Poema, Domín-
guez Camargo borrows and redescribes a number of Gongoran ekphrases in a
way that alters both the relationship between the word pictures and their narra-
tive frame and the relationship between the objects within the word picture. By
exploring first how Camargo intensifies Góngora’s proliferation of descriptive
parentheses within a narrative and then how he modifies Góngora’s elaboration
of imaginative fantasies within these parentheses, I suggest that Camargo de-
picts imaginary works of art in a way that counters Spanish imperialist attitudes
toward America yet simultaneously undermines the rights and rationality of non-
Creole peoples who shared the colonial experience.
     The colonial situation of seventeenth-century New Granada required nego-
tiation between diverse and conflicting social groups. Contrary to the idyllic
scenario some have painted, New Granada was not simply a peaceful counter-
point to Mexico’s wars and Peru’s knives and gunpowder.5 Along with major
epidemics of smallpox and typhus in 1566, 1587-90, 1633 and 1688, the king-
dom suffered conflicts over political and economic issues that divided people
along national, racial, and social lines. Peninsular- and American-born whites
struggled over imperial economic policy, as the former sought to enforce mo-
nopolies on labor and trade in the colonies.6 Whites and non-whites clashed
over colonial labor policy, as the latter resisted the devastation of the en-
comienda, the alquiler general, the mita minera and the agricultural concierto.
The hunt for gold created friction even between peoples of identical race and
origin, as wealthy Creole bourgeoisie in the mining West vied for power with
landowning Creole aristocracy in the East. Beyond monks’ chats, mystical re-
flections, and Baroque verses, New Granada witnessed collisions between geo-
graphic, ethnic, and regional groups with highly disparate values and uneven
access to wealth and privileges.
     Domínguez Camargo occupied a social and professional position at the in-
tersection of some of these groups. Born in 1606 to a distinguished Spanish
father and a well-to-do Creole mother, he entered the Jesuit seminary in Tunja
at the age of fifteen and professed the Order at seventeen. Though brilliant in
letters and friendly with influential members of the Company, he was dis-
missed from the Order after only four years on charges of “graves faltas,” the
nature of which remains undocumented.7 Upon departure he elected not to
American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis                                         3

pursue a career in a profession that would have allowed him to remain in an
area inhabited by other Spaniards and Creoles but to take a position as a secu-
lar cleric in the small Indian village of Gachetá. For the next twenty-one years,
he worked in a succession of small Indian towns, living in close contact with
indigenous peoples in Gachetá, Tocancipá, Paipa, and Turmequé. Two years
before his death in 1659, again for reasons unknown, he was reinstated into
the Company and named beneficiado of the cathedral in Tunja. He was also
appointed comisario del Santo Oficio. As a wealthy Creole, an Amerindian
village priest, and a guardian of the Inquisition, he experienced contact with a
wide variety of ethnic and social groups throughout his lifetime.
    Since the revival of Domínguez Camargo’s writings that began in the
1910s, scholars have perceived his role in the development of a Colombian na-
tional identity through two particular features of his poetry. The first is his cul-
teranismo and his obvious effort to insert himself into Peninsular literary tradi-
tion. Writing largely of European themes and topoi, Camargo emulates the
extreme artifice, Latinate syntax and vocabulary, and constant recourse to clas-
sical allusion of Peninsular poets such as Herrera, Góngora, and Carrillo de
Sotomayor and refers by name to these writers in the titles and margins of his
poems. This eristic literary imitation led early twentieth-century scholars to
designate Camargo a “primogénito” of the Spanish national family and a
torchbearer of Spanish cultural values in the Americas.8 Since the literary
Boom era of the 1960s, however, studies began to focus more on Camargo’s
americanismo – on his identification of America as his site of enunciation, on
expressions of pride in the land and its indigenous people, and on intermittent
diatribes against Spain.9 Reinterpreting the poem’s culteranismo as a strategy
to express covert antihegemonic sentiments, some scholars designated Camar-
go a precursor to national liberation: “un avance del triunfo que en el terreno
político-social obtendrá más tarde el hombre americano” (Sabat Rivers Estu-
dios 94).10
    While Peninsular and protonationalist interpretations alike recognize an
important link between aesthetics and politics, both theories tend to overlook
the way that, like much writing of the era, this poem shows a shifting and fun-
damentally contradictory meaning with respect to the ethnic and national
questions of the time. On the one hand, interpretation of the poem as an instru-
ment of the status quo that merely brings gongorismo to a culmination in the
Indies misses the way it also alters aspects of this aesthetic and critiques some
of the values and attitudes it projected. On the other hand, interpretation of it
as antagonistic to the status quo leaves unexplored how the poem’s notion of
“America” distorts or excludes a number of the peoples who shared the colo-
nial experience. In fact, the subjectivity Camargo articulates breaks into a
number of poetic positions that rarely involve complete identification with the
Peninsular administrators of New Granada or with the mestizos, Amerindians,
and Blacks who comprised the majority of the region’s population.
4                                                               Kathryn Mayers

    The Poema’s ekphrases serve as one very useful avenue to discerning these
shifting subject positions. Like other poets of the Golden Age, Camargo de-
lights in a kind of pictorial description that creates memorable images through
the use of real or fictional art objects.11 The Poema is especially rich in de-
scriptions of two particular types of imaginary art objects: religious portraits
or blazons, and cornucopia of natural bounty.12 While the ostensible objects of
these representations are religious figures and the fruits of nature, the way Ca-
margo refracts them in language reveals certain social and moral contingen-
cies of his gaze. This is particularly evident when an ekphrasis takes inspira-
tion from a previous ekphrasis by Góngora. Many of the Poema’s cornucopiae
derive directly from the Soledades, a poem that played a fundamental but con-
tradictory role in the discourse of empire. When Camargo draws images from
the Soledades into his own poem, he intensifies what, in Góngora’s poetry,
was an implicit rebellion against aesthetic conventions. In refashioning these
ekphrases from his own perspective, however, he brings the social dimension
of his poetic gaze to the fore, setting Góngora’s original peninsular vision
against a revised one that evokes American, and specifically Creole, social and
political contingencies. Two of the Gongoran qualities that most distinguish
Camargo’s ekphrases – their unusual prevalence over the primary narrative and
their indulgence in fabulous metaphorical detail – create a subject position
that, while unequivocally American, also suggests the strategies of representa-
tion of a Creole minority concerned to inherit the land, wealth, and power of
the conquerors.
    The first of Camargo’s debts to Góngora appears in the abundance of his
ekphrases and in the luxuriousness of their metaphorical content. Typically, ek-
phrasis serves as something like an ornamental brooch pinned to the epic
cloak (Scott 408). But if the Poema heroico is a cloak, it is so richly decorated
with icons and other ekphrases that it is undone by their weight. In the first
canto of Book I, for example, the narration of Saint Ignatius’ birth and bap-
tism is interrupted by four separate ekphrases which, together, outnumber the
stanzas in the canto that narrate the saint’s story. One stanza offers a Petrar-
chan blazon of the saint’s mother; two describe the sculptural baptismal font;
eight stanzas describe a cornucopia of flowers that decorates the baptismal
scene; and seventeen more evoke the cornucopia of a banquet table set for the
baptismal feast.
    The frequent and increasingly lengthy interruption of the poem with ap-
parently accessory scenes draws readers’ attention away from the main narra-
tive, giving the impression that the poet “se pierde sin que parezca poder en-
contrar su hilo de Ariadna” (Mora Valcárcel 60). It also distracts the reader
from the themes that underlie the plot by counterposing scenes of sensuality
and luxury to the saint’s purity and mystical asceticism. Ignatius’ mother, for
example, is a nectar-veined “Potosí de la hermosura” whose soft, white breasts
fire arrows of ambrosiac milk between the infant’s seeking lips:
American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis                                     5

                 Con blanco alterno pecho le flechaba
             Madre amorosa, tanto como bella,
             de la una y otra ebúrnea blanda aljaba
             de blanco néctar una y otra estrella;
             y su labio el pezón solicitaba,
             si en blanca nube no, dulce centella,
             en aquel Potosí de la hermosura,
             venas, de plata no, de ambrosía pura (I.1.16).

The accumulation of metaphors for the lady’s breasts in this stanza – breasts as
arrows, as quivers, as fountains of white nectar, as clouds, sparks, silver
mines, veins of ambrosia – creates a sensuality of the sort the saint combated
throughout his life. The flowers that decorate the baptism are described as
gems, precious metals, and pagan divinities:

                  El que América en una y otra mina
             hijo engendra del sol, oro luciente,
             indiana se vistió la clavellina,
             y al pie torcido su natal serpiente
             (talar su mejor hoja) se destina:
             Mercurio de los huertos que, elocuente
             (si el caduceo el pie le dio y la copa),
             del Inca embajador voló a la Europa (I.1.39).13

The opulence of flowers such as this gold-adorned clavellina – its roots twist-
ing through America’s gold-veined soil like the poet’s hyperbaton twists
through the conceit-filled stanza – is incongruous with Ignatius’ humble birth
in a stable (Meo Zilio, Estudio 32). The sparkling banquet table set in celebra-
tion of Ignatius’ baptism holds such an abundance of crystal, china, linen, and
food of every kind that the poet calls it a “theater” of natural bounty and a
“New Indies of gluttony”:

             Paradas mesas la opulencia tuvo
             al número de huéspedes lustroso,
             que en lo mucho exquisito se entretuvo
             si mucho se admiró de lo precioso... (I.1.51:1-4)
             [...]
             en los platos es ya tan rara suma,
             que al paladar su copia nunca vista
             nuevas Indias de gula le conquista (I.1.58:6-8).
             [...]
             ...que es la mesa teatro, en tanta suma,
             del secreto ignorado aun de la espuma (I.1.62:7-8).
6                                                                Kathryn Mayers

The appeal to the gourmand’s appetite in these verses – an appeal that reap-
pears in similar banquets in Books Two, Three, Four and Five – clashes with
the fasts and renunciation that mark Loyola’s life. Instead of serving as acces-
sories to the epic plot, these blazons and bodegones take over the Poema. Their
abundance slows the narration to the point where the reader loses sight of the
“main” story and their luxury becomes the reason for writing and even for
reading the poem.
    This predominance of sumptuous descriptive parentheses in a heroic work
is not entirely original. It derives in large part from Góngora, whose late “hero-
ic” poems display a similar tension between narrative and ekphrastic descrip-
tion.14 In Góngora’s poetry, the ekphrastic unraveling of the primary narrative
line suggested a reaction against contemporary aesthetic theory. To readers of
the time, the elevated language of the Polifemo and the Soledades evoked the
genre of epic.15 Seventeenth-century Spanish poetics assigned epic the ethical
responsibility of inspiring men to moral perfection (Meo Zilio 216) and called
for a focus on the deeds of a virtuous male warrior and a censuring of “effemi-
nate,” “Italian” ornamentation (Smith 85). The unified, hero-centered plot and
the subordination of “un-Christian,” “un-Castilian” affectation reflected the
moral, providential struggle for individual triumph over Moorish paganism and
American barbarism that marked the Reconquest of Spain and the Conquest of
the New World. While Góngora in fact claimed to write lyric, not epic, his per-
ceived valorization of the traditionally negative, “feminine” side of the epic
paradigm incurred the wrath of literary pundits who charged him with heresy,
amorality and atheism (Smith 87, Sasaki 151).16
    In the Poema heroico, many of the still lifes Domínguez Camargo uses to
adorn his own hagiographic epic invoke the Peninsular poet’s elevation of po-
etic decoration and of autonomous aesthetic pleasure. The banquet scene fol-
lowing Saint Ignatius’ baptism, for instance, echoes the items, the order of
presentation, and even the conceits Góngora uses in a cornucopia in the
Soledad primera where the courtly wanderer observes a beautiful parade of
animals caught by a group of bucolic hunters on their way to a wedding.17
Góngora’s hunters carry a gaggle of hens whose vigilant, red-bearded and
-turbaned spouse (a rooster) is the melodious nuncio of the sun:

              Cuál [de los mancebos] las pendientes sumas graves
              de negras [gallinas] baja, de crestadas aves,
              cuyo lascivo esposo vigilante
              doméstico es del Sol nuncio canoro,
              y, de coral barbado, no de oro
              ciñe, sino de púrpura, turbante. (Góngora v. 291-6)

Ignatius’ baptism table likewise includes the “spouses” of a red-crested rooster
who is the turbaned sultan of a harem:
American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis                                       7

                         Cuantas copias el gallo perezosas
                     (ceñido de rubí crespo turbante)
                     si bellas no, crestadas celó esposas,
                     Gran Turco de las aves arrogante . . .
                                         (Domínguez Camargo I.1.56).

Góngora’s hunters dangle a turkey from their shoulders – an “esplendor . . .
del último Occidente” with its wrinkled wattle hanging over its face:

                     Tú, ave peregrina,
                     arrogante esplendor, ya que no bello,
                     del último Occidente,
                     penda el rugoso nácar de tu frente
                     sobre el crespo zafiro de tu cuello,
                     que Himeneo a sus mesas te destina
                                         (Góngora v. 309-314).

Ignatius’ table, too, boasts a peregrine splendor from the West (i.e. turkey) – in
this case, a feather-crowned Inca who has flown to the Spanish table from
America with riches in its coffers:

                         Rojo penda terliz, ya que no bello,
                     sobre el pico, ni adunco ni torcido,
                     o fuelle de zafir sople en su cuello
                     a su canto, ni arrullo ni gemido,
                     el ave que, en el hombro o el cabello,
                     ya del Inca es diadema, ya vestido;
                     que hospedando en sus arcas al oriente,
                     voló a la mesa desde el occidente
                                         (Domínguez Camargo I.1.54).

By adopting Gongoran-style digressions into his own epic, Domínguez Ca-
margo reprises the Peninsular poet’s counter-cultural challenge to hero-cen-
tered forms of the epic genre and to the didactic and religious demands of
Counter Reformation art.
    However, Camargo also carries Góngora’s arte purismo a step further, in-
flecting its challenge to poetic convention with a specifically American char-
acter. Like Góngora, Camargo embellishes the items in his ekphrases with
metaphorical materials drawn from Europe, the East, and the Americas. But
while Góngora refers to America primarily to evoke the continent’s wealth and
exoticism,18 Camargo extends this range of associations to allude to the New
World’s existence as a political entity even prior to the Discovery. In the pas-
sage of Book I where he cites Góngora’s description of a turkey as a “peregri-
na / del último Occidente,” for example, he transforms the bird from a mere
8                                                                 Kathryn Mayers

wanderer from far away America into the cape and crown of an Incan monarch
who has been sent across the oceans accompanied by coffers full of treasure.
More than just exotic and distant, America becomes a place from which mon-
archs, in 1491 (the year of Ignatius’ birth), send political emissaries and gifts to
attend the birth of a European nobleman. In the passage of the same book that
depicts the floral still life decorating the baptism scene, Camargo describes the
clavellina metaphorically as American gold, as the god Mercury, and again as
an Incan ambassador.

                 ...
                 indiana se vistió la clavellina,
                 ...
                 Mercurio de los huertos que, elocuente
                 ...
                 del Inca embajador voló a la Europa (I.1.39).

Here again, America is not only a land of mineral riches, but also a land of sov-
ereign and generous monarchs (Torres 62). By intensifying the American splen-
dor of Góngora’s ornamentation in a way that alludes to a separate American
political community that predates the Spanish conquest, Camargo inflects the
peninsular poet’s counter-cultural challenge to traditional forms of the genre
with a political tint not evident in the imaginary paintings’ Gongoran rendition.
     This intensification of Góngora’s embellishment reveals a complexity in Ca-
margo’s culteranismo that points beyond a clear-cut peninsular or protonational-
ist interpretation of his role in Colombian history. On the one hand, it compli-
cates an interpretation of the “primogénito de Góngora” as a member of the
Spanish national family. Camargo does imitate Góngora, but he imitates an as-
pect of Góngora’s aesthetic that challenges the discourse of empire, and he does
so in a way that inflects this literary challenge with a subtly American political
tone. If Góngora’s own arte purismo was perceived as countercultural, Camar-
go’s goes a step further. His Americanization of Góngora’s ekphrastic cornu-
copia contradicts his categorization as an instrument of Peninsular hegemony.
     On the other hand, however, it also belies identification with some fiction-
ally homogeneous, cross-racial “hombre americano.” If Camargo’s ekphrases
invoke an “American” point of view, they do so because they include a highly
folklorized, mythological Indian from a distant past who bears little resem-
blance to the actual Amerindians who populated America at the time the poem
was written. The Poema’s fictionalized “Inca embajador” from pre-Columbian
Peru who generously collects coffers full of treasure from his American gold-
gardens and willingly flies them to Europe bears no connection – historical
or geographical – to the Muisca and Pijao Indians the poet served in Gachetá,
Tocancipá, Paipa, and Turmequé. These peoples bitterly contested Spanish
claims to Amerindian ancestral “huertas” and thwarted the flow of gold from
American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis                                      9

America to Spain by attacking Spanish and Creole mining towns. To interpret
the Poema’s “American” point of view as a precursor to a cross-racial libera-
tion movement one would need to overlook the way its “Americanization” of
Góngora’s arte purismo in fact substitutes one stereotype for another – a Span-
ish stereotype that elides Amerindian political legitimacy with a Creole one
that erases Amerindian property claims. The Poema’s refraction of Góngora’s
artworks positions the poetic voice at a distance not just from the Empire, but
also from non-Creole Americans who legitimately contested Creole claims to
New Granada’s land and wealth.
    A second of Camargo’s debts to Gongoran ekphrases sheds additional light
on this Creole subject position. Along with their proliferation within the pri-
mary narrative, the Poema’s lengthy enumerations of natural bounty stand out
for the imaginatively detailed fantasies they present to the eyes of an inscribed
viewer. Early seventeenth-century poets typically handled cornucopia rather
mechanically, cataloguing long lists of plants or animals but passing from one
item to the next after a brief epithet or two (Woods 88). Domínguez Camargo,
however, describes cornucopiae using sequences of elaborate conceits con-
nected by a central theme, which he presents to characters within the poem’s
narrative who express some sort of reaction to their often remarkably violent
spectacles. In the ekphrastic scene of the baptism banquet in the first canto of
Book I, for example, Camargo describes the dishes on the table using a series
of elaborate mythological metaphors that evoke the qualities of the animals
while still alive: the golden haired, crescent-horned calf is Isis shining in the
sky; the rabbit snug in his den is Daedalus enclosed in his labyrinth:
               Mentida Isis en la piel, pudiera
               acicalar en Argos el desvelo
               de la que el Tauro codició ternera,
               por darle ilustre sucesión al cielo;
               lasciva Parca de las flores era
               la que (la luna el cuerno, el sol el pelo)
               víctima cayó idónea, y dió la vida
               por que pródiga fuese la comida (s.55).
                   Alma de las arterias de la sierra,
               en blandas pieles Dédalo mentido,
               aquel que en laberintos mil se encierra
               en un taladro y otro que ha torcido
               conejo, aun desde el centro de la tierra
               espíritus le late al prevenido
               can, que lo fía en el convite ileso,
               en fe que es suyo el uno y otro hueso (I.1.57).

As one animal after the next experiences the shock of being torn away from
his natural-mythological surroundings, the “bodegón” turns into a narrative of
slaughter before the eyes of urbane guests who gaze with admiration and an-
10                                                                Kathryn Mayers

ticipation. The ekphrasis of a banquet still life in the fifth canto of Book II an-
thropomorphizes the vegetables in a salad according to their color and form:
the escarole, with “wrinkled forehead and dress,” becomes furious with the
garlic; the lettuce “unsheathes” its pointed leaves, charging, “piqued/minced,”
at the cucumber:
               arrugada la frente y el vestido,
               la escarola, aunque fría, se enfurece
               contra el ajo en cabezas dividido,
               hidra del huerto, que a los más valientes
               mostró gruñendo sus bruñidos dientes. (II.5.178)
                    Sus hojas desenvaina la lechuga;
               y el pepino, con ella muy picado,
               cuando crudo su frente más arruga
               en la mesa cayó despedazado;
               en el lienzo sus lágrimas enjuga
               cuando la sal su herida le ha curado;
               y porque verlo herido le da pena,
               triste se retiró la berenjena (II.5.179).

As the vegetables take offense, retreat, and wipe their tears on the “lienzo”/
tablecloth, the salad performs a civil war before the eyes of a group of serra-
nos, who share the bounty with an ecstatic Ignatius. The ekphrasis of a land-
scape of a hermit’s garden in the fourth canto of Book Five likewise personi-
fies the items in the imaginary painting: the lily seduces a passerby with its
perfume (“veneno”); the vine wraps its tendrils (“eslabones”) around his feet;
the rosehips discharge fragrant darts into the wind:
                   El lilio, en copa de olorosa plata,
               ...
               en los dulces venenos que desata,
               sus sedientos afectos enamora;
               anulosos al pie grillos le ata,
               ...
               la eslabonada vid que sortijosa,
               de un olmo se afectó mazmorra hojosa.
                   De su olorosa aljaba las mosquetas
               con arpontes de ámbar, a su aliento
               flechando están suavísimas saetas
               En el arco diáfano del viento. . . (V.4.105-106)

As one plant after the next exercises its wiles, the “landscape” becomes a seduc-
tress intent on conquering the asceticism of Ignatius’ disciple. While the abun-
dance of these ekphrases throughout the poem distracts readers from the poem’s
primary hagiographic narrative, their fantasies of demise, revolt, and seduction
transport readers into a rival world that is completely imagined by the poet.
American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis                                        11

     This technique of clothing the elements of a cornucopia in the fanciful
garb of the poet’s imagination, once again, is not original to Domínguez Ca-
margo. Góngora’s own poetry modeled this innovation earlier, inspiring imita-
tion by poets such as Matías Ginovés, Adrián de Prado, Andrés Melero, Soto
de Rojas and Polo de Medina.19 In Góngora’s poetry, this highly capricious
treatment of the topos served, again, as part of a reaction to current poetic con-
vention. Recent literary developments in the topos had moved it toward lengthier,
but still highly laconic enumerations of Nature’s wonders (Woods 99). Góngora
counters convention by overwhelming readers with fabulous metaphorical de-
tail – combs oozing honey, fish leaping into nets, animals cozying up to hunters –
fashioning his cornucopiae into independent monuments to his own creativity.
In Camargo’s Poema heroico, the animated cornucopiae that dance before view-
ers’ eyes come to life largely through techniques popularized by Góngora. In
some cornucopiae, the Creole poet repeats a sort of metaphorical operation
popularized by Góngora: the battling salad in Book II of the Poema adopts
Góngora’s technique of anthropomorphizing plants in the famous ballad Del
palacio de la primavera. In still other cornucopiae, Camargo reelaborates a par-
ticular theme around which Góngora organized his conceits: the garden that
tempts one of Ignatius’ disciples in Book V develops the theme of a group of
plants regaling a figure in their midst previously elaborated in Góngora’s Del
palacio, where a court of flowers pays homage to Queen Rose.
     However, in redeploying these Góngoran techniques within his own poem,
Camargo modifies them in ways that indirectly evoke America and its rela-
tionship to the metropolis. Like Góngora, Camargo creates fantastical stories
that emerge completely from the imagination. But whereas the Peninsular
poet’s stories evoke something resembling a colonizer’s ensueño of amenable
nature spontaneously rendering up its bounty to the admiring courtier in its
midst, Domínguez Camargo’s stories transform this providential daydream
into something like a colonial nightmare, where autochthonous creatures of
Nature frantically flee the depredations of violent and gluttonous interlopers.
     To begin with, Camargo’s bodegones combine material from widely sepa-
rated passages of the Soledades in a way that emphasizes the consumption to
which admiration gives rise. In the Soledades, Góngora separates scenes
where the courtly protagonist admires the bounty of a hunting foray from
scenes where he feasts on this bounty by hundreds of verses.20 He further dis-
sociates admiration from consumption by omitting mention of key items in the
banquet and substituting details that convey the rustic simplicity of the scene
(Jammes 382). When Domínguez Camargo draws cornucopiae from the Sole-
dades into the Poema heroico, he collapses scenes of harvest and consumption
into a single aesthetic moment, making the banquet still life itself a scene of
slaughter: the hens, whose rooster-sultan-spouse laments their capture, lie
protesting on a table decorated with all the precious linens, crystal and china
of a courtly feast, their fat dripping into the fire. Juxtaposition of the spectacle
12                                                               Kathryn Mayers

of Nature’s harvest and its consumption, and description of the obsonium as a
“nuevas Indias de gula” (I.1.58:6-8), underscores how European admiratio of
Nature lays claim to it and reveals how seemingly innocent wonder at mar-
velous bounty leads to the slaughter of autochthonous creatures for consump-
tion on the courtly table.
    Secondly, Camargo’s bodegones borrow individual characters from Gon-
goran cornucopiae only to intensify their emotions in a way that exposes the
anguish produced by courtly “acceptance” of providential bounty. In the
Soledades, Góngora characterizes creatures in his cornucopia as tender, de-
fenseless, and oblivious to their imminent demise as their natural surroundings
deliver them up freely for harvesters’ consumption. The spotted kid hanging
around the hunter’s neck whines only because it cannot nibble the flowers that
have been placed on his head (I, 297-302); the estuary “liberally corresponds”
to the desires of the fishermen (II, 81-82).21 This stylization conveys the im-
pression that natural bounty is simply there for courtly man, a reflection of his
automatic providential right (Beverley 42).22 In Camargo’s Poema, the same
creatures reappear, this time as terrified, suffering, cognizant victims of hostile
surroundings, their plight prompting them to flee or to fight. The rabbit – no
longer an affectionate “conejuelo”; now a panicked “conejo” – flees frantically
from the dog who waits to gnaw his bones; the estuary no longer “liberally cor-
responds” to the desires of the fishermen, but stands silent as fishermen en-
chain and trap its “ciudadanos mil del agua” (I, 1, 62); armies of trapped salad
ingredients fight each other to the death. Intensification of the characters’ ac-
tions and emotions illustrates the way “acceptance” of natural bounty produces
panic, strife, and death.
    These modifications to Góngora’s stories once again historicize Camargo’s
extreme aestheticism, suggesting a perhaps inadvertent political undertone in
his intensification of the Peninsular poet’s challenge to literary convention.
Without allegorizing specific ethnic or regional conflicts per se, Camargo’s cor-
nucopiae replace the Providential illusion of complicity and harmony between
producers and consumers with slaughter and fear that remind the reader of rela-
tionships sown on colonial lands and peoples by European conquerors. Further-
more, they set these fearful fantasies before a series of inscribed onlookers
whose reactions obey a logic similar to the one that operated in colonial politi-
cal relationships. The urbane guests who contemplate the slaughter of terrified
animals at Ignatius’s baptism banquet “se entre[tienen] . . . en lo mucho exqui-
sito” (I.1.51), their palates “conquered” by the extraordinary bounty of land, sea,
and air (I.1.58). Ignatius, observing at a distance the fighting and weeping of
the plants composing the serranos’ salad bodegón, “acepta agradecido . . . del
éxtasis cobrado . . . cuanto el zagal le ofrece,” imagining himself a “Nuevo
Daniel . . . del que Dios le preparó convite.” (II.5.185). Confronted with great
suffering alongside tremendous pleasure, the Poema’s characters surrender to
pleasure’s power or translate suffering into a gift prepared by God in much the
American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis                                        13

same way members of European courts and churches consumed the wealth of
colonies abroad despite awareness of colonial exploitation. The Poema’s recon-
figuration of Góngora’s cornucopiae lays clear the lapse of conscience in these
choices.
     However, while Camargo’s text appears to offer a subtle critique of colo-
nial exploitation, it does not suggest identification with the victims of Euro-
pean providentialism. If Domínguez Camargo’s cornucopiae allude to relation-
ships of fear and exploitation, they do so through the use of panicked creatures
of nature who, in their fantastical relationship to harvesters within the poem,
still bear only partial resemblance to the real victims of colonialism in seven-
teenth-century New Granada. The victims of courtly “gula” in the Poema’s
cornucopiae protest only in isolated outbursts (the rooster on behalf of his
wives) and take up arms only against one another (the lettuce against the cu-
cumber). They are leaderless, disorganized, and ineffective. But actual seven-
teenth-century Amerindian and Black resistance to the labor draft was far
from disorganized or ineffective: Muisca Chibchas in the eastern highlands of
New Granada protested Spanish social control on a community-wide scale; es-
caped African slaves organized themselves into well-defended palenques from
which they mounted raids on Creole plantations to gain recruits (Safford and
Palacios 50); and Pijao Indians carried out devastating attacks on Spanish
towns that forced them to move or cease to exist (36).23 In fact, the interaction
between producers and consumers Camargo stages in his cornucopia mini-
mizes the threat that the victims of exploitation posed to their victimizers. In-
stead of replacing Góngora’s providential illusion with something more indica-
tive of the real threat autocthonous forces represented to all who reaped their
wealth, it substitutes, again, one fiction for another – the Spanish fiction of a
complicitous colonial subject with the Creole fiction of a disorganized and im-
potent one. This alternate aestheticization suggests the angst of Creole Ameri-
cans before non-Creole sectors of society. In addition to contesting Creole
claims to New Grenadine land and wealth, Amerindians and Afro-Americans
were already resisting imperial power without the need for Creole organiza-
tion, control, or political leadership.
     By recognizing how Domínguez Camargo’s ekphrases both evoke and
elide diverse sectors of colonial society, it is possible to reevaluate the signifi-
cance of the Poema heroico in the Colombian national canon. As I mentioned
earlier, scholars of the Barroco de Indias have associated texts like the Poema
with the articulation of a specifically American point of view and with the cri-
tique of imperial models of hegemony. While Domínguez Camargo’s ekphras-
es do counter a Peninsular image of the Indies with one that expresses a more
American point of view, this point of view is representative not of all the dif-
ferent kinds of individuals in the Colombian territory, but rather of a privi-
leged Creole minority concerned with its rights and claims to American labor,
land, and political leadership. Camargo bequeaths a vision of America that lets
14                                                                       Kathryn Mayers

the Amerindian and the Afro-American enter, but only as archeological sym-
bols of American identity, not as actual co-citizens with legitimate political
and territorial claims. The fact that twentieth-century Colombian legislation
continues this racial hegemonic model of social synthesis24 suggests the power
that Early Modern “writing for the eyes” exercised in the national imaginary.
In its combination of the “sister arts,” the Poema’s inclusion and elision of de-
tails transforms the pleasant illusion of an object’s visuality into a potent
metaphor for social space. The visual immediacy of this metaphor suggests its
potential to naturalize social differences. For today’s world, where visual im-
ages proliferate at a rate unequaled in history, the word pictures of this text
from the Barroco de Indias provide a reminder of the powerful role that art
plays in shaping hierarchical relationships between social bodies.

                                         NOTES

           1
              For studies that explore ekphrasis’s links with reality beyond the domain of
pure art, see Heffernan, Mitchell, and Becker.
           2
              By criollismo, I refer to the strategies by which a certain sector of the popu-
lation in Latin America has “preserved and reproduced a Western cultural legacy, a kind
of social organization, a system of distribution of wealth and power that came from the
Iberian Peninsula and has benefited Europeans, Euro-Americans, and other Westernized
elites since the colonial period” (Bolaños and Verdesio 42). This definition differs from
earlier uses of the term to designate a cultural quality of “lo netamente latinoameri-
cano,” of “mestizaje cultural,” or of “calco aparente.” Outstanding examples of recent
scholarship on criollismo include Ross, Martínez-San Miguel, and Mazzotti.
           3
              The Poema was begun in 1630 and remained unfinished upon the poet’s
death in 1659. It was first published in Madrid in 1666.
           4
              In a recent book by this name, Frederick de Armas defines “writing for the
eyes” as writing with “a strongly visual component,” an important subset of which is
ekphrasis, which “s[eeks] to create unforgettable images . . . through the use of famous
paintings or through fictional art objects that are easily visualized” (10).
           5
              In 1979, Germán Arciniegas contrasted Tunja, the area where Hernando
Domínguez Camargo spent much of his life, with colonial Mexico and Peru, with the
following words: “Si el fondo de lo mexicano lo daban las guerras que conducía
Cortés desde Tenochtitlán a Honduras, y el fondo del Perú los cuchillos y pólvora de
los Pizarros y Almagros, por los lados de Tunja todo eran místicas reflexiones en la
muerte, vidas de San Bruno, charlas de cartujos, historias en verso, gongorismos des-
bordados” (El Tiempo, Bogotá, 1979).
           6
              Opposition to imperial economic policy took the form of an active contra-
band trade along much of the Caribbean coast from Riohacha on the east to the Atrato
River on the west, and of competition between Peninsular- and American-born white
farmers for severely depleted indigenous labor in the eastern highlands (Safford and
Palacios 39-41).
American Artifice: Ideology and Ekphrasis                                                 15
          7
              Passages of the Poema heroico where the poet eroticizes Catholic religious
figures have led some to postulate that he was dismissed from the Order on account of
a poetic scandal, a violation of vows of chastity, or a libertarian ideology. His penchant
for metaphors of luxury and the considerable private wealth he lists in his will and tes-
tament have led others to postulate a business scandal. See Hernández de Alba (xxxviii-
xxxix) and Meo Zilio (“Prologue” xii).
           8
              Gerardo Diego prefaces his discussion of Domínguez Camargo with a de-
scription of the poet’s family’s role in the Reconquest, framing the poet’s imitation of
Góngora as both an aesthetic and also a political act (107-8). Emilio Carilla discounts
the poet’s celebrations of America and criticism of Spain as merely a bad “aftertaste”
or “vice” liable to confuse those who might pay them too much attention (9-10).
           9
              In his adaptation of Góngora’s critique of the explorer’s “codicia” in Book
III of the Poema, for example, Camargo makes subtle changes in vocabulary, word or-
der and pronouns to eliminate any ambiguous pride in Spain’s discovery and to reem-
phasize, from an American point of view, the greed that occasioned the plunder of
America’s mines (Sabat Rivers, “Interpretación americana”). In Books II, III and V he
pronounces other diatribes against the motherland, calling Spain a “patria ‘matricida’”
who “maltrata a sus hijos.”
           10
               Georgina Sabat Rivers (Estudios) interprets Camargo’s stylistic imitation
of Góngora as a political challenge that made way for mestizo liberation in the nine-
teenth century. Lezama Lima likewise views Camargo’s Gongorism as a “discurso de
contraconquista” that formed the beginning of an inter-racial and cross-class phenome-
non (Lírica 303-7). Others who have interpreted Domínguez Camargo from an Ameri-
can point of view include Gimbernat de González (Espacio), Domínguez Matito, and
Torres.
           11
               The Poema offers descriptions of emblems, portraits of religious figures,
religious artifacts, murals, and miniatures. Studies that have dedicated special attention to
these descriptions include Cancellier, Colombí-Monguió, Mora Valcárcel, Gimbernat
de González (Espacio, Nieto, and Poesía), Pascual Buxó, Pinillos, and Sabat Rivers
(Interpretación, Estudios, Barroco, and Lírica).
           12
               The cornucopia topos has been defined as “the systematic listing in a
more or less leisurely fashion of a multitude of different natural products and crea-
tures, such as animals, flowers and fruits” (Woods 83). The topos intersects with the
bodegón, which depicts natural products and creatures as the components of a meal
and includes, alongside these foods, vessels and domestic utensils.
           13
               Sabat-Rivers offers a prosification of this syntactically complicated stan-
za: “Del [color] del hijo que América, en una y otra mina, engendra del sol, hijo que
es el oro luciente, se vistió la clavellina indiana (siendo talar [larga] su mejor hoja), y a
su pie torcido [la forma sinuosa de la raíz de la flor y de las venas de las minas] su na-
tal serpiente se destina [se apunta, por comparación]: [el oro] es el Mercurio de los
huertos que, si elocuente embajador del Inca, voló a la Europa” (Interpretación 95).
           14
               The literary characteristics of Góngora’s late poems (the Soledades and
the Polifemo) inspired a debate over their genre. This debate was fueled by the poet’s
claim, in his “Carta en respuesta,” to have written in a “lenguaje heroico.” On the ten-
sion between narrative and ekphrastic description in these poems, see Chaffee.
           15
               One writer reasoned that, since “su principal asunto no es tratar cosas pas-
toriles, sino la peregrinación de un Príncipe, persona grande, su ausencia y afectos
16                                                                      Kathryn Mayers

dolientes en el destierro, todo lo cual es materia grave . . .,” that the Soledades were
not pastoral but heroic (Martínez Arancón 141).
           16
              Smith and Quint both show that Góngora was not the first to challenge
the generic doxa of the time. However, whereas other poets counterpose a random or
circular wandering to epic’s linear teleology (Lucan’s Pharsalia) or simply invert the
pleasure/utility paradigm (Marino’s L’Adone), Góngora strives for a state of generic in-
determinacy immune to the policing of literary preceptists – an indeterminacy Smith
calls “a performance of ‘unpower’” (93).
           17
              In the Soledades, this scene is ekphrastic primarily in the classical rhetori-
cal sense of the word: it is a vivid verbal description that reproduces a person, place or
thing – still or in motion – before our eyes. In the Poema, this scene becomes ekphras-
tic in the modern, more restrictive sense of the term: it is the verbal description of a
bodegón that includes natural products, creatures, and domestic utensils in an arrange-
ment reminiscent of classical obsonia painted on the walls of Roman villas in the first
century A.D.
           18
              Dámaso Alonso observes that “la visión de América como una tierra fa-
bulosamente rica no abandona a Góngora, ni aun en la ocasión en que más decidida y
directamente trata de asuntos americanos” (389).
           19
              Credit for the expansion of the cornucopiae topos in seventeenth-century
Spanish poetry also belongs to Lope de Vega. On Hernando Domínguez Camargo’s
debt to Lope, see Osuna. However, whereas Lope’s example encouraged poets primari-
ly to lengthen their catalogues, Góngora’s inspired their imagination and attention to
detail (Woods 87-8).
           20
              The hunters’ parade of wedding gifts in Soledades I 291-334, for example,
is only finally laid before the bride and groom and their banquet guests in vv. 852-82.
           21
                             Liberalmente de los pescadores
                             al deseo el estero corresponde [. . .]
           22
              This sort of characterization, I would note however, is not the rule in the
Soledades, but rather a characteristic of Góngora’s cornucopiae. In his ekphrases, Domín-
guez Camargo focuses on these passages where Góngora’s styles nature as tender and
generous, rather than passages where he styles it as ferocious and unforthcoming.
           23
              Amerindian and Black resistance to colonialism was in fact so effective
that English pirates formed alliances with resistance leaders to facilitate their raids on
Spanish-controlled ports (Palacios Preciado 170).
           24
              Columbian legislation celebrates pre-Columbian Indians in the Museo del
oro and the almacén artesanal while downplaying the rights and resistance of their
present-day descendants in the llanos and the tugurios.

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