Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
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Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut
in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
University of Pretoria
Abstract Youth League president, Julius Malema. It
won 6.3 percent of the popular vote in its
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) has first election in 2014, allowing it to take up
transformed the South African political twenty-five seats in the National Assembly
landscape since it was established in 2013. and to become the official opposition in two
In the 2016 municipal election, the EFF won provinces – Limpopo and North West (IEC,
8.2 percent of the national vote making it 2016a). This was a remarkable achievement
the third biggest party after the ANC and for a party that had only existed for a few
the Democratic Alliance (DA). It did not take months. In the 2016 municipal election,
over any municipalities, but it performed the EFF won 8.2 percent of the national
well enough to be the kingmaker in 13 vote, making it the third biggest party
hung councils, including three metros. This after the ANC and the Democratic Alliance
paper discusses the EFF's electoral campaign (DA), which won 53.9 percent and 26.9
and performance in the 2016 local general percent, respectively. The EFF did not win
election (LGE). It asks whether the EFF has any council outright, but received 761 seats
transcended the personality politics of its in councils nationwide (IEC, 2016b). This
leader to attract its desired constituency on a was a satisfactory performance for a new
broad scale. Has the party managed to move party, but fell short of expectations that it
beyond a politics of spectacle to develop the would breach the 10 percent threshold or
content of its political value proposition? take over governance of some municipalities
Given the organisational challenges it faces, (Times Live, 4 August 2016).
what are its prospects of being a serious
contender for national government in 2019? Electoral success is the least of the EFF story,
though. Through its disruptive political
Introduction engagement in parliament and its clever
use of the courts, the EFF has succeeded
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) has in setting the national political agenda and
transformed the South African political stimulating unprecedented public interest
landscape since it was established, in 2013, in the country's political institutions.
by expelled African National Congress (ANC) It was the party's activism that kept the
Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016 596Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
issue of security upgrades to President management require technical expertise
Jacob Zuma's Nkandla homestead in the and do not easily lend themselves to the
public consciousness, long after the ANC kind of political spectacle that has served
had hoped to squash the issue. The EFF the EFF so well at national level. Slogans
was the first party to highlight the role of such as "Zupta must fall" and "Pay back
the Gupta family in government decisions, the money" are hard to translate to the
making the term "state capture" a part of the more mundane administrative issues of
public lexicon. Some of the tactics the party local government. Furthermore, the mixed
used were disruption and non-cooperation ward and proportional representation (PR)
in parliament, leading to frequent clashes electoral system at municipal level requires
with the speaker of parliament, Baleka an extensive organisational machinery to be
Mbete, and resulted in their being, forci- able to put up ward candidates in as many
bly, removed from the National Assembly wards as possible across the country. Would
chamber on several occasions. It was the the EFF be able to mobilise, at community
EFF that approached the Constitutional level, to put up ward candidates? Would
Court, directly, to institute legal action to the party prove itself to be more than a
contest the ad hoc Nkandla committee that, one-man show?
they argued, violated the Public Protector's
constitutional powers. In April 2016, a full Populism is a useful lens through which to
bench of the court confirmed the powers of assess the EFF. Many features of its politics
the Public Protector and found that Zuma are consistent with the rise of populist
"had failed to uphold, defend and respect the movements of "the people" against "the
Constitution as the supreme law of the land". elite" in a range of contexts across the globe
(Grootes, 2016). This finding is the most from the Brexit campaign, in Britain, to the
significant indictment of Zuma's leadership, Red Shirts, in Thailand. Using a framework
since he became president in 2009, and set developed by Moffitt and Tormey (2014) in a
the tone for a bruising campaign for the previous article, I analysed the EFF's politics
2016 local government election. in terms of the constitutive relationship
between political style and substance. This
That the EFF has had such a major impact was significant, because the party's distinctive
on South African politics indicates that the style has been criticised for masking a lack of
party has proven itself to be more than political substance. In these highly mediated
"a case of media hype over substance" times, when social media has made everyone
(Friedman, 2014). In the run up to the 2016 with a smart phone a potential broadcaster,
municipal election, observers were curious the optics and spectacle of politics matters
to see whether the EFF would be able to more than ever before. While much of the
repeat its 2014 success. Local government debate about the EFF has been about where
is notoriously difficult to govern and has to place it on the ideological spectrum (right-
been the site of widespread service delivery wing/fascist or left-wing/progressive), I have
protests across the country. Municipal argued that this is a false dichotomy that does
governance issues, such as water and not help us understand the EFF's politics, or
sanitation, road maintenance and waste its appeal to voters.
597 Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
The Moffitt and Tormey (2014) model of its manifesto, campaign methods and im-
political style has three main elements: portant events. Thirdly, it discusses the EFF's
1. Appeal to "the people", which the EFF did performance in the elections as well as its
in its founding manifesto where it stated it role in the formation of governments in
represents the poor, marginalised masses of several hung councils across the country.
South Africa who continue to be exploited It closes with some thoughts on the EFF's
by political and economic elites. 2. The use development as a party and its prospects
of crisis, breakdown and threat to simplify for the 2019 elections.
the terms of political debate and promote
radical, decisive solutions to political prob- Election Campaign
lems. This was seen in the EFF's use of the
Marikana massacre, being expelled from The 2016 election campaign took place
parliamentary debates and the Nkandla within a political context of vocal dis-
controversy to advance its political agenda. satisfaction with President Jacob Zuma's
3. "Bad manners" or disregard for behaving political leadership and several scandals
appropriately within the rules of formal about his stewardship of the country, in-
political institutions. This was seen in the cluding the financing of security upgrades
EFF's "revolutionary" dress code and refusal to his private residence and the influence of
to abide by certain parliamentary rules. the Gupta family on cabinet appointments.
This context was advantageous to the EFF,
The main purpose of this article, therefore, as it has been at the forefront of the charge
is to determine how the party has translated against Zuma's leadership, the climax of
or harnessed its populism in this local which was the verdict of the Constitutional
election. This is a critical point of enquiry, Court on 31 March 2016 that Zuma had
for local elections are vastly different to violated his terms of office by failing to
national elections. For a relatively new party, comply with the Public Protector's report
contesting local elections is particularly on the Nkandla upgrades. As the party was
hard, as it is still establishing local presence contesting its first local government election,
in many parts of the country. This presents the attention and publicity it received from
the challenge of establishing party structures its stance on national government issues
while simultaneously, contesting local was an important entry point into its
elections. How the party dealt with this 2016 campaign.
challenge receives attention in this paper.
Following an analysis of the party's per- However, the party faced significant chal-
formance in this election, the paper examines lenges in mounting a successful election
its prospects in the next national elections, campaign at local level, because of resource
scheduled for 2019. constraints and the difficulty of contesting,
nationwide, in effectively 258 separate
The article begins with a brief conceptual elections at once (Fakir & Potgieter, 2016).
discussion to set the terms of analysis. The mixed ward and PR electoral system
Then it moves on to an examination of at local government benefits big parties,
the EFF's 2016 LGE campaign, including because they can put up candidates in all
Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016 598Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
wards in the country and ward votes are rallies and a manifesto that was developed
counted based on the overall proportion through a process of consultative meetings
of votes that is used to allocate PR seats with constituents across the country. This
in councils. For a relatively small party populism is reflected in the manifesto
like the EFF, having enough candidates to promises, which respond directly to popular
run in wards across the country can be a grievances, such as the opening hours of
major challenge. Nevertheless, the EFF had municipal offices, a lack of fresh food in
candidates contesting in every province townships and informal settlements and the
in the country and almost the majority inaccessibility of ward councillors.
of wards. This paper evaluates the EFF's
campaign in terms of the party's rallies, its At the manifesto launch, Malema insisted
manifesto and campaign costs. that the party was making commitments,
not promises, to the people, as he did not
Rallies and Manifesto intend to play with their emotions like the
ANC has (Munusamy, 2016). He reinforced
Attendance at political rallies and the abil- the EFF as a party of black South Africans by
ity to fill up stadiums was, curiously, a explaining the choice of hosting the launch
particular point of competition between in Soweto with the words "the umbilical
the ANC, DA and EFF in this election. While cord of the EFF is buried here in Soweto",
this seems an arbitrary concern in a country evoking the practice used in all African
troubled by such significant socio-economic cultures to introduce a child to the ancestors
challenges, filling stadiums became a proxy and establish its home (Malema, 2016a).
for political support in uncertain political The leaders and activists of the June 1976
times. Both politicians and political analysts uprising were invoked as the ancestors in
were uncertain of the extent to which ANC whose legacy the party follows. Malema
political scandals had affected the loyalty set out to establish the EFF's revolutionary
of the electorate, the appeal of a Mmusi credentials, exemplified in "shaking par-
Maimane-led DA and the popularity of liament" by rejecting the Eurocentric dress
the EFF. Thus, crowds at rallies became a code and seeing to the eradication of
yardstick for political actors and observers the colonial and apartheid legacy in the
alike. At the EFF's manifesto launch, on institution (Malema, 2016a)
30 April 2016, at Orlando Stadium, as
well as the 30 July 2016 Tshela Thupa In the opening remarks of the manifesto,
closing rally at Peter Mokaba stadium Malema states that "the EFF contests political
in Limpopo, Julius Malema contrasted power through elections within the difficult
the EFF's organic support of people who confines of electoral rules and systems that
willingly attended party events with the favour existing political parties. The EFF's
alleged "rent a crowd" practice of the ANC. contestation of political power through
He consistently contrasted the EFF's appeal elections should, however, not be mistaken
to the people to "manipulation" by the ANC. with our revolutionary determination to
The EFF's campaign reinforced its image as a remove the current government by other
populist mass movement with well-attended revolutionary means" (EFF, 2016:1). Malema
599 Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
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goes on to criticise the structure of local such as the share it receives from its MPs'
government, which he argues is inap- salaries. Yet, it continues to set itself apart
propriate for the South African context. from the elite and identify itself as part
The system of conditional grants, in which of the majority of South Africans who are
municipalities apply for funding from excluded from formal political institutions.
provincial and national government, is Strategically, this allows the party to em-
discriminatory against rural and poor mu- phasise its "newcomer" status and minimise
nicipalities, as they are unable to generate the expectations of the electorate.
additional income from their residents and
it is unsuitable for "a politically polarised According to Malema, the manifesto was
environment", because these grants can be developed out of 1000 meetings across
manipulated for political ends (EFF, 2016:1). South Africa to find out the real demands
Malema contends that the funding of of the people. The ideas in the manifesto
municipalities merely reproduces apartheid were, thus, generated by the "poorest of the
structural and spatial inequalities, because poor" in rural areas, townships and squatter
the system is based on assumptions that camps – those "ordinary people, particularly
all citizens are employed, live in formal the black nation, who are ignored and not
housing and can sustain the municipality listened to by anyone" (Malema, 2016a). The
through rates and taxes. This system is goal of responding to the direct grievances
inappropriate in a country with high unem- of communities is evident in the manifesto,
ployment and poverty. This claim is false, which contains a motley mix of issues that fall
however. The system of conditional grants within the jurisdiction of local, provincial and
was instituted to, specifically, mitigate national government. This is explicitly stated
income inequality between municipalities in the manifesto introduction, which says
by providing additional financial support to that the party seeks to use municipalities for
poor municipalities. This is another example economic transformation by going beyond
of the party's populism, as it uses popular the legislated responsibilities of local gov-
statements that resonate with ordinary ernment and implementing programmes
citizens, regardless of their factual validity. for education, skills, safety and security,
This questioning of the political system and training, healthcare and the food economy.
its adequacy for serving the needs of "the There are seven "core values" on which the
people", while, simultaneously, presenting manifesto is based:
a manifesto for participation in the system,
is a populist strategy that allows the party ●● Building local state capacity with the
to accept the perks of participation without aim of abolishing tenders.
having to take full responsibility for the
system's effects. The EFF is now one of ●● Creating sustainable jobs for residents
the "existing political parties" favoured of the municipality.
by the electoral system because it can
access funds from the IEC, on the basis of ●● Provision of quality basic services such
its parliamentary representation and has as water, sanitation, healthcare, elec-
access to important financial resources tricity and clean communities for all.
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Sithembile Mbete
●● Providing a conducive and accessible recreational and sporting facilities (EFF,
environment for education, skills and 2016:9-10). The party commits to building
training. spacious houses with a separate kitchen,
living area and a minimum of two bedrooms
●● Building and maintaining quality and to allow parents "to touch each other without
safe infrastructure for all through labour the disturbance of children" and improve the
absorptive and efficient methods. quality of life of the people (EFF, 2016:13;
Malema, 2016a). In those cases where
●● Stimulating local economic activity and people can afford to build houses, the party
participation through the localisation of promises to provide stands with all basic
economic activities. services including flush toilets. This kind of
direct appeal to people's immediate needs
●● Guaranteeing safety and security for all was met with the loudest cheers by the crowd
(EFF, 2016:5-6). at Orlando Stadium and is indicative of the
effectiveness of the EFF's populist message.
Specific manifesto promises are intended
to focus on the needs of "the people". A notable feature of the EFF's manifesto
These promises include building fresh food commitments is their focus on the character
markets in each municipality to sell local and responsibilities of the party's elected
produce, opening municipal offices six days local government representatives. After
a week to accommodate full-time workers, criticising the non-responsiveness and
and the direct employment of all municipal unaccountability of ANC councillors, the
workers with a decent wage and benefits. party sets out a list of ideal behaviour
One of the primary responsibilities of for its representatives. These include EFF
municipalities is the zoning and distribution councillors residing where they are elected
of land. Municipalities often own extensive and having an open door policy in their
tracts of land and are also responsible communities, holding at least one commun-
for determining the purposes for which ity meeting per month, being available
private land can be used. Given that land 24 hours per day, being a mother/father
expropriation is one of the EFF's organising figure to all orphans in their wards, making
tenets, its manifesto commitments on land sure no one in their wards goes hungry,
are important. Among its promises are assisting in the burial of all poor people in
passing by-laws to expropriate and allocate their wards and ensuring that all schools
land equitably for residential, industrial and and clinics in their wards have water and
other activities "with the principle of use electricity. Among the qualities of the EFF's
it or lose it", allocating land to "ordinary revolutionary councillors are:
citizens", allocating stands to people for
free, the provision of bulk services to all ●● A revolutionary councillor is a well-
land designated for residential use, providing informed/knowledgeable professional
additional land for burial, providing bulk in the way he/she approaches the
irrigation services for agricultural land political question of revolution.
and making land available for religious,
601 Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
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●● A revolutionary councillor abolishes his/ asked about the cost of the EFF's campaign
her ego and attachments to personal and how it raised funds. In 2015, the
success; she or he is selfless. party's national spokesman, Mbuyiseni
Ndlozi, admitted that "The question of
●● A revolutionary councillor is never de- resources is the biggest challenge for the
pressed, bored and sad; there is always EFF. Finding the money for campaigning to
something to do and revolutionary ac- have the ability to support the movement
tions to be taken. is tough" (eNCA, 24 July 2015). The party
hosted a fundraising gala dinner after its
●● A revolutionary councillor does not manifesto launch in May 2016. Address-
hold grudges or complain about un- ing about 100 potential donors, Malema
necessary matters. reportedly asked them to commit to a
monthly subscription of R1 000 a month
●● A revolutionary councillor always reads to the party. He reportedly said "If you
and listens to people to understand the are true to the cause, ask for the forms
struggles and suffering of the people to sign a subscription and say: ‘I'm going
on the ground. to donate R2 000, R3 000, R1 000, to
the EFF every month." Especially the next
●● A revolutionary councillor does not three months – they are very crucial (The
dwell in the conspicuous consumerist Citizen, 2 May 2016).
practices that seek to blindly show off
privilege (EFF, 2016:22-23). After the election, Malema stated that the
party had spent less than R10 million on its
These standards of conduct are unrealistic entire campaign. In an interview with Sam
even by manifesto standards as they expect Mkokeli (2016) from the Financial Mail, he
almost superhuman levels of energy and said of the party's campaign method, "it's
commitment from the mere mortals who not expensive at all, because in the EFF we
stand for public election. It is significant maximise the little resources we have. We
that these commitments apply to directly sleep in the same rented places, we share
elected ward councillors, more than those the small accommodation, we travel in the
elected on the PR ballot. Since the EFF same cars, we have no convoys and the
ended up winning very few wards in this mobilisation depends largely on word of
election, receiving the majority of its council mouth, because there are no posters and
seats on the PR portion of the mixed sys- no leaflets". Apparently, the party had a
tem, these are commitments that will not number of large logistics trucks containing
be widely tested in practice. public address systems that allowed them
to organise meetings and rallies on the spot.
Campaign Funding According to Mkokeli, several community
meetings were hosted daily with Malema
Amid rumours that the ANC spent nearly doing "three such meetings a day, with
R1 billion on its campaign and the DA spent his leadership colleagues doing the same
R350 million, there were many questions in other parts of the country". A party
Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016 602Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
spokesman said this allowed the party 9 September 2016). The relationship between
to speak to "plus-minus 50 000 people money and politics is a sore point for many
in a day and we haven't spent more than South African citizens, as it is seen as the
R10 000." (Mkokeli, 2016). source of government corruption. A Pew
Global survey found South Africans ranked
At the Polokwane rally, Malema explained government corruption as the third biggest
that the EFF's campaign was funded through problem facing the country (after crime and
its allocation from the IEC, compulsory con- a lack of employment opportunities) (Wike
tributions from its MPs and a bank loan from et al., 2016). The EFF cleverly played on
Standard Bank. He added: "We didn't have these concerns to distinguish itself from
money from government. We don't have the ANC and to also protect itself from ac-
money from tenderpreneurs. We don't have cusations of corruption.
money from all those dodgy characters"
(Malema, 2016b). To dispel any doubts, Election Performance
Malema challenged the media to look at
the party's books to see where its money The EFF improved on its previous tally. It
comes from, as they have nothing to hide. also landed in the coveted position of
The point was to underscore that the EFF is kingmaker in several important councils,
not a proxy for any interests; its members including four metropolitan municipal-
are committed to the party's cause; hence, ities.
they're making financial contributions; and
that the party is genuine in its message. Breakdown of Electoral
This, the party argued, put them in contrast Performance
to the ANC.
The EFF had a notable performance in the
Accordingly, the ANC's use of money for election, winning 8.19 percent of the vote
its campaign is a point the EFF frequently compared to the 6.3 percent that it won
brought up during and after the election. in 2014, a nearly two-point increase. This
On 8 September, the party opened a case of made it the third biggest party after the
corruption and maladministration against ANC, which won 53.9 percent, and the DA,
former Tshwane mayor, Kgosientso Ramok- which won 26.9 percent. In 2014, the EFF
gopa, for the alleged use of the municipal won a total of 1 169 259 of the national
budget to pay for ANC billboards during vote, which almost doubled in this election to
the election campaign. Tshwane councillor, 2 282 385. The party did not win any council
Benjamin Disoloane, accused the ANC of outright, but won 761 seats nationally. Most
financial malfeasance: "Financial resources of these seats were PR seats. The EFF won
of the City were, fraudulently, used to boost only eight ward seats nationwide, which
the electoral fortunes of the corrupt and was a big disappointment for a party that
useless ANC in their dismal bid to win the claims to represent the will of the people.
City again. Despite using the resources of A provincial breakdown of the party's per-
the City to campaign, the residents of Tsh- formance provides a picture of where it had
wane still rejected the corrupt ANC" (eNCA, its strongest showing.
603 Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
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TABLE 1: EFF gains/losses per activists contributed to the EFF's success
province by percentage by connecting the party's rhetoric to local
Province 2014 2016 Gain/Loss issues. The role played by these kinds of
EC 3.48 5.12 1.64 grass-roots activists, in growing the EFF,
FS 8.15 9.95 1.80 has been under-investigated by the media
GAUTENG 10.30 11.38 1.08 and political analysts.
KZN 1.85 3.47 1.62
LIMP 10.74 16.81 6.07 In Mpumalanga and the Northern Cape, the
MP 6.26 9.40 3.14 party grew by over three points compared
NW 13.21 15.60 2.39 to 2014. It appears to have been more
NC 4.96 8.71 3.75 difficult for the party to make inroads
WC 2.11 2.73 0.62 into the Eastern Cape and Western Cape,
NATIONAL 6.35 8.31 1.96 where it won 5.3 percent and 2.73 percent,
Source: Electoral Commission of South Africa respectively. This overall performance masks
the fact that in the Buffalo City and Nelson
From the table above, it is clear that the Mandela Bay metros the party performed
EFF improved its performance in all the well in certain wards, eroding the ANC's
provinces. It received the most votes in support base. For example, in Kwanobuhle
Gauteng, Limpopo and North West, which and Motherwell, the party won 11.2 percent
consolidates these provinces as party and 11.27 percent respectively. Kwanobuhle
strongholds. In the North West and Limpopo, was a stronghold of the National Union of
it was the second best performing party Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA,
after the ANC. The EFF's performance in which was formerly part of the ANC alliance
Limpopo and North West challenges the through the Congress of South African Trade
idea, pandered after the election, that the Unions (Cosatu)) in 2015, but has supported
ANC lost support in only urban areas, thus opposition parties since then. It appears that
becoming a rural party. In these mostly rural disgruntled ANC voters in that area shifted
provinces, the EFF succeeded in eroding to the EFF. The EFF won ward 43 by default,
the ANC's support. As Phadi, Pearson and because the ANC failed to register a ward
Lesaffre (2016) argue, the EFF's "ideology candidate; significantly, it beat the United
resonates with life experiences in this rural Front candidate, reflecting its success in
mining milieu. During the elections, self- overtaking NUMSA in attracting working
professed EFF voters echoed some of the class support.
key pillars of the party's manifesto. Calls
for economic freedom and denunciations The Kingmakers
of white monopoly capitalism strike a
chord with many whose principal source Despite not winning control of any council,
of employment comes from massive multi- the EFF's electoral performance allowed it
national companies." Furthermore, several to be kingmaker in several hung municipal-
EFF organisers were local activists with ities across the country. There were twenty-
a history of promoting community and seven hung municipalities nationwide in
labour struggles that predate the EFF. These every province except Mpumalanga. The
Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016 604Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
Western Cape and KwaZulu-Natal had the Nelson Mandela Bay at R11.3bn. Ekurhuleni,
most hung municipalities with eight and where the ANC formed a coalition govern-
seven, respectively. Among the hung mu- ment, has R37.4bn. Cape Town, which has
nicipalities were four metro municipal- been governed by the DA for ten years, has
ities, including the City of Johannesburg, R40bn. The ANC retains control over Buffalo
Ekurhuleni and Tshwane in Gauteng, and City (R7.6bn), eThekwini (R38.5bn), and
Nelson Mandela Bay in the Eastern Cape. Mangaung (R9.6bn). The ANC now controls
The hung metros are displayed in Table 2 only 40 percent of the budget for metro
below. municipalities compared to 83 percent
before the election. This translates to a
The biggest implication of the loss of the massive loss of resource of patronage, as
metros was that the ANC lost control of a well as an opportunity to demonstrate that it
significant portion of the local government can improve the lives of the ever-important
budget. Two-thirds of all spending at mu- urban voters.
nicipal level is done by the eight metros,
a total budget of R233bn in 2016. The After the election, the EFF said that it
ANC secured an electoral majority in only was open to speaking to any party that
three of those and a minority government approached it for a coalition deal, but it
in one. It held seven before the election. would not engage in any negotiation that
Johannesburg's budget is the largest at sought to undermine the will of the people.
R56.2bn, with Tshwane at R32.5bn and It would approach negotiations with the
TABLE 2: Hung metropolitan municipalities
Party Johannesburg Ekurhuleni Tshwane Nelson Mandela Bay
ACDP 1 1 1 1
AIC 4 4 0 1
Al Jama-ah 1 0 0 0
ANC 121 109 89 50
COPE 1 1 1 1
DA 104 77 93 57
EFF 30 25 25 6
FF+ 1 2 4 0
IFP 5 2 0 0
IRASA 0 1 0 0
PA 1 1 0 1
PAC 0 1 1 0
UDM 1 0 0 2
UFEC 0 0 0 0
Total 270 224 214 119
Governing Coalition DA+ ANC+ DA+ DA+
Source: Electoral Commission of South Africa
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ANC from a principle of no coalitions, removal of Jacob Zuma as president of South
because it refused to legitimise the Zuma Africa and the nationalisation of mines and
administration. This left it to consider a banks. Because the ANC refused to accede
coalition deal with the DA, a party with to these conditions, Malema explained, the
the exact opposite ideological and political EFF decided not to go into coalition with
foundations. Many questioned the wisdom of a party of "kleptocracy and corruption".
the EFF going into coalition with a party that The EFF also refused to join a DA coalition,
has private property, capitalism, deregulation because it was "the party of white racists"
and minimal state intervention as some of (Malema, 2016c). Malema was insistent that
its key ideological tenets, especially in the the EFF would only go into power through
three Gauteng metros that make up South a decisive mandate from the people and not
Africa's economic heartland. In his post- "through a shortcut".
election press conference, Malema made
it clear that his party would not pursue Nevertheless, the party had decided to support
coalitions at all costs. In the instance of opposition parties to form governments in
the DA, this meant that the EFF would not the various hung municipalities by voting
join a coalition with the DA unless there with them to enable councils to be formed,
had been an agreement on land expropri- but it would not participate in governance.
ation and nationalisation. He set out three What this meant was that the party would
possible options being considered by the vote with the IFP in KwaZulu-Natal, the
EFF: 1. Coalitions; 2. Re-run of elections Service Delivery Forum in Rustenburg and
– memorable political rhetoric, but not an the DA in the four hung metros. When
option within the Municipal Electoral Act; asked about the contradictions between
3. Abstain – choosing to abstain from all the EFF and DA's policy positions, Malema
elections for mayors and speakers in hung described the DA as a "better devil" than
municipalities (IOL, 5 August 2016). the ANC (Malema, 2016c). The EFF's vote
influenced the election of leaders in 14
In the event, the EFF decided against out of 27 hung municipalities, as noted in
forming a coalition with either the ANC Table 3 on the following page. It helped
or the DA. The decision was announced bring DA mayors to power in Tshwane,
at a press conference in Alexandra in the Johannesburg and Nelson Mandela Bay,
middle of the veld, outside the informal Solly Msimanga, Herman Mashaba and
settlement of Setjwetla. The choice of the Atholl Trollip, respectively.
location was a masterful use of optics and
political spectacle as it was the perfect The EFF voted for DA mayors in Metsimaholo
juxtaposition to the DA's press conference municipality in the Free State (EWN, 22
held two hours later, on the same day, in a August 2016), Mogale City in Gauteng
plush boardroom in wealthy Sandton, less (EWN, 19 August 2016), Modimolle/
than 10km from Alexandra (Herald Live, Mookgopong (BusinessDay, 23 August
17 August 2016). At the press conference, 2016) and Thabazimbi (SABC, 26 August
Malema detailed the conditions his party had 2016) in Limpopo. One of the EFF's goals
set for a coalition with the ANC, including the was to vote out the ANC's leadership in
Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016 606Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
TABLE 3: Hung local municipalities in which the EFF was influential
Province Municipality Seat Allocation Total Minimum Winning
Seats Required Coalition
Free State Metsimaholo ANC 19, DA 12, EFF 8, 42 22 DA+
MCA 2, VF+ 1
Gauteng Mogale City ANC 38, DA 27, EFF 9, 77 39 DA+
VF+ 2, IFP 1
KwaZulu-Natal Endumeni ANC 6, IFP 4, DA 2, 13 7 IFP+
EFF 1
Nqutu IFP 15, ANC 14, NFP 2, 33 17 Undecided
EFF 1, DA 1
AbaQulusi ANC 21, IFP 19, DA 3, 44 23 IFP+
EFF 1
Jozini ANC 19, IFP 18, EFF 1, 40 21 IFP+
DA 1, Independent 1
Mtubatuba IFP 18, ANC 18, DA 2, 40 21 IFP+
EFF 1, AIC 1
Limpopo Thabazimbi ANC 10, EFF 5, DA 5, 23 12 DA+
TRA 2, VF+ 1
Modimolle/ ANC 13, DA 7, EFF 6, 28 15 DA+
Mookgopong VF+ 2
North-West Rustenburg ANC 43, EFF 24, DA 14, 89 45 ANC+
F4SD 4, AIC 1, VF+ 1,
UDM 1, BCM 1
Source: Paul Berkowitz http://paulberkowitz.co.za/coalition-politics-whats-possible-outside-of-the-metros/
Rustenburg, in support of the miners in Jozini result would be decided by a coin
Marikana. After the first attempt to vote toss until a mystery spoilt ballot within
for municipal leaders was disrupted by the ANC-faction gave the IFP candidate the
fighting between EFF and ANC councillors, lead (BusinessDay, 16 September 2016).
the ANC succeeded in having incumbent The election of officials in Nqutu was still
Mayor Mpho Khunon re-elected. pending at the time of writing because the
EFF had expelled its PR councillor from the
In KwaZulu-Natal, the EFF voted with the party and had taken him to court to prevent
IFP to enable the latter to take control of him from taking his seat in the council.
the AbaQulusi (Vryheid Herald, 23 August The councillor obtained a court order on
2016), Endumeni (Northern Natal Courier, 1 September to retain his position, so the
18 August 2016) and Jozini municipalities. EFF obtained a court order suspending all
After five unsuccessful attempts at forming municipal meetings until a court had settled
a government, it seemed as though the the intra-party dispute (IOL, 13 September
607 Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
2016). This delayed the formation of a gov- Party Organisation and Discipline
ernment in Nqutu.
Developing a sustainable party structure
The Nqutu case is the most extreme example that not only mobilises people to attend
of the inherent tensions in forming and rallies, but also organises them into re-
sustaining governments in hung councils. cruitment, fundraising, research and policy
Tensions between the EFF and DA in Johan- units is critical for the EFF's longevity.
nesburg emerged when Herman Mashaba Together with the DA, the EFF has the
announced that the city would privatise potential to push the ANC's electoral support
the refuse removal service, Pikitup. The below 50 percent in 2019, but this will
EFF threatened to challenge any such only be possible through sustained party
privatisation, as it goes against the party's organising. Signs of discontent within
core principles (IOL, 31 August 2016). On 14 the party emerged after the municipal
September, the EFF reiterated that it would elections, with newly elected councillors
decide whether to support any initiatives refusing to give 50 percent of their salaries
of the DA-led municipalities, on a case-by- to the party leadership for their first three
case basis, in Tshwane and Johannesburg. months in office (The Citizen, 5 September
The EFF's Gauteng command committed 2016). This is a requirement to be a
itself to continuing land invasions in both representative for the party, meant to
cities and it "put the DA on notice" should pay off a loan the party secured to contest
its administrations fight efforts by the EFF the local elections. Malema was quoted as
to take unutilised land (The Citizen, 14 Sep- saying "The party levy is going to help EFF
tember 2016). not to be captured by private donors" (IOL,
5 September 2016).
Prospects for 2019
The party leadership also pledged to remove
The 2016 municipal elections have consoli- PR councillors in wards where the party
dated the EFF's place, as an influential political received less than 100 votes and replace
actor, in the current period of transition in them with candidates from wards where the
South Africa. With the deeply factionalised EFF received the most votes. Malema argued
contestation in the ANC, the changing com- that these councillors had not fulfilled their
plexion of the DA, crisis in public administration duty to win votes for the party and they
and poor economic performance, the EFF would be forced "to become community
has emerged as a party that speaks to popular activists" (Times Live, 5 September 2016).
concerns and desires. Its message of national- The reason for this was to avoid becoming
isation, expropriation and Africanisation res- like the ANC and "hoarding a large group
onates with a significant proportion of the of careerists". According to Malema, "the
population. The extent to which it builds on principle of rewarding progress and rejecting
the gains it made in this election will deter- mediocrity will, henceforth, underpin the
mine its future prospects, especially in the EFF's list processes, including in the lead-up
coming 2019 election. Three main challenges to the 2019 general election". (Times Live,
are worth highlighting. 6 September 2016).
Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016 608Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
These kinds of top-down decisions risk anticipated that the party would be eager
alienating the party leadership from its to test its revolutionary ideals in practise.
support base. This is, especially, the case Furthermore, positions in municipal govern-
in areas where its grassroots support ment come with excellent salary packages,
comes from existing local activism. As which would be a boon both to individual
Phadi, Pearson and Lesaffre (2016) state, councillors and to the party that would
some party activists in Limpopo "fear that receive a share. By deciding to stay out
the ANC's authoritative decision-making of government, the EFF stayed true to its
style is being reconfigured within the EFF". fundamental ideals, but forfeited the benefits
An EFF spokesperson encapsulated this of incumbency. This is unusual in African
concern: "The minute Malema comes here politics (and indeed, South African politics),
and wants to control us, and not listen to where the desire for power often overrides
us, that's when I will start to fight the EFF. other strategic considerations. Given the
I support the policies of the EFF, not Julius EFF's inexperience in municipal governance
Malema." In another incident, soon after and its strident rhetoric, remaining in op-
the elections, a disgruntled group of EFF position was the best strategic decision for
activists in eThekwini Municipality called for the party. Much of municipal governance
the party's Regional Command Team to be is about technical service delivery issues
disbanded, because of alleged discrepancies such as sanitation, water provision and road
in the list of regional PR candidates that the maintenance that do not lend themselves
party submitted to the IEC (SABC, 20 August easily to the EFF's revolutionary rhetoric. The
2016). There were also disputes about the party does not have many of the technical
council list in Sedibeng District Municipality skills and know-how required to be effective
(The Citizen, 16 August 2016). As a result, the at municipal level. So the decision to avoid
party has disbanded provincial leaderships the test of governance, at this stage in its
of KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape, for formation, is shrewd. As Malema (2016c)
ill discipline and the misrepresentation of stated in the Alex press conference, "we
party membership. are not an organisation of positions".
He insisted that the primary goal was to
The legacy of the party's origins in the ANC build the party, indicating that the party's
and the deep distrust of the ruling party leave leadership is taking a long view of its role
the EFF vulnerable. Its ability to develop a in South African politics. Moreover, had the
new party culture unique from the ANC, as EFF joined the DA in government, it would
well as developing a functional grassroots have done so as a minority partner putting
network of activists, will determine its it in the awkward position of appearing
future success. to rubber-stamp DA majority decisions.
This goes against the party's identity as a
Governance Challenges popular radical movement. Remaining in
the opposition allows the EFF to maintain
The EFF's decision not to join any coalitions its identity and retain the bargaining chip
and to remain in opposition in all hung of being able to collapse DA-run municipal
municipalities came as a surprise. Many governments.
609 Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
The EFF seems to want to pursue a kind of either, because he has to be mainly office-
"guerrilla governance" at municipal level bound in an organisational capacity". (Times
by occupying land, supporting community Live, 19 September 2016). Malema has said
protests and providing services, itself, in the that the party wants to grow its support in
wards it governs. In his post-election press KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape where
conference, Malema promised that all the party structures were established quickly
wards won by the EFF would have basic and are relatively weak: "We are concerned,
necessities such as water, even if it meant because if we don't get the Eastern Cape and
the party had to dig boreholes, itself, in the KwaZulu-Natal right, we can forget about
communities it represents. In Gauteng, the growing the EFF's influence in the country"
provincial leadership has said that it will (Malema quoted in Times Live, 6 September
continue "land invasions" on unoccupied land, 2016). This focus on building a sustainable
regardless of having supported the DA to take party structure may mitigate the need to prove
power in Johannesburg and Tshwane. The itself in formal institutional politics.
EFF disrupted the commencement of Herman
Mashaba's inaugural speech as mayor, Youth Vote
because it wanted the house to acknowledge
the grievances of DA activists who had, South Africa's population and electorate
apparently, not been paid by the party. EFF are becoming younger. People aged 15 to
councillors claimed to be standing for the 29 make up 28.19 percent of the national
workers' rights by supporting the protest population; 55 percent of eligible voters aged
(Eyewitness News, 13 September 2016). 20 to 29 are registered. A look at the turnout
statistics of the 2011 and 2014 elections,
Whether these actions will attract and con- demonstrates that young people turnout
solidate support for the EFF remains to be at higher rates in national elections than in
seen. The attendance of EFF MPs at policy municipal ones.
committee meetings in the national parliament,
since 2014, has been relatively poor – 34 TABLE 4: 2011 turnout by age
percent, in 2015, compared to the ANC and
Age Group (in years) % Turnout
DA's 73 percent. These committees are where
Age Turnout
the real work of parliament is done – writing
laws and holding the executive accountable. 18-19 69%
On 19 September 2016, the party announced 20-29 48%
that Julius Malema had been relieved of 30-39 49%
all his parliamentary committee duties to 40-49 61%
enable him to focus on developing the party's
50-59 70%
structures before the 2019 general elections.
EFF spokesman Fana Mokoena said, "Mr 60-69 74%
Malema will mainly be deployed on a stringent 70-79 70%
programme to build the EFF everywhere in 80+ 52%
the country. The secretary general, Godrich Source: Electoral Commission of South Africa
Gardee, will not be in parliament that often Municipal Elections Report 2011:47
Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016 610Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
TABLE 5: 2014 turnout by age This bodes well for the EFF in 2019. As was
discussed in the previous section, the party's
Age Group (in years) % Turnout
message resonates with young people and
Age Turnout
much of its support is in informal settlements
18-19 83% with large migrant populations. It will be
20-29 72% easier for its natural support base to par-
30-39 69% ticipate in the 2019 general elections, which
40-49 74% should boost the party's share of the vote.
The challenge for the EFF is to encourage
50-59 80%
the 45 percent of eligible voters under 30,
60-69 80%
who are not on the voters' roll, to register to
70-79 73% vote. Young people do participate politically,
80+ 55% through informal means such as protests. If
Source: Electoral Commission of South Africa the EFF can convince them to participate in
National and Provincial Report 2014:44 formal political structures, such as elections,
it will have succeeded in securing itself a
In 2011, 48 percent of voters aged 20 to sustainable electoral base.
29 turned out to vote compared to 75 per-
cent of women and 69 percent of men in Conclusion
2014. This discrepancy can be explained
by the difference in voting rules in different Since it burst onto the electoral scene, the
elections. At municipal elections, people EFF has proved to be an excellent disrupter of
are required to vote in the wards in which South African politics. Using its unique brand
they are registered. In general elections, of political spectacle, the party has succeeded
people can vote at any voting station in the in setting the political agenda and sparking
country – on both national and provincial popular interest in political institutions. Unlike
ballots if they vote in the province in which the ANC-breakaway party that preceded it,
they are registered, and only on the national the Congress of the People (COPE), the EFF
ballot if they vote outside their province. managed to sustain the electoral promise of
Municipal election rules, thus, discriminate its debut elections, in 2014, in the challenging
against transitory populations of migrant terrain of local government elections in 2016.
workers or students who often reside far One of the reasons it managed to do this was
from where they are registered and lack the by avoiding the kind of leadership disputes
time, motivation or knowledge to update that caused COPE's implosion. The challenge
their registration before elections. What is the EFF faces now is to expand its support
clear is that young people do turnout to vote base while managing competing interests
when they are registered and are allowed and proving itself as a serious contender for
to do so by the rules. government in 2019.
611 Journal of Public Administration • Volume 51 • Number 3.1 • September 2016Economic Freedom Fighters' Debut in the Municipal Elections
Sithembile Mbete
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