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Our Schools/Our Selves
The Voice Of Progressive Education In Canada
Canadian Centre For Policy Alternatives
Summer/Fall 2021
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Summer/Fall 2021
6. Our Schools/Our Selves is
Double glazed published by the
Is Manitoba repeating Nova Scotia’s Canadian Centre
flawed education reforms? for Policy Alternatives
1000-141 Laurier Ave W
Molly Hurd
Ottawa, ON K1P 5J3
9. Our Schools/Our Selves is
a member of the Canadian
Nova Scotia’s education overhaul
Magazine Publishers
A cautionary tale for Manitoba Association. It is indexed in
Molly McCracken and Pamela Rogers the Canadian Magazine Index
and the Alternative Press
11. Index.
“Organized abandonment”
Executive editor
Bill 64’s impact on racialized communities Erika Shaker
Fadi Ennab
Editor emeritus
13. Satu Repo
The effects of Law 21 on education faculties in Quebec Associate editor
“We don’t want people like you here” Larry Kuehn
Bronwen Low, Marilyn Steinbach, Maryse Potvin, Issue editor
Stéphanie Tremblay, Emmanuel Doré, David Lefrançois, Erika Shaker
and Stéphanie Demers Editorial office
Canadian Centre
17. for Policy Alternatives
Law 21: secularism or intolerance? 1000-141 Laurier Ave W
A student’s perspective Ottawa, ON K1P 5J3
Jana Naguib
ISSN 0840-7339
19. Design and layout
The ‘best fit’ Tim Scarth
Educational administration
Publications Mail
and the racialization of hiring practices Registration No. 8010.
Dr. Zuhra Abawi and Dr. Stephanie Tuters
The Canadian Centre for
22. Policy Alternatives would
like to thank the following
Alberta’s draft curriculum organizations for their support
must go back to the drawing board of Our Schools/Our Selves:
Heather Ganshorn Elementary Teachers’
Federation of Ontario,
25. the Canadian Union of
Apocalypse, meet resurgence Public Employees, the
Waubgeshig Rice’s Moon of the Crusted Snow: A Novel British Columbia Teachers’
Brian Pastoor Federation, the National
Union of Public and General
30. Employees, the Manitoba
Teachers’ Society, the Ontario
Deconstructing anti-Black racism English Catholic Teachers
A high school course Association, the Nova Scotia
Teachers’ Union, and the
34. Ontario Secondary School
The Laurentian University crises Teachers’ Federation.
and public university education
David Leadbeater The opinions expressed in
Our Schools/Our Selves are
38. those of the authors, and do
Editorial not necessarily reflect the
views of the CCPA. Any errors
Erika Shaker
or omissions lie with the
individual authors.
“Canada has not adequately responded to the Calls to Action.
This has left the full truth of the residential schools concealed
and Indigenous peoples vulnerable to waves of unspeakable
trauma, as we have seen these past weeks. There must be
a new determination and diligent action by Canada on the
key priorities like the missing children and burial sites. The
world is watching, and a bright light must be shone on those
things that were swept aside six years ago. The Survivors,
3
and all Indigenous peoples deserve to know their voices were
listened to when they told Canada there were children who
never made it home, and someone did the right thing—they
found them.”
—Mary Ellen Turpel-Lafond (Aki-Kwe)
Director, Indian Residential School History and Dialogue Centre (IRSHDC)
4
5 PHOTO BY CLAYTON THOMAS-MULLER
Double glazed
Is Manitoba repeating
Nova Scotia’s flawed education
reforms?
Molly Hurd
I
s Manitoba’s education system underper- The two Glaze reports are part of a movement
forming, inefficient and over bureaucratic? that seems designed to undercut public edu-
Its government seems to think so. In cation and promote increasing privatization. In
6
January 2019 it commissioned a K-12 2020, Manitoba’s previous minister of education
review of education. They likely had a attended a seminar sponsored by the American
fairly clear idea of what the review would Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) which
say since the consultant they hired, Avis has pushed numerous states along the road to
Glaze, had previously authored the report that education privatization (charter schools), and
provided the basis for Nova Scotia’s Bill 72 is part of the larger Global Education Reform
which upended their education system1. Movement (GERM).4
It was therefore no surprise when the But will Bill 64’s “reforms” improve anything?
Manitoba government quickly drafted Bill 64, It’s been 2½ years since the implementation
“The Education Modernization Act”2, which of Bill 72 in Nova Scotia, and enough time
had its second reading less than a month after has passed for its effects to be felt. Indeed,
the release of the report this spring. Similar this type of reform has been tried by many
to Nova Scotia’s, Manitoba’s bill proposed, governments who have adopted a neoliberal,
among other changes, (1) to eliminate elected “business can do it better”, top-down manage-
school boards (note that this went beyond Avis rial control approach to education—and it does
Glaze’s recommendations, which suggested not actually work very well.
amalgamating Manitoba’s school boards, not Manitoba teachers and parents are rightly
eliminating them entirely), replacing them with concerned that the elimination of school boards
a government appointed Provincial Education will sever the connection between schools and
Authority Board and Provincial Advisory their communities.They need look no further
Council on Education (PACE); (2) the removal of than Nova Scotia for some real-life examples as
principals and vice-principals from the definition to how this has played out in the past 2½ years
of teacher in the legislation, thus restricting their since they were eliminated, leaving parents with
roles to that of management and (3) the creation nowhere to turn if they have a school related
of a College of Educators to monitor teachers3 concern. Initially, the slogan “Better Call Zack
(this provision had been dropped in Nova Scotia (the Education Minister)” was bandied about
after sustained protest). if someone had a concern about a broken
window or a problem with a school bus. But as
time went on, it became clear that it was not repercussions which would have been handled
a joking matter when calls to school admin- better by a functioning school board. Recently,
istrators or “Regional Centres for Education” a student was unjustly suspended for complain-
were not returned. Parents had to resort to ing about another student’s misogynistic t-shirt
airing their concerns on the 18,000 member and it instantly hit the media, before the school
NS Parents for Public Education Facebook or the Regional Centre could respond. Without
group—but it is far from clear that anybody in a school board member to consult, the media
power is listening. became the go-to for frustrated parents.
The government-appointed PACE, which The pandemic has provided concrete
Manitoba has also replicated in Bill 64, is a evidence of the importance of the school board
lame duck organization whose members do not link between the schools and the community.
report to any community, and whose numbers Last summer, Nova Scotia was justly proud of
have dropped from the original 15 to 11 as its low COVID-19 numbers and lack of commu-
terms expired. It is difficult to find out what they nity spread. But when a back-to-school plan
actually do—minutes of the quarterly meetings with no upgrading of ventilation in classrooms
are sketchy with little mention of any actual and no provision for physical distancing in
“advice” given. Indigenous Nova Scotians had classrooms was announced, teachers and
fought for years to get designated seats on parents protested that it was not sufficient in
school boards, which they achieved not long the event of another outbreak, to no avail. The
before the boards were eliminated, but those fact that seemingly no parents or community
designated members of PACE have left and members were involved in creating the plan
not been replaced, silencing diverse voices. caused fear and lack of trust in the bureaucrats
As well, school boards were the only level of which reached a fever pitch when the third
government where gender parity had been wave hit, and schools were badly affected. The
reached, and they were springboards for many government’s refusal to close all schools when
women (and others) to jump into future political it was clear there was transmission within them
careers. caused a near strike. Although in the end the
The severed connection between schools and government had to back down after a day of
their communities in Nova Scotia has meant the chaos, the damage done by top-down manage-
7
loss of the institutional knowledge that school ment methods remains.
trustees build up over years. Their And it is useful to look at the situations of
Manitoba teach- ability to question their board about New Brunswick and PEI, both of which got rid
ers and parents issues and get the facts made them of school boards, but then a few years later
are rightly a lifeline for parents and teachers. brought them back. Democracy can be messy,
concerned that One rural teacher told me about but better to have it than not.
the elimination their trustee, who used to come Manitoba’s Bill 64 also proposes the
of school boards to school assemblies and PTA reclassifying of principals and vice-principals
will sever the meetings, who when the school as management instead of teachers. When a
connection began exceeding its class caps similar edict was implemented in Nova Scotia,
between schools was able to advocate for another many principals with years of experience either
and their teacher. A former school board took early retirement or asked to return to the
communities. member described some of the classroom. Years of institutional knowledge
They need look types of people who seek election were lost, but more importantly most of those
no further than to the school boards, especially in people’s careers were spent when collegiality
Nova Scotia for rural areas, as “education nerds” and collaboration among teachers and admin-
some real-life who follow international trends in istration was the norm. Principals were leaders
examples as to education, who have the patience among teachers, sharing responsibility for the
how this has to wade through survey/testing students’ well-being and progress—and they
played out in the data to parse out what works and were advocates for their students and their
past 2�⁄� years to get to the bottom of intricate communities. In the new “management” model,
since they were policy decisions. School Advisory the people who stepped up to replace them
eliminated, Councils, meant to be revitalized, found that their role was restricted to that of a
leaving parents have difficulty attracting volunteers “site manager”—as one teacher put it, “making
with nowhere to at all, let alone people with that level sure the fire alarms work”. When it becomes
turn if they have of expertise. necessary to advocate for something for their
a school related There are myriad examples of school, the principal can make a request, but
concern. situations that have had negative
without union protection may not be willing to Notes
risk their job to be more forceful than that. 1 Raise the Bar: A coherent and responsive education administrative system for
Nova Scotia. January 2018. Accessed June 1, 2021 (https://www.ednet.ns.ca/
As PISA and other studies have demonstrat- sites/default/files/docs/raisethebar-en.pdf).
2 Legislative Assembly of Manitoba: Bill 64, The Education Modernization Act.
ed, “When students, teachers, parents and the 3rd Session, 42nd Legislature. Accessed June 1, 2021 (https://web2.gov.mb.ca/
bills/42-3/b064e.php).
school principals know and trust each other, 3 Molly Hurd. “No 2-Tier Education, Day 1!” The Inquiring Teacher blog.
work together and share information, ideas and Accessed June 1, 2021 (https://progressiveeducationnovascotia.com/2018/02/)
4 “Changes to K-12 education riding wave of criticism,” The Manitoban.
goals, students—particularly disadvantaged N/D. Accessed June 1, 2021 (https://www.themanitoban.com/posts/
changes-to-k-12-education-riding-wave-of-criticism).
students—benefit.”5 5 “Collaborative schools, collaborative students” PISA 2015 results, Volume 5
By implementing these regressive “reforms”, 6 Educators for Social Justice Nova Scotia, “Teachers’ Voices: An independent
survey of Nova Scotia’s teachers.” Feb. 11, 2019. Accessed June 1, 2021
Manitoba will not only diminish trust in their (https://esjns.files.wordpress.com/2019/02/final-version-teachers-
voices8_2_19-2.pdf).
education system, it will undo decades of
advances in educational practice and under-
mine educators’ love for their profession. Just
ask Nova Scotia teachers.6
Molly Hurd, the author of Best School in the World: How students,
parents and teachers have created a model that can transform
Canada’s public schools, Formac Publishing, 2017, has spent her
career teaching in Indigenous communities in Canada, Africa,
Britain and Nova Scotia. She is now on the steering committee
of Educators for Social Justice —Nova Scotia, as well as that of
CCPA-NS.
8
Nova Scotia’s
education overhaul
A cautionary tale for Manitoba
Molly McCracken and Pamela Rogers
P
ublic education is a public good implementation of School Advisory Councils
that promotes well-being and (the N.S. version of PACE) by the Department
citizenship for all. Efforts to of Education “an ocean of unkept promises”.
9
improve public education should Parents face barriers to participation in PACE,
be done for this purpose. receive no training and promised communica-
Manitoba has instead joined a tions with the Minister of Education were not
concerning trend across Canada fulfilled.
demanding constant improvement in education Without school trustees, parents have
with less and less resources led by private nowhere to turn. Parents on PACE do not have
consultants such as Dr. Avis Glaze. Glaze the training or time to advocate for and advise
reviewed education systems in PEI, Nova parents on the school system that School
Scotia and most recently, Manitoba. The day Trustees had.
the Glaze report was publicly released is the In jurisdictions where school boards have
day the province released Bill 64 the Education been abolished, they have been brought back
Modernization Act. The resultant changes due to necessity—New Brunswick and PEI
centralize control over education under the for example. Research shows that replacing
guise of cost-savings, resulting in privatization democratically elected school boards with
and a loss of accountability to the public. alternative structures does not improve student
Manitoba can look to Nova Scotia for the achievement. Here in Manitoba local demo-
implications of abolishing school boards and cratic oversight is proven to foster innovation.
replacing them with Parent Advisory Councils For example, in Winnipeg a new community
on Education (PACE). When Nova Scotia school hub model is improving educational outcomes
boards were wiped out, historically oppressed and poverty in the Louis Riel School Division.
groups lost representation as school trustee Abolishing school divisions does not advance
seats reserved for Indigenous and Black Nova inclusion and equity.
Scotians disappeared. High child poverty rates plague both Manito-
Information about PACE is hard to come ba and Nova Scotia: Manitoba has the highest
by for parents—agendas and minutes hard rate of child poverty and Nova Scotia the
to find and contact info for representatives is third-highest in Canada. Economic insecurity
not available. Paul Wozney, President of the is proven to impact educational outcomes.
Nova Scotia Teachers’ Union (NSTU) called the In Manitoba, 86% of students perform asThe aims of expected on standardized tests, managers” for schools. The aims of neoliber-
neoliberalism — based on socio-economic standing. alism—over-reliance on data, school success
over-reliance Research by the Manitoba Centre accountability, and privatization—undermines
on data, school for Health Policy finds that for the the democratic process and moves away from
success ac- 14% of those students who do collegiality and community, to punitive, perfor-
countability, and not perform at the expected level, mance-based models.
privatization — “marked differences in school The forced removal of school administrators
undermines achievement among Manitoba from the NSTU supports the model of
the democratic students...tend to be related to privatization, since principals are no longer
process and factors beyond education”, includ- curriculum and learning leaders. In this model,
moves away ing poverty. Instead of addressing administration exists first and foremost to enact
from collegiality the conditions of poverty through disciplinary measures, carry out performance
and community, social housing or better income assessments on their staff, and report on school
to punitive, per- transfers, neoliberal governments success data. Such changes lessen teacher
formance-based blame or suggest responsiblity lies and administrator professional autonomy, and
models. with the education system. add greater reliance on strict structures to
Standardized testing itself as a dictate how they will work in their own school
measure is problematic. International experts communities. Administrators in business
have called for a moratorium on PISA as it models of leadership become gatekeepers for
creates an illusion of education quality based on the Department of Education, not educational
multiple choice questions and simple solutions leaders.
to complex problems. Standardized tests like Nova Scotia’s K-12 education overhaul
PISA are often used by neoliberal governments is a cautionary tale for Manitoba. Removing
to justify authoritarian top-down approaches democratic oversight makes public education
under the guise of improving test results. The less accountable and more difficult for parents
result is a race to the bottom, whereby the to navigate. Centralizing administration stifles
education system is judged by test results and innovation and local ability to respond to local
not about supporting well-rounded students, needs. Poverty remains unaddressed when the
which is essential to a healthy democracy. system is run like a business for quantitative
10
The Glaze Report (Raise the Bar) in Nova results only.
Scotia led to the removal of administrators Public education is a public good: any
from the NSTU, and suggested the creation of reforms must be predicated on equity, public
a college of teachers as an additional level of accountability and democracy.
bureaucracy for school accountability and to A version of this commentary previously appeared in the
discipline educators. While administrators were Winnipeg Free Press.
removed from the union’s membership, the Molly McCracken is the Manitoba director of the Canadian Centre
NSTU fought against the creation of a College for Policy Alternatives.
of Teachers and won. In Manitoba, Bill 64 would Pamela Rogers is Director of Research and Professional Learning
at the Canadian Teachers’ Federation.
remove principals and vice-principals from
their bargaining unit and introduce “business“Organized
abandonment”
Bill 64’s impact on
racialized communities
Fadi Ennab
R
acism is built into Canada’s Indigenous, or other equity-seeking groups. The
11
education system. This will only Bill is related to the K-12 Education Commis-
be further entrenched if Bill 64 sion Report, within which there is no mention
is passed into law in Manitoba of racism, equity, or poverty in its 309-pages.
because the legislation fails to There is one mention of “anti-racism” along
explicitly focus on systemic or with “gender equity”, in the context of a
equity issues, and proposes liability issue to be “accommodated” as part of
changes that actively undermine voices from “respect for human diversity”. This contradicts
equity-seeking groups. the acknowledgement made at the beginning of
At a time when communities of colour con- the document: “the philosophy of inclusion is a
tinue to call for advancing racial equity through foundational principle of the education system
education and justice, Bill 64 demands attention in Manitoba”.
and outrage. In 2020, the Newcomer Education Coalition
Let’s start with the very name of Bill 64: released The State of Equity in Education
the Education Modernization Act. Using the Report to advocate for more representation
language of “modernization” assumes that the of racialized newcomers among school staff
proposed policy is designed for “progress”, and boards in Manitoba. As the report states,
obscuring the reality that what is being “In 2018, of the 54 school trustees on the
offered will actually have a negative impact on school boards of the six school divisions in
equity-seeking groups. It also assumes that the city of Winnipeg, only three are trustees
our colonial institutions and racial capitalistic who are persons from racialized communities.”
relations are something to be reformed, instead The report also emphasizes the important
of abolished and rebuilt. role that school boards can play in leading
However, the issue with Bill 64 is more than and influencing decisions on equity policies
semantics or epistemology. and practices. For these reasons, community
Bill 64 does not adopt an explicit anti-racist advocates want school divisions to be more
approach to address inequities in education, “intentional and accountable” about addressing
and thus fails to address the systemic issues equity in schools to ensure that the curriculum,
facing families who self-identify as Black, programs, and activities are more appropriateRacialized and responsive to the education will reduce the province’s 37 school divisions to
students, needs of racialized families. 15 catchment areas, each with one represent-
especially those Bill 64 does not respond to this ative, not proportional to student population.
who identify as call, or to the realities of racialized In doing so, Winnipeg’s catchment area will be
Indigenous and students as addressed in the 2020 given one voice to represent 55% of Manitoba’s
Black, continue report. racialized and Indigenous population.
to face racism Racialized students, especially The decrease in public accountability is
in schools. those who identify as Indigenous accompanied by increased government control
Racialized stu- and Black, continue to face racism of schools, under the guise of “equity-blind”
dents also are in schools. Racialized students policies. With their hashtag #StopBill64, Com-
often stream- are often streamlined into lower munities Not Cuts Manitoba has highlighted
lined into lower track education programs and that the government’s plans to “eliminate
track education disproportionately represented in elected school boards and replace them with an
programs school discipline and suspensions, appointed—unaccountable—panel to oversee
and dispro- the first step in what’s often referred education for the entire province” will further
portionately to as the school-to-prison pipeline. privilege white-middle-class lives and reinforce
represented in They frequently must cope with a school culture that already accommodates
school discipline negative educational outcomes and white supremacy.
and suspen- the impact on their mental health We need to work towards dismantling racist
sions, the first and well-being with insufficient policies and institutions to create conditions of
step in what’s supports. By neglecting to focus care, but Bill 64 will make it more difficult than
often referred to on equity-seeking groups, Bill 64 it already is to advocate for opportunities and
as the school-to- promotes the “organized abandon- supports for racialized communities by silencing
prison pipeline. ment” of racialized communities (a their voices. This is very damaging in a province
term used by Ruth Wilson Gilmore that already maintains and is maintained by
to refer to a strategy of capitalist state devel- systemic inequities.
opment to exploit the most vulnerable and Fadi Ennab is an instructor at the University of Winnipeg, a
racialized communities). researcher with the Manitoba Research Alliance and a Research
Associate with the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternative — Man-
Bill 64’s elimination of school boards will
12
itoba. A version of this article was previously published in the
further undermine racialized communities by Winnipeg Free Press on May 7, 2021.
excluding their voices. The proposed changesThe effects of Law
21 on education
faculties in Quebec
“We don’t want people
like you here”
Bronwen Low, Marilyn Steinbach, Maryse Potvin,
Stéphanie Tremblay, Emmanuel Doré, David Lefrançois,
and Stéphanie Demers1
13
O
ne day a student in Bronwen’s previous failed attempts to pass laws prohibit-
Bachelor of Education course ing public sector employees from any display of
at McGill University asked to religious symbols in the workplace.
share a story from her day The purpose of Law 21 (la Loi 21):
substitute teaching in an
is to affirm the laicity of the State and to set
elementary school. A child
out the requirements that follow from it. To that
wondered why she wore a
end, the bill provides that the laicity of the State
hijab, and this young teacher took this oppor-
is based on four principles: the separation of
tunity to say some of what this symbol meant
State and religions, the religious neutrality of the
to her as a Muslim woman. She was thrilled by
State, the equality of all citizens, and freedom
the children’s engagement and excitement at
of conscience and freedom of religion... The
the chance to ask questions they hadn’t voiced
bill proposes to prohibit certain persons from
before, and she described this kind of exchange
wearing religious symbols while exercising their
as one of the reasons she wanted to be a
functions (National Assembly of Quebec, 2019).
teacher.
Unfortunately, these kinds of opportunities In Quebec, these “certain persons” include
for learning across differences are now less public school teachers, which means that
possible in Quebec. teachers who wear a religious symbol such
In the summer of 2019, the Quebec as the hijab are no longer eligible to be hired
government passed Bill 21 into law: The Act by school boards. Teachers who already had
Respecting the Laicity of the State. The process a permanent position were not fired; the law
of creating this legislation long predated the affects substitute and new teachers employed
government which passed it, with three2 by a Centre de Services Scolaire. This law isnot to impact student teachers completing their warned that these measures would especially
teacher education programs and their manda- marginalize or harm Muslim women. Most of the
tory teaching practica. As a group of teacher reports from students related to acts or com-
educators from five universities in Quebec, ments seen as hurtful or discriminatory (37%).
we were concerned about the effects of this Some respondents described hateful comments
legislation on student and staff populations in from their cooperating teacher or field supervi-
university education faculties. sor, such as : “We don’t want a teacher who’ll
Under the auspices of the OFDE (Observa- convert our students” or “this isn’t Hallowe’en,
toire sur la Formation à la Diversité et l’Équité, we don’t want women wearing costumes at
an academic observatory on teacher education work”, or “Go back to your country. We don’t
for diversity and equity), we conducted a want people like you here.” One respondent
survey3 that aimed to determine the effects described hostile treatment as a student
of Law 21 on faculties and departments of teacher from other teachers in the staff room,
education in Quebec universities, their students including comments that the veil was a sign of
and staff (Potvin et al., 2020). religious indoctrination forced upon her by her
Seeking to understand the impact of Law parents, or a political act to control women.
21 on members of Faculties of Education as Another 24% of reported negative experi-
comprehensively as possible, the survey asked ences related to individual rights and freedoms.
questions about institutional responses as well Respondents spoke of having their choice of
as individual experiences and observations. school placement limited, or of being told by a
We found that institutional responses largely university instructor that other students did not
sought to denounce or mitigate any potential want to work in a group with them.
adverse effects of Law 21 on their students. Other impacts included hostile attitudes and
For instance, university staff unions, faculties, looks, as well as adverse effects on mental
and departments publicly came out against health, including feelings of isolation, vulner-
the Law in statements on websites and other ability, and experiencing “stress emotionally
communications. and physically.” Respondents also described
The Law does not apply to students, and
so should have no impact on student teacher
14
placement and evaluation; many departments
made this clear to school boards, supervising
teachers, and students. Some departments
and unions issued statements of support
for students, including Muslim students in
particular. A few communicated that they would
find alternatives for any students experiencing
hostility in their school placements, or if they
were denied a practicum position by any school
board or school (which would be against the
law).
Despite this, there were many reports,
particularly from student teachers, about having
either experienced or witnessed discriminatory
and negative treatment related to the new Law.
Several factors increased the chance of survey
respondents having experienced or witnessed
this treatment: being female (20% of female
respondents said yes, versus 7% of male
respondents); belonging to a visible or religious
minority (50% responded yes); being first or
second generation immigration (67% respond-
ed yes); and most of all, having a first language
other than French (76.1% responded yes).
Specific comments indicate that negative
or discriminatory effects of the Law were
largely directed at women who wear a hijab: this
should come as no surprise to the many whoadverse effects of the Law on their academic
achievement or professional journey, including
students either choosing or being asked to
leave their Bachelor of Education program
because of lack of career prospects, failing their
student teaching placement because of wearing
a hijab, or being called upon less for substitute
teaching because of suspicions about religious
adherence or having an Arabic name.
Respondents also described an altered
culture in university classrooms, with “lesser
integration of students who wear the headscarf
in the class dynamics” and these students
experiencing discomfort. Others spoke of a
newly charged atmosphere of debate in univer-
sity classrooms, including students with strong
opinions about Law 21 challenging classmates
wearing headscarves with questions such as
“what do you think?”.
University personnel were largely unaware of
experiences of discrimination faced by student
teachers: almost half indicated not knowing if
there had been any reports made by students,
and only 6.6% of personnel were aware of
reports of negative and discriminatory treat-
ment. In contrast, 16.5% of students indicated
that they had been victims of or witnesses to
the adverse effects of the Law.
However, when aware of discriminatory
15
treatment, some universities acted, with
respondents from two universities noting that rejected as an official policy in the early 1970s
student teachers had been moved because of by some sovereigntists and nationalists as
hostile treatment in their placements and anoth- minimizing Quebec’s claims for special status
er saying they were working to support students as a distinct people and society.) Quebec’s
in dealing with “islamophobia and xenophobia”. dual majority/minority status drives the story
In response to the Law, faculty members also of interculturalism by placing greater emphasis
described modifying their curriculum to include on integrating newcomers into a common
more information about inclusion and diversity public culture, with the French language as its
and to emphasize the need to respect differenc- cornerstone (along with the same commitments
es in schools. Instructors also included direct as multiculturalism to democratic institutions,
instruction on the Law and its potential impacts rights and freedoms). According to the theory of
in their courses. integration informing Law 21, religious symbols
Law 21 reflects and seems to foster populist are a barrier to social cohesion. Worn by
anxieties about religious and cultural difference, anyone in a position of public authority, such
including a growing islamophobia in Quebec as a judge, police officer, or teacher, they are
and many other places, whose starkest also seen as potentially jeopardising impartial
expression was the 2017 terrorist attack on the treatment and justice, as well as undermining
Islamic Cultural Centre of Quebec City in which the value of state secularism or laïcité. (Why
six were killed and five injured. However, it also teachers are seen as needing to be impartial
reflects a particular theory of social cohesion in this same way is never explained; while the
and integration, what gets referred to in Quebec Bouchard-Taylor Commission had recommend-
as vivre ensemble, reflected in its intercultural ed this for judges and police officers, they did
policies. not do the same for teachers.) However, the
Canadian multiculturalism has been rejected original purpose of secularism was the separa-
in Quebec as ghettoizing minorities, resulting in tion of the political state from religious authority
social fragmentation rather than a strong shared to guarantee freedom of religion for all citizens,
sense of identity and belonging. (It was also particularly religious minorities. In terms ofthe Law’s own definition of the laicity of the physically removing a visible symbol changes
state, the last two principles about “equality the faith, values, ethics or professional capac-
of all citizens, and freedom of conscience and ities of an individual demonstrates a limited
freedom of religion” are neglected in favor of understanding of how people enact their ideas
the first two principles about “the separation of and beliefs, creating even more barriers to the
State and religions, the religious neutrality of the promotion of vivre ensemble.
State”. Rather than impeding positive relations and
Unfortunately, if Law 21 was designed to inclusion, we argue that religious symbols are
reduce religious tensions, our survey results a way of promoting peaceful relations and
suggest that it has had the opposite effect, respect for diversity. We have only to consider
inflaming existing social suspicions and preju- our opening anecdote describing the positive,
dices. Our data portrays an increasingly hostile educational exchange of a young Muslim
university and school environment for female teacher with her primary students to illustrate
Muslim teachers. Newly qualified teachers how visible differences are a rich resource
committed to wearing their headscarves are and advantage for promoting intercultural
withdrawing applications for employment. understanding, respect and positive relations.
According to our survey, potential teachers Fortunately for this student teacher, a Quebec
are already switching out of Bachelor of Superior Court judge ruled on April 20th, 2021
Education programs, and an unknown number that the Law violates minority-language educa-
of others will no longer consider teaching at all. tion rights and so cannot be applied to English
By effectively barring Muslim women with hijabs schools (a decision the Quebec Justice Minister
from working as teachers, the Law diminishes has announced it will appeal). However, this
the religious diversity of the population of Court has upheld the general constitutionality of
Quebec school teachers. With a large and the Law.
growing gap between a racialized and culturally The OFDE (Observatoire sur la formation à la diversité
minoritized student body and a teaching contin- et l’équité) is the structural body that coordinates the work
of a network of professors and lecturers from twelve Quebec
gent that remains predominantly White, middle universities. This community of practice includes those who teach
class, and of European extraction, the teaching on ethnocultural, religious and linguistic diversities in education.
staff will remain even less representative.
16
The Quebec interculturalism policy of vivre References
Bouchard, G. and Taylor, C. (2008). Fonder l’avenir. Le temps de la conciliation.
ensemble is meant to encourage positive Rapport de la Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodement
reliées aux différences culturelles. Québec.
relations and interactions between citizens of Gouvernement du Québec (1998). Une école d’avenir: politique d’intégration
diverse cultures, faiths, linguistic and ethnic scolaire et d’éducation interculturelle. Ministère de l’Éducation. http://
www.education.gouv.qc.ca/fileadmin/site_web/documents/education/
backgrounds. Removing Muslim female teach- adaptation-scolaire-services-comp/PolitiqueMatiereIntegrationScolEducInter-
culturelle_UneEcoleAvenir_f.pdf. Accessed 29 March 2021.
ers from the teaching staff not only screams Magder, J. and Authier, P. “Bill 21 forced teachers to withdraw job applications,
EMSB says.” Montreal Gazette, 27 September 2019, https://montrealgazette.
of inequity, but deprives the whole school com/news/local-news/english-montreal-school-board-to-challenge-legality-of-
bill-21. Accessed 29 March 2021.
population of the opportunity to be exposed National Assembly of Quebec (2019). Bill 21: An Act respecting the laicity of
to religious diversity and learn to respect the State. http://www2.publicationsduquebec.gouv.qc.ca/dynamicSearch/
telecharge.php?type=5&file=2019C12A.PDF. Accessed 29 March 2021.
differences. Banning religious symbols for Potvin, M., Nenciovici, L., Lefrançois, D., Tremblay, S., Steinbach, M., Low, B.,
Demers, S., Doré, E. and Nsabimana, L. (2020). Findings from the Survey on the
professionals sends a message that symbols effects of Bill 21 on Faculties and Departments of Education in Quebec univer-
sities, their students and personnel— Executive Summary. Observatoire sur la
such as hijabs or turbans are less professional, formation à la diversité et l’équité. http://ofde.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/
Bill-21-survey-Executive-summary-13-12-2020.pdf. Accessed 06 April 2021.
less cosmopolitan, and ultimately inacceptable.
How can we expect to foster understanding
Notes
and respect for differences by giving the 1 Thank you to Lucian Nenciovici for his quantitative analyses of the data and
impression that some differences are negative, work drafting the report.
2 Law 21 is the latest response to the media-fuelled debate in Quebec on the
inferior, undesirable? This is not a constructive topic of reasonable accommodation for ethno-cultural and religious minority
groups; previous versions of this response include the 2007 Bouchard-Taylor
way to promote the vivre ensemble of Quebec’s Commission (Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related
to Cultural Differences), as well as Bill 60, or the Quebec Charter of Values,
intercultural policies. proposed by the Parti Québécois in 2013 (which did not pass), and the Liberal
government’s Bill 62, An Act to Foster Adherence to State Religious Neutrality
Proponents of this law argue that religious (which did).
beliefs are not forbidden, but are simply not 3 972 questionnaires were completed and considered in our study. 94% of
these were completed in French, although the questionnaire was sent to all
to be visible in the public workplace, because French and English universities in Quebec. Most of the surveys were completed
by undergraduate students (28%) and cooperating teachers (26 %). Many
they are divisive. As in French republicanism, all graduate students (16 %), professors (15 %), and sessional lecturers (13 %)
completed the survey, along with a few administrators. 78% of the respondents
humans are equal before the law. However, in identify French as a first language, 75% are female, and 72% are non-immi-
grants. 12 % belong to a visible or religious minority.
order to achieve social cohesion, does every-
one have to dress the same? What does this
say about accepting other differences (gender,
racial, ethnic, or ability)? The implication thatLaw 21: secularism
or intolerance?
A student’s perspective
Jana Naguib
A
lthough Law 21 supposedly that might welcome us with our headscarves, or
only affects public workers even consider moving to a different province.
in “coercive authority”(as I am only in my first year at McGill and
17
identified in Schedule 2 in have not yet engaged in in-person learning,
the text of the legislation), which has limited the impact of Law 21 on my
the reality is that it impacts experience in the teacher education program.
others as well. As a kinder- But according to the survey described by the
garten and elementary education student who OFDE team, many students have experienced
wears the hijab, I have been directly affected. unpleasant encounters in their field experi-
I had just turned 18 in 2018 when François ences, and I can understand why this would
Legault was elected Quebec’s premier, and had have become more evident since the law was
not really given voting much thought. But in passed. So many women who wear the hijab
the summer of 2019, when Law 21 was passed have all experienced several instances of
and as thoughts were rushing through my mind micro-aggressions but, unfortunately, we learn
about what I was going to do next, I promised to tolerate them because that is just how life is
myself never to skip voting again. for us.
The first thing I decided was that it was too I started wearing the hijab when I was 15
late for me to change my program of study; years old, and I wore it by choice. Mere days
the second thing was that I should not have into making this decision, one of the security
to reconsider my future and my educational guards at my high school walked up and, very
path because of how I dress or how I choose casually, said to me “But why would you do
to observe my religious beliefs. I decided to that to yourself? Why would you trap yourself
apply to the teacher education program anyway like that?”. I remember looking at my friend
in hopes that by the time I graduated, change and feeling like there was nothing I could do
would occur. or say to make this situation less awkward or
However, as soon as I started university, I offensive, so I stared at the woman in disbelief
immediately began thinking about a plan B until she walked away without adding another
career as I did not see any changes in policies. word. The interesting thing about this situation
While our government should be making us feel is that this same woman, who used to work
at home and safe in our province, I and many at my elementary school a few years before,
more students are forced to think of careers had made a comment that, as a child, I found18
quite striking. After she separated two boys historical symbol, not a religious one, even
who were fighting and who happened to be of though it represents the Christian values of the
Middle Eastern origins she said jokingly “Ah all province’s two colonial ancestors”. I do not see
Arabs are like that, every time they’re upset, any problem with religious symbols but let us
they throw a punch here and there”. reflect on the word “symbol”: something that
When people such as this woman, who are summarizes or represents something else. In
victims of their own ignorance, are told that our my faith, my religion is something very personal
government does not want women wearing the and what I do to observe my religion belongs to
hijab to work in schools or other public offices me.
because they pose a threat to Quebec’s values, I feel sad and I feel angry about Law 21 but,
what message is the government sending? The perhaps to the surprise of those people who are
last thing we need is for a government to come convinced that hijabi women are oppressed, I
and indirectly tell people that all the xenophobia do not feel helpless. I wear the hijab because
they have been feeling towards the “aliens” it is one of many things I do as a practicing
wearing hijabs is legitimate. Muslim. We are 1.8 billion Muslims on this
I believe discrimination and racism are differ- planet: representation is the least of our worries
ent, and I believe that Law 21 has allowed racist and our religion is much bigger than one single
individuals to openly practice discrimination aspect of it can represent.
disguised as secularism. It is for this reason that Jana Naguib is a student in the kindergarten and elementary
governments must evaluate the consequences education program at McGill University. She shares her story in
the hopes that readers will better understand the impact of Law
their decisions will have on the population. 21 on her future, and that of other hijab-wearing students in her
Francois Legault stated that “The crucifix program.
hanging in Quebec’s National Assembly is aThe ‘best fit’
Educational administration
and the racialization
of hiring practices
Dr. Zuhra Abawi and Dr. Stephanie Tuters
T
he last two years were arguably demographic diversity. In fact, the term ‘teacher
some of the most tumultuous diversity gap’ was coined by Turner (2014/2015)
in the history of education in to describe the relationship between the
19
Ontario. Pandemic-related predominantly White teacher workforce and
challenges were paralleled by overwhelmingly racialized student demograph-
a global awakening to racial ics across the province.
injustice, spurred by events in This racial disparity in hiring is not unique to
the U.S. including the murder of George Floyd education; the entire Canadian labour market
on May 31, 2020. The protests that followed was described as “color coded” by researchers
stemmed from hundreds of years of racial Block and Galabuzi (2011) in analyzing the
injustice experienced by Black, Indigenous and magnitude of racial bias in hiring that exists in
racialized people all over the world. Canada is Canada. The overrepresentation of Black, Indig-
not exempt, only admitting in 2015 to having enous and racialized people in precarious labour,
committed cultural genocide against Indigenous significant wage gaps between racialized and
peoples. White Ontarians and, more specific to education,
While many wonder “when things will return a lack of targeted mentorship opportunities
to normal,” there are continual calls from Black, to navigate the hierarchies of school boards
Indigenous and racialized people to not return (Abawi, 2021; Jack & Lobovsky, 2016, United
to the way things were before—but to change Way, 2019) are significant barriers to permanent
our practices and ways of thinking so we can employment in the teaching profession for
work towards a more racially just world. Black, Indigenous and racialized people.
In many ways, principals and educators will This raises another related issue. Ontario’s
lead the charge, modelling what should be teacher diversity is negatively disproportionate
done, and so an important first step in creating to its population, with similar trends existing
more racially just schools is by ensuring hiring for administrators in terms of diversity and
practices are equitable and inclusive. representation. More than 90% of principals
Ontario prides itself on being one of the and vice-principals are White while 29% of
world’s most diverse regions, and for a public Ontarians identify as non-White (Statistics
education system that is known for equity and Canada, 2016), with a significantly higher
excellence. However, the provincial teacher proportion of racialized Ontarians in the Greater
workforce has not kept pace with the province’s Toronto Area (GTA).Unfortunately, data collection on the demo- Administration and
graphics of educators and educational leaders the reproduction of whiteness
in Ontario is scarce. For example, the Ontario The underrepresentation of Black, Indigenous
College of Teachers (OCT) only reports data on and racialized teachers in the education system,
age, gender, and spoken languages of certified especially permanent teachers, cannot be
teachers in Ontario (OCT, 2019). Similarly, understood without drawing explicit attention to
the Ontario Ministry of Education reports the how predominantly White school administrators
gender of principals and teachers, and they only make hiring decisions for their schools. Re-
report gender categories of “male” and “female” search indicates that individuals are significantly
(Ontario Ministry of Education, 2017). The lack more likely to hire someone that looks like them
of data collection and reporting undermines (Rivera, 2012). The current hiring legislation
attempts to make changes. allows administrators to effectively take a
“colour-blind” (Bonilla-Silva, 2006) approach to
Teacher diversity and hiring practices their hiring practices and fails to acknowledge
While calls to diversify the teacher workforce or address larger structural factors that push
have impacted policy initiatives, the teacher Black, Indigenous and racialized teachers and
diversity gap cannot be addressed without applicants out of publicly-funded education.
looking to school administrators—namely, The Ontario Leadership Framework (OLF) out-
principals and vice principals—who hold lines how the role of school leaders is to ensure
considerable authority in making hiring deci- schools are equitable and diverse. However, the
sions for their schools. little demographic data available demonstrates
The previous teacher hiring policy was de- this is not how many administrators are operat-
signed to help ensure this bias was less present ing when it comes to their hiring practices. Now
in the education job market. Regulation 274/12 more than ever, school administrators, especially
was introduced by the previous provincial White administrators, must be charged with
government to help curb widespread nepotism critical self-reflective practice to unpack their
prevalent in teacher hiring practices. While far identities, positionality, and social location, and
from flawless, it outlined a clear path to secur- how these racialized power relations inform
20
ing permanent employment and ensured that conscious as well as subconscious biases that
qualified candidates with the top five seniority impact hiring decisions.
positions, regardless of their background and As Abawi’s recent study suggests, Black, In-
who they knew, would receive an interview for digenous and racialized teachers have markedly
the position they applied to. different experiences in accessing permanent
The Draft Interim Policy Program Memoran- teaching positions than their White colleagues.
dum (PPM), introduced in 2020 by the current Some of the many differences the study noted
government to replace Regulation 274, high- are: microaggressions, such as having to show
lights teacher diversity and merit as central to proof of their Ontario College of Teachers
teacher hiring practices: “Encouraging diversity (OCT) membership, the questioning of Eng-
of the teaching workforce in the school board is lish-language proficiency, and even assuming
vital because the workforce should be reflective that Black, Indigenous and racialized teachers
and representative of the community” (p. 4). signing in for supply work were members of
However, these concepts are highly subjective the janitorial staff (Abawi & Eizadirad, 2020).
and fail to acknowledge systemic, structural This correlates with Turner’s (2015) findings
and institutional whiteness and white privilege outlining the experiences of Black educators in
which led to the implementation of the Regu- Ontario, where 68% of respondents believe that
lation in the first place. So-called merit-based hiring is based on personal connections rather
hiring lacks sound evidence as to how it will than community connections, education, and
increase diversity in the classroom and, without qualifications.
substantial transformational, anti-racism policy The patterns and themes of both studies
in place, risks widening already steep teacher were again solidified by the Review of the Peel
and administrative diversity gaps (Abawi, 2021) District School Board that cited endemic levels
by providing administrators with increased of nepotism, inconsistent hiring practices,
discretionary powers to make hiring choices mismanagement of candidate files and reports
with limited accountability and oversight. of Black, Indigenous and racialized candidates
being passed over for interviews, positions and
promotions time and again despite being more
than qualified for the respective positions.Tuters’ study (2015) demonstrated that while and Principal governing bodies such as
teachers would be celebrated for addressing the Ontario College of Teachers and the
surface level inequities, when they attempted Ontario Principals’ Council.
to address structural inequities in their schools • Mandatory release of application files
they were often ostracized by their administra- and posting information to both human
tors, peers, and the school community. Similarly, resources and board equity officers.
the Review of the York Region District School
• Mandatory professional development for
Board conveyed that teachers engaging in equi-
administrators, such as the upcoming
ty and anti-racism work were often isolated and
anti-Black racism AQ (Additional
sidelined from consideration for administrative
Qualifications)
positions—presumably a considerable obstacle
to being promoted to principal or vice principal. • Reframing of equity, diversity and inclusion
policies based on consultations with
Moving forward: parents and community members.
the responsibility of leadership • Changes to the PQP (Principals’ Qualifi-
Although the OLF identifies social justice and cation Program) that embed anti-racism
equity as desired leadership qualities, work education in hiring practices, such as
must be done at the ground level to ensure inclusion of data on the racism embedded
these values are understood and modelled by all in the Canadian labour market, application
school leaders. While teachers are often charged reviews, and mock interviews to unpack
with unpacking how their identities impact their conscious and unconscious biases.
pedagogical approaches, the same opportunities
Dr. Zuhra Abawi is an Assistant Professor of Education at Niagara
and support must be provided for principals and University Ontario.
vice-principals when it comes to hiring.
Dr. Stephanie H. Tuters is an Assistant Professor of Educational
In order for administrators to engage in more Leadership and her work investigates how educational leadership,
equitable hiring practices, we recommend: policy, and practices can become more equitable and inclusive.
ongoing antiracism professional development, Authors’ note: The original draft of this article used the term
and the expansion of targeted mentorship BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, People of Colour) but we have changed
the text to reflect growing discomfort with the lack of precision
programs for Black, Indigenous and racialized
21
in this terminology. As researchers we can find ourselves limited
educators and aspiring leaders. Current to available data that is insufficiently disaggregated, which
underscores the need for institutions — from Statistics Canada to
mentorship programs, such as the New Teacher school boards — to collect and provide data in as disaggregated a
Induction Program (NTIP), a requirement format as possible.
for permanent teaching employment in
publicly-funded boards, requires mandatory References
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mentorship for new hires who must successfully Hiring: Critical Insights to Enhance Diversity in the Canadian Teacher Workforce.
Routledge Research in Educational Equality and Diversity. ISBN 9780367698683
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(TPA). School administrators select the mentors Teacher Induction Program: Ontario Teacher Educators’ Perspectives. Canadian
Society for the Study of Education, 32(4), 69–80.
for the NTIP, who are overwhelmingly White Block, S., & Galabuzi, G. (2011). Canada’s Colour Coded Labour Market: The
Gap for Racialized workers. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. Retrieved
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Colour_Coded_Labour_MarketFINAL.pdf
over whether a mentee will pass the program. Jack, D., & Lobovsky, R. (2016). Mentoring aspiring racialized leaders: A review
Providing targeted NTIP mentorship programs of a pilot program in the Peel District School Board. International Journal of
Mentoring and Coaching in Education, 5(3), 17–186.
will allow for racialized mentees to be partnered Ontario College of Teachers. (2019). Membership Demographics. Retrieved
from: Sun https://reports2019.oct.ca/en/Statistics/Membership-Demographics
with racialized mentors to build community Ontario Ministry of Education. (2017). Quick Facts: Ontario Schools,
and create networks of support for racialized 2016–17. Retrieved from: http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/general/elemsec/
quickfacts/2016_2017.htmlThis
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miriya, D. (2012). Social Justice: The Missing Link in School Administrator’s
We propose the following suggestions to Perspectives on Teacher Induction, Canadian Journal of Educational
Administration and Policy, 129, 1–22.
reduce racial disparities in teacher hiring: Rivera, L. (2012). Hiring as Cultural Matching: The Case of Elite Professional
Service Firms. American Sociological Review, 77(6), 999–1022.
• Census data collected on board staff Statistics Canada. (2016). Immigration and ethnocultural diversity: key results
from the 2016 census. Retrieved from https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/
to include more details that correlate daily-quotidien/171025/dq171025b-eng.htm
ethno-racial identity with position. For Turner, T. (2015). Voices of Ontario Black Educators: An ExperientialReport,
Ontario Alliance of Black School Educators. (ONABSE). Turner Consulting
example, rather than the category of Group. Retrieved from: http://onabse.org/ONABSE_VOICES_OF_BLACK_EDU-
CATORS_Final_Repot.pdf
‘teacher’, the data should indicate if the Turner, T. (2014). Bias Free Hiring: Interview questions not to ask.
Charity Village. Retrieved from: https://charityvillage.com/Content.
teacher is an Occasional Teacher (OT), aspx?topic=Bias_Free_Hiring_Interview_questions_not_to_ask&last=42
Long-term Occasional (LTO) or permanent. Tuters, S. D. (2016). Teachers Responding to In/Equities: Motivations,
Understandings and Actions. Retrieved from Proquest February 14, 2021.
ProQuest 10140880 (Doctoral dissertation).
• Collection and release of demographic United Way. (2019). Rebalancing the Opportunity Equation. Retrieved from:
data disaggregated by race, by teacher https://www.unitedwaygt.org/file/2019_OE_fullreport_FINAL.pdfYou can also read
