Predication in Movima (Ameridian isolate) - Huma-Num
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citation : Haude, Katharina. 2018. Predication in Movima (Ameridian isolate). In Mettouchi, Frajzyngier & Chanard (eds),
Corpus-based cross-linguistic studies on Predication (CorTypo). http://cortypo.huma-num.fr/Publication Accessed on
DD/MM/YYYY.
Predication in Movima (Ameridian isolate)
Haude, Katharina
SeDyL, CNRS
Introduction
This paper is part of the outcome of the project “Designing spoken corpora for cross-linguistic research” (CorTypo,
ANR-12-BSH2-0011).
The sections below give an overview of different types of "predications" found in Movima, i.e., constructions in which there is a
particular and unique relationship between the predicate and its arguments. 21 predications are listed here, but this does not
mean that the list is complete. In particular, depending on the morphological form of the predicate, the number of intransitive
predications is much larger.
Language information
1 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36MOVIMA
Name and ISO code : Movima (MZP).
Speakers : about 500, most over 60 years old. All speakers are bilingual with Spanish. There are no first-language learners of
Movima anymore.
Region : Bolivia, Beni Department, Santa Ana del Yacuma and a small diaspora in other settlements of the Beni department.
Classification : isolate.
Status : Movima is seriously endangered, despite strong revitalization efforts. There has been a gap in the acquisition of the
language of at least one generation (see above).
Main typological features : Head initial; no case or agreement marking; arguments pronouns/NPs are distinguished by their
position either “internal” or “external” to the predicate phrase; transitive clauses exhibit a direct-inverse alternation, with the
“internal” argument usually higher in a referential hierarchy (person, animacy, topicality); limited noun-verb distinction on the
syntactic level (only possessed nouns can NOT function as main-clause predicates); no copula; reference is established through
dedicated “referential elements” (articles, pronouns, demonstratives), which indicate humanness (male/female), plurality,
spatial and temporal categories; morphology is agglutinating, mainly suffixing, but also with reduplicative and infixing
morphemes; compounding and incorporation is frequent.
2 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36Functions in the domain of Predication for the language Movima (Ameridian isolate)
agentive
The agentive suffix -eɬ attaches to bivalent verbal bases. It marks the verb as syntactically intransitive, the
Definition
single argument being the actor of a (usually) two-participant event. See Haude 2006: 330.
Construction The suffix -eɬ is attached to an inherently bivalent verb base.
Constraints The suffix only occurs on inherently bivalent verb bases (Haude 2006: 321f., 339f.)
Contrasts Contrasts with all other voice markers, e.g. direct, inverse, and reflexive/reciprocal.
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
ban loy in̍ mase:łe naj joyajwa, jankwa (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_068)
ban loy in̍ mase:łe naj joyajwa
ban loy it mas -ełe n- as jo'yaj -wa =0
but ITN PRO.CL.1INTR beat_up -AGT OBL- ART.NT arrive -NMLZ.DYN =PRO.1SG
PTCL ROOT.V(bv) V(mv)
jankwa
jankwa =0
say =PRO.1SG
but I'll beat them up when I get there, I said
che noj lapełwa'as jampa'us ney, łan̍ (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_142)
che noj lapełwa'as
che n- os lap -ełe -wa =as
CONJ OBL- ART.NT.PST bite -AGT -NMLZ.DYN =PRO.3NT.ABSN
PTCL ROOT.V(bv)
jampa'us ney łan̍
jampa =us ney łat
do_like =PRO.3M.ABSN here EVD
N OBL-DEM PTCL
and when when it bit him, he did like this, look
bo jayna chido:don noj ewełna'oj mimi:di (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_145)
bo jayna chidodon noj
bo jayna chi - don #0 n- os
CSL DSC exit - blood #PRO OBL- ART.NT.PST
PTCL PTCL ROOT.V(mv)
ewełna'oj mimi:di
ew -ełe -wa =os mimi:di
hold -AGT -NMLZ.DYN =ART.NT.PST snake
ROOT.V(bv) N
because it was already bleeding where the snake had gripped him
antipassive
The direct-marked predicate is preceded by a particle kwey/kaw. P is optionally expressed as an oblique. A is
expressed by a preceding free pronoun or a relativized RP.
Definition
The same construction is grammatically possible as a "passive", i.e. with an inverse verb, but this is not
attested in the corpus. See Haude (2006: 287f.)
The particle kwey/kaw precedes a direct-marked verb. The verb does not take a bound pronoun. The former
Construction
OBV argument is expressed as an oblique.
This construction only occurs in relative clauses (i.e. headed relatives, pronominal construction, RPs with
Constraints
verbs) in order to allow the relativization of a high-ranking A (where the inverse is not always an option).
Only occurs in contexts where the predicate is preceded by RP di´ (headed relative clause), an article, or a
Contrasts free pronoun. Contrasts with other predications because of kaw/kwey before the verb; contrasts with kwey
´hodiernal past´ because of synonymous kaw.
3 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
jayna usko kwey jaya:moł noj aviyone:ta (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_200)
jayna usko kwey jaya:moł noj aviyone:ta
jayna usko kaw jaya:moł n- os aviyone:ta
DSC PRO.IDP.3M.ABSN ANTIP call OBL- ART.NT.PST plane
V(bv):DR N
theh he was the one who called the avioneta
jayna naj ospital dotor isko kwey lawajesna jayna (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_204)
jayna naj ospital dotor isko kwey lawajesna jayna
jayna n- as ospi:tal dotor isko kaw lawajes -na jayna
DSC OBL- ART.NT hospital doctor PRO.IDP.3PL.ABSN ANTIP heal -DR DSC
PTCL N N V(bv) PTCL
then at the hospital, the doctors, they were the ones who healed him
argument incorporation
A nominal element ("IN" = "incorporated noun"; often a truncated element or classifier) representing P is
incorporated in the direct-marked verb. The verb is syntactically intransitive (i.e. A is expressed as S); P can
be expressed additionally by an oblique RP or free pronoun. There is always a corresponding syntactically
Definition
transitive construction. Argument incorporation creates a lexical item that describes an action directed
towards a particular type of undergoer. (There is no sign that the construction has a syntactic function, e.g. to
"promote" A to the external argument position like the antipassive.) See Haude 2006: 367ff.
A nominal element ("IN" = "incorporated noun"; often a truncated element or classifier) representing P is
Construction incorporated in the direct-marked verb. The verb is syntactically intransitive (i.e. A is expressed as S); P can
be expressed additionally by an oblique RP or free pronoun.
Constraints Argument incorporation only occurs with direct-marked verbal bases.
Contrasts with "modifying incorporation" (or "possessor raising"), where the verb is transitive and is not
Contrasts restricted to direct marking; contrasts with "antipassive" because this affects (also) morphology and does not
seem to have a syntactic (pivot-maintaining) purpose.
basic intransitive main clause
The predicate is a monovalent verb, adjective, or unpossessed noun;
Definition
Argument is a bound pronoun, externally encliticized ( -- ); an RP; or Ø.
A basic intransitive clause can appear as V/N/ADJ alone or with subsequent arguments. It is not preceded by
Construction
the relativizer di´, a free pronoun, or an article.
A possessed noun can usually not be the predicate of this construction. (The pronominal construction is
Constraints
preferred in this case.)
A basic intransitive clause differs from a non-basic clause in that the content word is not preceded by ge REL,
Contrasts ge PRO.IDP, ge ART. It differs from a basic transitive clause in that the predicate cannot take an internal
enclitic (=) (apart from exceptions such as intransitive verbs with the suffix -kaL).
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
buka' jiwa:wa naj ro:ya, salmo uj tami:ba (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_087)
buka' jiwa:wa naj ro:ya salmo uj tami:ba
buka' jiwa #0 n- as roya salmo us tami:ba
DUR.MVG come #PRO OBL- ART.NT house return ART.M baby
V(mv) N V(mv) N
they came to the house, the baby returned
welcho, lolkarso:ne (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_088)
welcho lolkarso:ne
welcho #0 lol- karso:ne #0
creep #PRO without- pants #PRO
V(mv) NEG:POSS N
he was on hands and feet, without pants
4 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36bo kawra ij mimi:di naj cham̍mo (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_156)
bo kawra ij mimi:di naj cham̍mo
bo kawra is mimi:di n- as chapmo
CSL much ART.PL snake OBL- ART.NT bush,forest
CONJ ADJ N N
because there are many snakes in the bush
benefactive
The verb contains the suffix -kwa ´BEN´. This means that the non-A argument is the beneficiary of the event.
The suffix can apply to monovalent and bivalent bases. The derived verb is semantically bivalent, but not
Definition
necessarily syntactically transitive (this is only achieved by adding the DR or INV marker). See Haude 2006:
397.
The verb contains the suffix -kwa ´BEN´. (NB, there are several homophonous morphemes -kwa, so the gloss
Construction
is essential.)
The benefactive suffix -kwa is homophonous with the "absolute state" suffix (ABSL), with the bound root
Contrasts
'mouth', and with the "bodily process" suffix.
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
joya:kwa uj pa:'i/ ()
joya:kwa uj pa:'i /
joy -a -kwa =0 us pa:'i /
go DR BEN 1SG ART.M priest /
vr(mv) vsufx vsufx pro.cl art n /
I went for the priest
causative
The causative suffix -poj derives verbs denoting events that involve a causer and an agent/causee. The
Definition resulting verbs are semantically bivalent, but syntactically intransitive (i.e., can take only one core argument,
which represents P) unless combined with the direct or inverse marker. See Haude (2006: 392ff., 2010ff.).
Construction The verb contains the suffix -poj.
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
tino'pojna oj rey yonali (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_234)
tino'pojna oj rey yonali
tinok -poj -na =0 os rey yonali
fear CAUS DR 1SG ART.N.PST MOD caiman
n vsufx vsufx pro.cl art ptcl n
I scared the caiman
che asapoja'is uj a:na'is (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_017)
che asapoja'is uj a:na'is
che as -a -poj -a =is us a:na =is
CONJ sit -DR -CAUS -EP =PRO.3PL.ABSN ART.M y_sibling =PRO.3PL.ABSN
PTCL ROOT.V(mv)
and they made their little brother sit down
kaya:poj nij maropa (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_255)
kaya:poj nij maropa
kay -a -poj =0 #0 n- is maropa
eat -DR -CAUS =PRO.1SG #PRO OBL- ART.PL papaya
ROOT.V(mv) N
I fed him papaya
co-participant applicative
5 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36The suffix -łe indicates that an additional participant is involved in the event denoted by the verb root. The
Definition verb is semantically bivalent and can be marked as syntactically transitive (so that it can take two arguments)
through attachment of the direct or inverse marker. (Haude 2006: 402ff.)
Construction The suffix -łe is suffixed to the verb root/base.
Contrasts Difficult to distinguish from verbs derived with the suffix -eł ´APPL´.
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
joykała'is ij mora'\, joyałe'is ij pajwe:la (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_019)
joykała'is ij mora'
joy -kał -a =is is mora'
go -INCH -EP =PRO.3PL.ABSN ART.PL carajo
N
joyałe'is ij pajwe:la
joy -a -łe =is is pajwe:la
go -EP -COPART =PRO.3PL.ABSN ART.PL match
ROOT.V(mv) N
they left at once, the idiots, they took matches
ban ascheł, volyełena'us is a:kaya'us (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_097)
ban ascheł volyełena'us is
ban as -cheł #0 volye -łe -na =us is
but sit -REFL/RECP #PRO look.back -COPART -DR =PRO.3M.ABSN ART.PL
CONJ ROOT.V(mv) V(mv)
a:kaya'us
a:kay -a =us
older.sibling -EP =PRO.3M.ABSN
N
but he sat down, he turned around to his elder siblings
jiwałe:na us ney naj lo:los (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_203)
jiwałe:na us ney naj lo:los
jiwa -łe -na =0 #us ney n- as lolos
come -COPART -DR =PRO.1SG get.away OBL-DEM OBL- ART.NT village
ROOT.V(mv) N
I brought him here to the village
existential
The predicate is a demonstrative (´absential´ or ´past´); the argument is expressed by an RP. (Haude 2006:
Definition
295)
Construction A demonstrative pronoun precedes an RP (i.e. an article + content word).
Contrasts DEM + V: here, the demonstrative includes aspectual information
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
nokwa koro' koj popoykwa di' jina' yo'kay / (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_036)
nokwa koro' koj popoykwa di' ji:na'
nokowa koro' kos po- poy -kwa di' ji:na'
right_now DEM.N.AB ART.N.AB RED- BR.animal ABSL REL as_surprise
ptcl dem art red nr sufx ptcl ptcl
yokkay /
yok -kay =0 /
catch INV 1SG /
vr vsufx pro.cl /
there would be an animal that might catch me
6 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36iso' ij eney alra (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_064)
iso' ij eney alra
iso' is eney alra =0
DEM.PL.PST ART.PL (filler) friend 1SG
dem art intj n pro.cl
there were my friends
chot sal-, salmo:wa, oso' os itwa (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_079)
chot sal-, salmo:wa / oso' os itwa
chot sal salmo -wa =0 / oso' os itwa
always HESIT return NMLZ.DYN 1SG / DEM.N.PST ART.N.PST big_river
ptcl HESIT vi vsufx pro.cl / dem art n
when I returned, there was a river
identificational
The first syntactic element is a free pronoun, followed by a lexical predicate (noun/adjective or verb).
Syntactically, the construction is a cleft: the pronoun is the predicate ("He/she/it/they is/are"), since it is
nominalized in embedding, and the lexical predicate is a headless relative clause, since it shows the same
syntactic properties as other relative constructions (restriction to obviative argument, gapping, antipassive,
Definition
special negation pattern). The pronominal construction is used to assert something about a nontopical
referent, which was introduced immediately before and is taken up by the free pronoun. The free personal
pronoun represents S, P of direct, and A of inverse. The argument is sometimes taken up again by a
coreferential bound pronoun. (Haude 2018)
The construction consists of an initial free pronoun followed by a noun/adjective or a verb (plus eventually
Construction
particles, adverbial clauses etc.)
The fact that the pronoun is the predicate becomes apparent in the dependent construction, where the free
pronoun is nominalized instead of the lexical predicate. The lexical predicate, whether noun or verb, shares
Constraints
the properties of a relative clause or of the lexical element inside an RP (antipassivization, negation with
*loy*).
Contrasts with basic main clauses through:
- initial free pronoun
Contrasts - nominalization of free pronoun in embedding, while lexical predicate remains unmodified
- antipassive required when referent of pronoun is A outranking O in referential hierarchy
- negation of lexical predicate with *loy* and "partial nominalization".
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
asko joynay'łi jayna (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_202)
asko joynay'łi jayna
asko joy -na =y'łi jayna
PRO.IDP.3NT.ABSN go -NMLZ.LOC =PRO.1PL DSC
ROOT.V(mv) PTCL
there we went then
asko tijkarimwanasay'łi, jo:jo' (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_299)
asko tijkarimwanasay'łi jo:jo'
asko tijkarim -wanas -a =y'łi jo:jo'
PRO.IDP.3NT.ABSN work INS.ABSN LV =PRO.1PL yes
V(mv) PTCL
that was our work, yes,
locative
The predicate is a demonstrative adverb: ney ´here´, nosdé/nokodé ´there´. The argument is optionally
expressed by en enclitic pronoun, which is always marked as ´obviative´ with the prefix k-. The dependent
Definition
structure identifies the adverbial as a predicate: here, it is "nominalized" with the suffix -niwa ´VBZ.NMZ´ (like
a demonstrative predicate).
The construction contains an oblique-marked demonstrative (OBL-DEM) as predicate, i.e. in clause-initial
Construction
position.
7 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36Oblique-marked demonstratives also occur as adverbs, in which case they occur in addition to a verbal or
Contrasts
nominal predicate, and usually not in initial position.
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
kuro' joyałe kuj David kilwa nosdé (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_046)
kuro' joyałe kuj David kilwa nosdé
kuro' joy -a -łe =kus David kilwa nosdé
DEM.M.ABSN go -DR -COPART ART.M.ABSN David DEM.PL.ELEV.DIST over.there
ROOT.V(mv) N OBL-DEM
David took him, they are over there
chon̍ naj joywa, joycheł nosdé naj asna'is, naj chon̍ joywa naj Santa Kurus
(MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_281)
chon̍ naj joywa joycheł
chot n- as joy -wa =0 joy -cheł #0
always OBL- ART.NT go -NMLZ.DYN =PRO.1SG go -REFL/RECP #PRO
PTCL ROOT.V(mv) ROOT.V(mv)
nosdé naj asna'is naj chon̍
nosdé n- as asna =is n- as chot
over.there OBL- ART.NT home =PRO.3PL.ABSN OBL- ART.NT always
OBL-DEM N(inal) PTCL
joywa naj Santa Kurus
joy -wa =0 n- as Santa Kurus
go -NMLZ.DYN =PRO.1SG OBL- ART.NT Santa Cruz
ROOT.V(mv) CN- -CN
every time I go, I go over there to their house, whenever I go to Santa Cruz
modifying incorporation
A noun, bound nominal element or "classifier" is incorporated into the verb, which can subsequently be
marked as monovalent or as bivalent (with direct or inverse marking); in the most relevant case, the
Definition
incorporated element denotes a part of whole, resulting in a possessor-ascension effect (the possessor
becomes the argument). See Haude 2006: Ch. 9.2.
The verb contains a bound nominal element or classifier. It may be transitive (if with a direct or inverse
Construction
marker) or intransitive.
Constraints There must be some; to be defined
Different from Argument incorporation because transitivity is not affected: verbs with a modifying
Contrasts incorporatum can be transitive (with direct/inverse marking) or intransitive, while verbs with an incorporated
argument contain a direct marker and are nevertheless intransitive.
negation of event
The predicate is a particle ka followed by a "determining" element =s and a "nominalized" verb, which is
marked with the suffix -wa and obligatorily possessed. The possessor represents S of an intransitive, A of a
Definition
direct transitive, and P of an inverse transitive clause. The second argument of a transitive clause is
expressed as in the affirmative clause (see Predication 2a and 2b). See Haude 2006: 316f.
The construction begins with the element kas, followed by a content word that is nominalized with the suffix
Construction
-wa and takes a possessor enclitic (pronoun or article).
Different from nominal, pronominal, existential, and possessive negation because of -wa=POSS on the
Contrasts
dependent predicate
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
kaj tinoka:wa // (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_039)
kaj tinoka:wa //
kas tinok -a -wa =0 //
NEG fear SNS NMLZ.DYN 1SG //
ptcl n vsufx vsufx pro.cl //
8 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36I wasn't scared
kaj tikoywa'ij yonali // (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_098)
kaj tikoywa'ij yonali //
kas tikoy -wa =is yonali //
NEG kill NMLZ.DYN ART.PL caiman //
ptcl vr vsufx art n //
the caimans weren't killed
kaj tijkachołna:way'bi // (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_098)
kaj tijkachołna:way'bi //
kas tijkachoł -na -wa =0 #y'bi //
NEG lie DR NMLZ.DYN 1SG 2PL.S/OBV //
ptcl v vsufx vsufx pro.cl pro.cl //
negation of non-specific existence
In addition to the negative copula and determiner ka=s, the infix ´irrealis´ is inserted after the first
iambic foot (CVCV, CVCVC, CVC) of the predicate. The construction negates S of the intransitive, P of the
Definition
direct transitive, and A of the inverse transitive clause: "there is no N" for nouns (if possessed: "Y has no N"),
"Nobody was V-ed" for direct verbs and "Nobody V-ed X" for inverse verbs. (See Haude 2006: 435-442)
The construction has as its initial element the negative predicate ka=s. The subsequent content word contains
Construction
the infix after the first iambic foot.
Constraints Bases consisting of less than a iambic foot take a reduplicative suffix.
In contrast to state or event negation, here it is not the existence of an event or state that is negated, but the
existence of an entity (denotee of a noun or participant of a verbal event). The contrast with specific negation
Contrasts
is that the negated entity itself is represented by the predicate and cannot be additionally expressed (and
specified) by an RP.
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
bo kaj jana'karimeła'i // (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_100)
bo kaj jana'karimeła'i //
bo kas jan -ak -ka -rimeł -a =i //
CSL NEG how -IRR -MLT -BE.price -EP 3PL //
conj ptcl ptcl inf inf sufx sufx pro //
because they didn't have a price
ban kaj toka'mi (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_041)
ban kaj toka'mi
ban kas to:mi
but NEG water
but there was no water
jiwa:wa buka', welcho, ban kaj kara'sone'us (MZP_KH_NARR_240807_EAO-vibora_101)
jiwa:wa buka' welcho ban kaj kara'sone'us
jiwa #0 buka' welcho #0 ban kas karso:ne
come DUR.MVG creep but NEG pants =PRO.3M.ABSN
V(mv) V(mv) CONJ N
he came, on hands and feet, but he had no pants on
negation of specific existence
Based on existential predication. The demonstrative ("there is") is preceded by the negative copula with
determiner and nominalized by suffixation of -niwa ´VBZ:NMZ´ (but not marked as possessed like other
Definition nominalizations; see Haude 2011). The argument is optionally expressed by an RP, which means that it can be
specific. Also when there is no RP, the demonstrative specifies the negated referent for +/- humanness, sex,
and number.
9 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36The initial negative particle kas is followed by a demonstrative with the suffix -niwa, possibly followed by an
Construction
RP.
The construction contrasts with the "negation of nonspecific existence" with the irrealis infix . The
Contrasts
functional difference is that in the present case, the negated referent can be specified by a full RP.
negation of state
This is the negation of a predicate nominal. The negative marker is kas, and the following lexical content word
Definition
is "nominalized" with infixing reduplication. (Haude 2006: 317).
The negative predicate ka=s is followed by a noun that contains a reduplication . There is no example in the
Construction
Cortypo sample.
Contrasts like negation of event, but reduplication instead of suffix -wa
possessed nonverbal predicate
Definition The predicate is a possessed noun; the clause can be translated as an intransitive clause
Construction The predicate is a possessed noun, the argument is the encliticized possessor
Constraints Only exists with a limited number of nouns (je´ ´state´, jampa ´done thing´, jankwa ´said thing´)
Contrasts with intransitive clause: the argument is the possessor
presentational
Definition directing the attention to a referent and identifying it
Construction Pronoun or demonstrative with its own intonation contour
In contrast to the "pronominal construction", the referential element (pronoun or demonstrative) has its own
Contrasts
intonation contour
reflexive/reciprocal
The reflexive/reciprocal suffix marks the verb as intransitive and indicates that the single argument
Definition
simultaneously represents actor and undergoer.
Construction The suffix -cheL is attached to a bivalent verb root.
Contrasts The suffix -cheL contrasts with the other voice markers, especially direct and inverse.
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
jo'yaj konne:cheł // (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_110)
jo'yaj konne:cheł /
jo'yaj kon -ne -cheł #0 /
arrive take_out CLF.person REFL/RECP /
vi vr(bv) clf vsufx /
I(?) arrived, undressed,
che in̍ joycheł (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_110)
che in̍ joycheł
che it joy -cheł
CONJ 1INTR go REFL/RECP
conj pro.cl vr(mv) vsufx
and I went
nas di' yeynawan as se:le, is de:cheł // (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_110)
nas di' yeynawan as se:le / is
n- as di' yey -na -wa =n as se:le / is
OBL ART.N HYP want DR NMLZ.DYN 2 ART.N hammock / 2.INTR
prfx art ptcl vr(bv) vsufx vsufx pro.cl art n / pro.cl
10 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36de:cheł //
de: -cheł //
lie REFL/RECP //
vr(mv) sufx //
if you want a hammock, you lie down
Resultative
The suffix -´i on a bivalent verb root indicates that the verb is intransitive and that its single argument
Definition represents the undergoer of an externally induced event. On morphologically complex bivalent bases, the
absence of any marker can also indicate the resultative (see Haude 2012). This is not marked in the corpus.
The construction contains an intransitive predicate with the suffix -´i 'RES'; the predicate can also be
Construction
morphologically unmarked for voice.
-´i is in complementary with the other voice morphemes, in particularly the direct, inverse, and
Contrasts reflexive/reciprocal markers. It is homophonous with the third-person presential enclitic -'i, but in a different
paradigmatic distribution (the two can cooccur).
transitive direct main clause
PRED is a verb with direct marking.
Definition The A argument pronoun or RP is "internally" encliticized to the predicate.
The P argument has the same properties as S of the intransitive clause (see above).
The predicate is marked as either direct or inverse and takes an internally cliticized pronoun or article (of an
Construction
RP) expressing the agent.
Distinct from intransitive clauses because of presence of “internally cliticized” ( = ) nominal constituent;
absence of overt RP/pronoun in this construction means ´1SG A´
Contrasts
Distinct from possessed noun because of the presence of DR/INV
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
dewajna oj yonali (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_153)
dewajna oj yonali
dewaj -na =0 os yonali
see DR 1SG ART.N.PST caiman
vr(bv) vsufx pro.cl art n
I saw a caiman
tino'pojna oj rey yonali (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_234)
tino'pojna oj rey yonali
tinok -poj -na =0 os rey yonali
fear CAUS DR 1SG ART.N.PST MOD caiman
n vsufx vsufx pro.cl art ptcl n
I scared the caiman
tino'pojna rey (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_236)
tino'pojna rey
tinok -poj -na =0 rey
fear CAUS DR 1SG MOD
n vsufx vsufx pro.cl ptcl
I scared it
transitive inverse main clause
The predicate is a verb that is (at least in main clauses) overtly marked as ´inverse´ (-kay);
Definition the P argument is encoded like A of the direct clause (i.e. by an "internal enclitic"), the A argument is encoded
like P of the direct clause or S of the intransitive clause (i.e. by an RP, an "external enclitic", or zero).
The predicate is marked by the suffix -kay (at least in main clauses; under certain morphological
Construction circumstances the inverse is marked by CVC-reduplication or is unmarked). The internally cliticized argument
represents the patient.
11 sur 12 09/01/2018 à 15:36Distinct from intransitive clauses because of presence of a predicate-internal nominal constituent (“internally
cliticized” = );
Contrasts
Distinct from possessed nominal construction (where possessor is
Exemples: cliquez sur la référence d'un exemple pour élargir son contexte dans le corpus
nokwa lapkay koj mimi:di // (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_034)
nokwa laMkay koj mimi:di //
nokowa lam̍ -kay =0 kos mimi:di //
right_now bite INV 1SG ART.N.AB snake //
ptcl v vsufx pro.cl art n //
would be bitten by a snake
nokwa koro' koj popoykwa di' jina' yo'kay / (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_036)
nokwa koro' koj popoykwa di' ji:na'
nokowa koro' kos po- poy -kwa di' ji:na'
right_now DEM.N.AB ART.N.AB RED- BR.animal ABSL REL as_surprise
ptcl dem art red nr sufx ptcl ptcl
yokkay /
yok -kay =0 /
catch INV 1SG /
vr vsufx pro.cl /
there would be an animal that might catch me
oj rey pa'wa bo oj jayna yo'yo'wa (MZP_KH_NARR_130907_JGD-Caiman_211)
oj rey paMwa bo oj jayna
os rey pap -wa =0 bo os jayna
ART.N.PST MOD appear NMLZ.DYN 1SG CSL ART.N.PST DSC
art ptcl vr(mv) vsufx pro.cl conj art ptcl
yokyokwa
yok~yok -wa =0
INV~catch NMLZ.DYN 1SG
vt vsufx pro.cl
for my appearing again in order to devour me
References
Haude, Katharina. 2006. A Grammar of Movima. Doctoral dissertation, Radboud University Nijmegen.
Haude, Katharina. 2012. Undergoer orientation in Movima, in: Authier, Gilles and Katharina Haude (eds.). Ergativity, Valency and
Voice, 259-288. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter [= Empirical Approaches to Language Typology, 48].
Haude, Katharina. 2011. Referring to states and events: subordination in Movima, in: van Gijn, Rik, Katharina Haude, and Pieter
Muysken (eds.). Subordination in South American Languages, 141-168. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins [=Typological
Studies in Language, 97].
Haude, Katharina. To appear a (2018). Haude, Katharina. To appear. Nonverbal predication in Movima. Nonverbal predication in
Amazonian languages. Overall, Simon, Rosa Vallejos, and Spike Gildea (eds.). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Haude, Katharina. To appear b (2018). Clefting for topicalization? Analyzing clause-initial pronouns in Movima. In Information
structure in lesser-described languages: Studies in prosody and syntax, Adamou, Evangelia, Katharina Haude, and Martine
Vanhove (eds.). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
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