State-Level Policy Stigma and Non-Prescribed Hormones Use among Trans Populations in the United States: A Mediational Analysis of Insurance and ...

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ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13
https://doi.org/10.1093/abm/kaab063

    REGULAR ARTICLE

State-Level Policy Stigma and Non-Prescribed Hormones Use
among Trans Populations in the United States: A Mediational
Analysis of Insurance and Anticipated Stigma

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Landon D. Hughes, BA,1,4, ∙ Kristi E. Gamarel, PhD, EdM1,4, ∙ Wesley M. King, EdM, MPH1,4 ∙ Tamar Goldenberg,
PhD, MPH2, ∙ James Jaccard, PhD3 ∙ Arline T. Geronimus, ScD1,4

Published online: 14 August 2021
Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society of Behavioral Medicine 2021. This work is written by (a) US Government
employee(s) and is in the public domain in the US.

Abstract
Background Medical gender affirmation (i.e., hormone                Results Among trans adults using hormones, we found
use) is one-way transgender (trans) people affirm their             that healthcare policy stigma was positively associ-
gender and has been associated with health benefits.                ated with NPHs use and operated through insurance
However, trans people face stigmatization when ac-                  coverage and anticipating stigma in healthcare settings.
cessing gender-affirming healthcare, which leads some to            The effect sizes on key predictor variables varied signifi-
use non-prescribed hormones (NPHs) that increase their              cantly between those who use supplemental NPHs and
risk for poor health.                                               those who only use NPHs suggesting the need to treat
Purpose We examined whether healthcare policy stigma,               NPHs use as distinct from those who use supplemental
as measured by state-level trans-specific policies, was as-         NPHs.
sociated with NPHs use and tested mediational paths                 Conclusions Our work highlights the importance of
that might explain these associations. Because stigma-              healthcare policy stigma in understanding health in-
tizing healthcare policies prevent trans people from                equities among trans people in the USA, specifically
participation in healthcare systems and allow for dis-              NPHs use.
crimination by healthcare providers, we hypothesized
that healthcare policy stigma would be associated with
                                                                    Keywords Transgender ∙ Hormone use ∙ Gender
NPHs use by operating through three main pathways:
                                                                    ­affirmation ∙ Structural stigma ∙ Policy ∙ Insurance
skipping care due to anticipated stigma in healthcare set-
tings, skipping care due to cost, and being uninsured.
Methods We conducted analyses using data from the                   Introduction
2015 U.S. Transgender Survey. The analytic sample in-
cluded trans adults using hormones (N = 11,994). We                 Gender affirmation is the social process by which one’s
fit a multinomial structural equation model to examine              gender identity, expression, or role is recognized and af-
associations.                                                       firmed [1]. Transgender (trans) individuals, including
                                                                    gender nonbinary people, experience gender affirmation
                                                                    in many ways. Gender affirmation is comprised of four
     Landon D. Hughes
     landonh@umich.edu                                              different but interconnected dimensions: social, psy-
                                                                    chological, legal, and medical [2]. Specifically, Reisner
1
     School of Public Health, University of Michigan, 1415          et al. [2] describe social affirmation as interpersonal rec-
     Washington Heights, Ann Arbor, MI 48109, USA                   ognition (e.g., using the correct name and pronouns),
2
     Carolina Population Center, University of North Carolina at    psychological affirmation as the internal felt sense of
     Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA                              self-actualization (e.g., validation of self), legal affirm-
3
     Silver School of Social Work, New York University, New         ation as the recognition by legal systems of one’s gender
     York, NY, USA                                                  (e.g., legal name and gender marker changes), and med-
4
     Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann     ical affirmation as the use of medical technologies to af-
     Arbor, MI, USA                                                 firm one’s gender (e.g., hormones, gender affirmation
2                                                                                        ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13

surgery, and puberty blockers). The majority of research     Stigma as a Social Determinant of Health
has focused on medical gender affirmation, specifically
hormone use [3, 4]. Hormone use, like other forms of         There has been an increasing recognition that stigma
gender affirmation, has been associated with a range of      is a fundamental cause of population health inequities
positive health outcomes, including reductions in sui-       among trans populations [10, 20, 21]. Hatzenbuehler
cidal ideation, binge-drinking, drug use, anxiety, and de-   et al. [22] define stigma as “the cooccurrence of labeling,
pression and an increase in quality of life among trans      stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination
people who use them for medical gender affirmation           in a context in which power is exercised.” In the USA,
[4–7].                                                       the dominant and pervasive ideology on gender is that

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   Hormone use needs and receipt vary within trans           men and women are biologically distinct and inherently
populations. For example, 20% of participants in a           possess certain psychological and behavioral traits de-
large national survey indicated they did not want hor-       rived from reproductive functions [23]. This ideology
mones, and among those who wanted hormones, only             conflates gender with sex, creating what we refer to as
half had ever accessed them [8]. Notably, many people        the gender/sex fallacy [23]. The gender/sex fallacy alien-
are unable to access hormones from a licensed med-           ates people whose gender identity or expression are dis-
ical professional and turn to non-prescribed hormones        cordant with the gender typically aligned with their sex
(NPHs). Not being able to access prescribed hormones         assigned at birth, or whose gender identity or expression
(PHs) can force people to go without or to access            does not align with the man-woman binary. Further, the
NPHs by purchasing them online, obtaining them from          gender/sex fallacy provides a rationale for stigmatization,
friends, or acquiring them via some other non-licensed       promoting the discrimination and stereotyping of trans
source [9–11]. Furthermore, merely having access to a        people [10].
doctor does not guarantee access to hormones, as doc-           The majority of research regarding stigma in trans
tors may refuse to prescribe hormones, insurance may         populations has focused on interpersonal or individual
refuse to cover hormone prescriptions, or people may         forms of stigma, such as victimization (e.g., physical or
be unable to afford hormones due to out-of-pocket            emotional abuse a trans person encounters), internal-
costs or lack of insurance [8]. Moreover, structural         ized stigma (e.g., internalizing negative societal messages
stigma may affect the availability of hormones by            about oneself as a trans person), or anticipating and
operating as an impediment to accessing PHs, which is        avoiding stigma (e.g., the presumption that one might be
discussed below [12].                                        victimized and avoids instances where victimization may
   Given the aforementioned barriers, trans people have      be a threat) [21, 24]. While interpersonal and individual
developed alternative ways to access the healthcare they     stigma is critical to understanding the health of trans
need, including hormones; however, some of these al-         people, these are not the only means by which stigma im-
ternatives may be risky [13]. Access to PHs is important     pacts health. White Hughto et al. [10] argue that we must
because NPHs significantly increase the risk of poor         consider how stigma operates across multiple levels,
health outcomes due to improper dosing and the lack          including structural forms of stigma, such as policies
of monitoring [14, 15]. While the long-term effects of       that limit the resources, opportunities, and wellbeing of
any hormone use are unclear, some studies have shown         trans people. For example, stigmatizing policies may act
an increased risk for adverse cardiometabolic indicators     as structural impediments that constrain trans peoples’
after beginning hormone therapy [16]; therefore, the cur-    access to hormones by mandating that Medicaid cannot
rent medical guidelines recommend that doctors closely       cover trans-related care, even if a doctor deems medical
monitor their patients’ cardiometabolic health while         interventions necessary [25]. Furthermore, religious ex-
taking hormones [17]. For example, some formulations         emption laws allow doctors to deny trans people any
of oral estrogen increase the risk of venous thrombo-        healthcare services so long as they claim this exemption
embolism and are therefore no longer prescribed by most      [26]. Religious exemption laws not only affect access to
clinicians; however, trans people who use non-prescribed     hormones but also to any healthcare service for trans
estrogen often take high dosages of these formulations,      people. Together, these policies result in healthcare policy
increasing their risk for venous thromboembolism [18].       stigma, which we conceptualize as stigma resulting from
Furthermore, some people may use high doses of NPHs          policies that govern healthcare systems and demean, de-
in conjunction with PHs because they believe this will       value, and restrict the healthcare of trans people.
achieve faster results, placing them at risk of adverse         Thus, healthcare policy stigma is a specific form of
health effects [15]. Researchers have also speculated that   structural stigma that may constrain the ability of trans
NPHs may increase the risk of HIV infection due to           people to access care that meets their gender affirmation
sharing needles or parenteral administration, although       needs by operating through two pathways: anticipated
no study has formally linked these two [19].                 stigma and cost. Healthcare policy stigma may allow
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–133

violence and discrimination in medical settings to go un-
checked, increasing individuals’ fear or anticipation of
encountering stigma in healthcare contexts and driving
healthcare avoidance [27]. Additionally, healthcare
policy stigma may increase the out-of-pocket cost for ac-
cessing hormones by allowing insurers to refuse to cover
hormone-related care. Lastly, healthcare policy stigma
may influence trans people’s insurance rates as some may
choose not to participate in a healthcare system that is

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not built to meet their needs [13]. Thus, healthcare policy
stigma may be a critical factor for understanding why
                                                              Fig. 1. Multinomial model predicting non-prescribed hormone
people use NPHs.
                                                              use. Note: Model controlled for gender identity, race/ethnicity,
                                                              age, education, Census region, unemployment, sex work, physical/
Purpose and Hypotheses                                        verbal abuse, engagement with other trans people, experiencing
                                                              homelessness, and family support. Medicaid expansion was in-
                                                              cluded as a control when predicting uninured.
The purpose of this paper is to examine whether
healthcare policy stigma is associated with using NPHs
and test possible mediational pathways in a sample of         and skipping care due to cost will increase the likelihood
trans people who use hormones. Previous research              of both supplemental NPHs use and only using NPHs
demonstrates associations between state-level policies        compared to those who only use PHs.
and health among transgender populations [20, 28,
29] including findings that demonstrate that state-level
policy stigma is associated with decreases in hormone use     Materials and Methods
for medical gender affirmation [12]. However, this study
builds on this work to demonstrate, for the first time, the
                                                              This study is a secondary data analysis of the 2015 U.S.
mechanisms through which state-level policy stigma may
                                                              Transgender Survey (USTS), conducted among a na-
work to influence NPHs use. Importantly, the literature
                                                              tional sample of trans people in the USA and spon-
on NPHs has predominantly treated NPHs use as a di-
                                                              sored by the National Center for Transgender Equality
chotomous outcome: any NPHs use versus no NPHs use
                                                              [8]. Data were collected in August and September of
[9, 30]. Simply treating NPHs use as a dichotomous out-
                                                              2015. The National Center for Transgender Equality
come may not capture people who supplement their PHs
                                                              worked with over 400 organizations across the USA to
with NPHs, suggesting a third group [15]. Given that risk
                                                              recruit nearly 28,000 respondents via social media and
factors for only using NPHs may be different from those
                                                              email. While these data were collected in 2015, they re-
who supplement their PHs with NPHs, this paper seeks
                                                              main the largest source of information on NPHs use in
to understand whether healthcare policy stigma is differ-
                                                              trans populations in the USA. Surveys were completed
entially associated with exclusive NPHs use or supple-
                                                              on web-enabled devices (e.g., computers, tablets, and
mental NPHs use.
                                                              smartphones) and were made accessible to respondents
   We posit that healthcare policy stigma operates
                                                              with disabilities using screen readers. Surveys were avail-
through two pathways to contribute to any form of
                                                              able in English and Spanish. For more information on
NPHs use: skipping care due to cost and anticipating
                                                              methods, see the 2015 USTS report [8]. The original data
stigma. Figure 1 presents the conceptual model to be
                                                              collection was approved by the University of California
tested. First, we hypothesize that living in a state with
                                                              Los Angeles Institutional Review Board and the sec-
high levels of healthcare policy stigma will be associated
                                                              ondary analyses were ruled exempt by the University of
with skipping care due to anticipated stigma and cost,
                                                              Michigan Institutional Review Board.
which will increase the chances of using supplemental
NPHs and using only NPHs compared to those who
only use PHs.                                                 Sample
   Second, we hypothesize that healthcare policy stigma
will be associated with a higher probability of being         The National Center for Transgender Equality re-
uninsured and skipping needed healthcare due to cost.         cruited 27,715 people for the project. Eligibility for the
Trans people may be less likely or able to participate in     project included (a) identifying as trans or some other
a healthcare system that allows for discrimination and        gender-diverse individual, (b) being at least 18 years
will be more likely to pay out of pocket for their care.      of age, and (c) living in the USA. We then limited our
We posit that, in turn, increases in the uninsured rate       analytic sample to those who reported currently using
4                                                                                        ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13

hormones (n = 12,044). Respondents who identified as         composite are (a) private insurance protections for trans
cross-dressers were removed from the sample because          people, (b) whether or not Medicaid covers trans-specific
their experiences are fundamentally different than those     healthcare, (c) state-wide nondiscrimination protections,
with other trans identities (n = 20). Respondents who        and (d) religious exemption laws. This measure is adapted
lived on a military base or one of the U.S. territories      from Goldenberg et al.’s state-level trans-specific policies
at the time of data collection were also removed from        measure [12, 31]. These four policies were chosen because
the sample because we could not calculate a healthcare       they are relevant to healthcare utilization in that they ei-
policy stigma score for these areas and the means of ac-     ther stigmatize trans people, restrict access to healthcare
cessing hormones on a military base is different than in     services, or provide legal protections in healthcare set-

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the rest of the USA (n = 30). Our final overall sample       tings. We gave supportive policies a score of minus one,
included 11,994 respondents.                                 while we gave unsupportive policies a score of plus one,
                                                             while states that did not have an explicit policy were held
Measures                                                     unchanged. In total, the potential scores range from −2
                                                             to 2; however, the observed ranges for this variable in
NPHs use                                                     the data were −1 to 2. Higher scores indicate states with
                                                             stigmatizing policies toward trans people. One point was
Current NPHs use was coded into three nominal                subtracted from a state’s score if that state had private
categories: currently using PHs, supplemental NPHs,          insurance nondiscrimination policies or if that state had
and NPHs. Respondents were asked “Where do you cur-          a state-wide nondiscrimination policy. States were given
rently get your hormones?” and selected one of three         one point if that state restricted trans healthcare for
responses. Those who chose “I only go to licensed pro-       Medicaid populations or had any religious exemption
fessionals (like a doctor) for hormones” were coded as       laws. For a map of state-specific values for this variable,
PHs only. Those who chose “In addition to licensed pro-      see Fig. 2.
fessionals, I also get hormones from friends, online, or
other non-licensed sources” were coded as supplemental
NPHs. And those who chose “I ONLY get hormones               Mediators
from friends, online, or other non-licensed sources” were    Skipped care due to anticipated stigma was coded as a
coded as NPHs only.                                          dichotomous variable (i.e., “Was there a time in the past
                                                             12 months when you needed to see a doctor but did not
Healthcare policy stigma
                                                             because you thought you would be disrespected or mis-
Healthcare policy stigma is a cumulative measure of the      treated as a trans person?”). Anyone who indicated “yes”
severity of policy-level factors that demean, devalue, and   to the question was coded as one, while those who in-
restrict the care of trans people. We created the state-     dicated “no” were coded as zero. Uninsured was coded
specific healthcare policy stigma variable by tallying the   as a dichotomous variable, with those having no form
total number of policies that were supportive of trans       of insurance (e.g., private insurance, Medicaid, and
people and those that were unsupportive in 2015, the         Medicare) being coded as one and those with any insur-
year data were collected. The policies underlying this       ance being coded as zero. Skipped care due to cost was

Fig. 2. Map of state-specific policy stigma values.
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–135

coded as a dichotomous variable (i.e., “Was there a time      one for those who reported socializing with trans people
in the past 12 months when you needed to see a doctor         in person and zero for those who reported not social-
but could not because of cost?”). Anyone who indicated        izing with trans people in person. Family support was
“yes” to the question was coded as one, while those who       coded into three categories: (a) those who are not out
indicated “no” were coded as zero.                            to their family, (b) those who reported their family was
                                                              unsupportive of their gender identity, and (c) those who
Covariates                                                    reported either not having a family, having a supportive
                                                              family, or a family that was neither supportive nor un-
While reporting current gender identity, respondents
                                                              supportive. Although there may be important differences
chose one of six options: cross-dresser, woman, trans-

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                                                              in the third category of the family support variable, the
gender woman, man, transgender man, or nonbinary/
                                                              sample sizes were too small to analyze these groups sep-
genderqueer. We excluded respondents who chose
                                                              arately. Because a lack of family support and disclosure
“cross-dresser” and created a three-level variable: (a)
                                                              have both been associated with adverse outcomes, we
trans woman/woman; (b) trans man/man; and (c) gender
                                                              coded this variable to examine differences between those
nonbinary/genderqueer. Given the small number of per-
                                                              with negative family experiences and those who were not
sons of color (n = 2,063), the race was coded as a di-
                                                              out to their family and compared them participants with
chotomous variable for those who identify as “white”
                                                              more neutral or positive family experiences [34].
and those who identified as a person of color (i.e., 5%
                                                                  To control for variation in NPHs use resulting from
Hispanic, 5% Biracial, 3% Black, 2% Asian/Pacific
                                                              state-level and geographic factors other than healthcare
Islander, and 1% Native American). While this approach
                                                              policies, we included census region and Medicaid expan-
is not ideal, the small cell sizes for NPHs use when cross-
                                                              sion as covariates. Census region was used to group states
tabulated by race made it impossible to include the
                                                              together by geographical location based on the tax-
multi-category covariate. Age was collected and used as
                                                              onomy used by the Census that classifies states into ei-
a continuous variable age in years at the time of data
                                                              ther the Midwest, Northeast, South, or West. Although
collection. Unemployment was coded as a dichotomous
                                                              imperfect, we included the Census region as a control
variable with those who were currently unemployed but
                                                              because states in similar regions tend to have similar pol-
looking for work being coded as one and all else being
                                                              itical and social climates. Medicaid expansion was one
coded as zero. The Highest level of education was coded
                                                              provision of the Affordable Care Act aimed at reducing
into four categories: less than high school, high school
                                                              the uninsured rate. This statute allowed for states to opt
graduate, some college, and college graduate.
                                                              into increasing the number of people eligible to receive
   In addition to cost, lack of insurance, and anticipated
                                                              Medicaid in exchange for more federal funding [35].
stigma [9, 13, 27, 32], prior studies have also shown that
                                                              Medicaid expansion has been shown to significantly de-
NPHs use is correlated with lifetime sex work, experi-
                                                              crease the uninsured rates in states that have expanded
encing homelessness, verbal or physical victimization,
                                                              Medicaid [35]. We controlled for Medicaid expansion
having a network of other trans people who use hor-
                                                              using a categorical variable identifying whether a state
mones, and family rejection [9, 13, 19, 27, 30, 33]. To
                                                              had expanded Medicaid before the data were collected;
control for these additional factors, we relied on meas-
                                                              states were coded as one if they expanded Medicaid and
ures collected by the USTS that mapped onto these
                                                              zero if they did not.
constructs. Consistent with prior studies using this data
source to examine medical gender affirmation [31], re-
spondents were asked whether they had ever engaged in         Statistical Analyses
sex or sexual activity for money or worked in the sex in-
dustry, such as erotic dancing, webcam work, or porn          We tested the conceptual model outlined in Fig. 1
films. Individuals who responded “yes” were coded as          (covariates are omitted to reduce clutter). The model
one for the variable sex work and zero if they responded      was evaluated using the Mplus 8.0 software for struc-
“no.” The variable experiencing homelessness was coded        tural equation modeling. The model was fit using robust
as one for those respondents who reported experiencing        (Huber-White) maximum likelihood algorithms. The un-
homelessness in the past year and zero for those who re-      insured skipped care due to cost, and skipped care due to
ported “no.” Respondents reported whether they experi-        anticipated stigma mediators are dichotomous and were
enced physical or verbal abuse due to their gender identity   estimated using a logit function. NPHs use was treated
in the past year. The variable physical or verbal abuse was   as a three-level nominal outcome that was regressed
coded as one for those who had reported experiencing          onto all variables, except Medicaid expansion, using a
either physical or verbal abuse due to their gender iden-     multinomial logit function with numerical integration.
tity in the past year and zero for those who reported they    The referent group for the multinomial equation was
did not experience either. Trans engagement was coded as      those who only use NPHs. Multinomial equations yield
6                                                                                               ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13

coefficients that estimate local odds whereas our interest       our focus was on contrasts between substantively mean-
was with marginal probabilities for each of the three            ingful predictor profiles.
NPHs use categories. We used the methods described
in Muthén, Muthén, and Asparouhov [36] to estimate
the relevant marginal probabilities where all covariates         Results
were held constant at their respective mean values (i.e.,
we used a form of marginal effects analysis at the mean),        Table 1 presents unadjusted tabulations of demo-
but where the component probabilities of the marginal            graphics by hormone use. Among the respondents,
effects analysis at the mean were used to form relative          11,004 (92%) currently accessed hormones only from a

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risk ratios rather than probability differences using the        licensed doctor (PHs use), 255 (2%) currently accessed
MODEL CONSTRAINT command in Mplus.                               hormones only from some other source (NPHs use),
   The initial fit of the model revealed global ill-fit due      and 735 (6%) accessed hormones from both a licensed
to the need for correlated disturbances between skipping         doctor and some other source (supplemental NPHs
care due to trans stigma and the other two mediators. We,        use). Without adjusting for covariates, on average, as
therefore, added parameters to the model to reflect these        age increased individuals were slightly more likely to use
covariances. No other localized sources of model ill fit         NPHs. Compared to white people, people of color were
were noted. Missingness was not a major issue with these         slightly more likely to use either supplemental NPHs or
data. Missing data were treated using the default full in-       only NPHs. On average, those with higher levels of edu-
formation maximum likelihood methods in Mplus. Data              cation were less likely to use either supplemental NPHs
were missing for the variables sex work (n = 9), skipped         or only NPHs. Compared to trans women/women and
care due to anticipated stigma (n = 13), trans engagement        nonbinary/genderqueer individuals, trans men/men were
(n =6), currently experiencing homelessness (n = 53), un-        significantly less likely to use both supplemental NPHs
insured (n = 30), skipped care due to cost (n = 45), and         and only NPHs. Table 2 reports the targeted predictor
family support (n = 22).                                         profile contrasts. We discuss each set of contrasts, in
   We report the results using profile analyses where we         turn. To view the full results from the structural equation
varied selected values on key predictors while holding all       model, see the Online Supplement.
other variables constant at their mean values. The ad-
vantage of this approach is that it allows us to focus on
probabilities and relative risk ratios, which are more in-       Predicting the Probability of Being Uninsured
terpretable and less misleading than odds ratios. The esti-
mation algorithms do not permit the estimation of total          On average, the uninsured rate was an estimated 4.5%
effects from traditional structural equation modeling, so        lower in states that expanded Medicaid compared to

Table 1      Respondent Demographics by Hormone Use

                               PHs only               Supplemental NPHs          NPHs only
                               (n = 11,004)                (n = 735)              (n = 255)

                               n or M     % or SD     n or M   % or SD     n or M      % or SD       Significance

Age (in years)                    35          14       35       13          38         14            F(2, 11,991) = 6.09; p = .002
Race
     White                     9,154          92%     576        6%        201          2%           x2(2) = 14; p = .001
     People of color           1,850          90%     159        8%         54          3%
Education
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–137

Table 2   Profile Analyses: Direct Effects

Profile contrast                             Profile 1 probability     Profile 2 probability      Relative risk              p values

Outcome: uninsured
  ME(no) vs. ME(yes)                         0.118                     0.073                         .616 (.521, 712)
8                                                                                        ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13

stigma had any significant direct effect on the probability   in using supplemental NPHs and only using NPHs as
of only using PHs.                                            operating through insurance coverage. Similarly, given
                                                              that healthcare policy stigma was statistically associ-
Predicting the Probability of Supplemental NPH Use            ated with an increase in skipping care due to anticipating
                                                              stigma and skipping care due to anticipating stigma was
We found that those who were uninsured were more              statistically associated with an increase in supplemental
likely to use supplemental NPHs than their insured            NPH use and only using NPHs, under the property of
counterparts: 7% to 5% respectively (p = .001). Those         the joint significance test, healthcare policy stigma was
who skipped care due to anticipated stigma in healthcare      associated with an increase in using supplemental NPHs

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settings were more likely to use supplemental NPHs than       and only using NPHs as operating through anticipated
their counterparts who did not skip care due to antici-       stigma. Lastly, given that healthcare policy stigma was
pated stigma: 8% to 4% respectively (p < .001). Those         statistically associated with an increase of skipping care
who skipped care due to cost were more likely to use sup-     due to cost and skipping care due to cost was statistic-
plemental NPHs than their counterparts who did not:           ally associated with an increase in supplemental NPHs
7% to 4% respectively (p < .001). However, this did not       use, under the property of the joint significance test,
reach statistical significance when analyzing local odds      healthcare policy stigma was associated with an increase
(p = .079); thus, the results should be interpreted with      in using supplemental NPHs as operating through an-
caution. Lastly, we found that healthcare policy stigma       ticipated stigma. Again, this last mediational chain was
had a negative direct effect on the probability of supple-    not statistically significant when analyzing local odds
mental NPHs, although statistical significance remained       (p = .079). The pathway from healthcare policy stigma to
suspect (Relative Risk Ratio = .797, p = .077).               using only NPHs was not significant.
                                                                 Table 3 reports the predicted probabilities for the cu-
                                                              mulative effect of the best versus the worst outcomes
Predicting the Probability of Using Only NPHs                 from the full multinomial model using profile analyses.
                                                              The probabilities for the best-case group is the esti-
Those who were uninsured were more likely to only use         mated probability of PHs use only, supplemental NPHs
NPHs than their insured counterparts: 4% to 0.7% re-          use, and NPHs use only when the control variables are
spectively (p < .001). Those who skipped care due to an-      mean-centered and the pathway variables are set to their
ticipated stigma in healthcare settings were more likely to   most favorable values (e.g., uninsured, skipping care due
only use NPHs than their counterparts who did not skip        to stigma, and skipping care due to cost are all equal to
care due to anticipated stigma: 1.4% to 0.7% respect-         0; Medicaid expansion is set to 1, and healthcare policy
ively (p < .001). We did not find that those who skipped      stigma is set to −1). The probabilities for the worst-case
care due to cost were statistically more or less likely to    group are the estimated probability of using PHs only,
only use NPHs than their counterparts who did not skip        supplemental NPHs use, and NPHs use only when the
care due to cost. Lastly, we found a direct effect from       control variables are mean-centered and the pathway
healthcare policy stigma to only using NPHs. Those in         variables are set to their least favorable values (e.g.,
states with the greatest healthcare policy stigma were        reverse-scored values from above).
more likely to only use NPHs than those in states with           We found that the best-case probabilities were posi-
the least healthcare policy stigma: 1.1% to 0.7% respect-     tively associated with desired outcomes and negatively
ively (p = .036).                                             associated with undesirable outcomes. Of particular
                                                              note, compared to the best-case scenario, the worst-case
Testing the Mediational Chains From Healthcare Policy         scenario showed an 18-fold increase in the probability of
Stigma to Hormone Use Type                                    using NPHs only (0.5% to 8%) and a 3-fold increase in
                                                              using supplemental NPHs (4% to 13%). Each of these
The pattern of results for the profile analyses implies       findings was statistically significant below a p value of
statistically significant mediation effects using the logic   .001.
of joint significance tests as described in Fritz and
MacKinnon [37]; Fritz et al. [38]. For example, given
that healthcare policy stigma was statistically associ-       Discussion
ated with an increase in the uninsured rate and being
uninsured was, in turn, statistically associated with         Our findings are consistent with other studies that dem-
an increase in supplemental NPHs use and only using           onstrate that structural stigma, specifically healthcare
NPHs, under the property of the joint significance test,      policies, is associated with medical gender affirmation
healthcare policy stigma was associated with an increase      practices of trans people in the USA [4, 31]. Our study
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–139

Table 3   Profile Analyses: Best- Versus Worst-Case

Profile contrast           Best-case probability         Worst-case probability            Relative risk                     p values

Outcome: uninsured
                           0.038                         0.117                               3.10 (2.504, 3.696)
10                                                                                           ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13

model does not account for all possible mediators be-              Existing studies suggest the need for policies that
tween healthcare policy stigma and using only NPHs.             protect trans people from discrimination in healthcare
One mediator that may be relevant to understanding the          settings given the evidence that discrimination against
effect of healthcare policies on the use of NPHs use is         trans people in healthcare settings is related to adverse
access to PHs. While the USTS does not specifically as-         physical and mental health outcomes [43]. Our research
sess factors associated with accessing PHs, such as the         builds on this work to demonstrate the importance of
ability to access a pharmacy, others have documented            trans-specific public policy to not only addressing NPHs
inconsistent access to trans-competent pharmacological          use but also to insuring trans people. In June 2020, the
care amongst trans individuals that may be influential in       Department of Health and Human Services finalized a

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understanding NPHs use [39]. Exploring potential me-            rule that removed existing protections from healthcare
diators between healthcare policy stigma and using only         discrimination for an estimated 1.4 million trans adults
NPHs may prove an important topic for future research.          [44, 45]. This rule allows healthcare facilities, insurers,
Mixed-methods research may be particularly useful in            and providers to deny care to trans people simply be-
exploring potential mediators (e.g., interpersonal inter-       cause of their gender identity [45].
actions and intrapersonal factors such as cognitions,              Our findings suggest that it is plausible a lack of trans-
preferences, and behaviors) that might be driving the use       inclusive healthcare policies may increase the number of
of NPHs only as opposed to supplemental NPHs use.               trans people who are uninsured, skip care due to stigma
   A notable finding we had not hypothesized was how            and cost, and who use NPHs. Trans-inclusive policies
the association between healthcare policy stigma and the        that guarantee adequate access to safe, effective hor-
probability of being uninsured would compare to that            mones are crucial to ensuring health equity for trans
of Medicaid expansion. Remarkably, compared to states           people. While documenting the potential effects of
with the most healthcare policy stigma, states with the         harmful policies is an important step, it is by no means
least healthcare policy stigma have a lower predicted           the last. Public health practitioners must work to create
uninsured rate of 3.5%; while states that have passed           interventions that meaningfully reduce structural stigma
Medicaid expansion have a lower predicted uninsured             and build political coalitions to enact policies that pro-
rate of 4.5%. This finding suggests that trans-specific         tect trans people.
healthcare policies are nearly as influential at insuring          Beyond practical implications, this study also suggests
trans people than gender-blind policies like Medicaid           a few implications for researchers working with categor-
expansion. Our findings suggest healthcare systems,             ical variables and cross-sectional data. Chiefly, our find-
including state policies, that are not explicitly designed to   ings highlight the importance of thinking critically about
protect trans people (e.g., do not cover gender-affirming       how to operationalize categorical variables. Researchers
care or protect from discrimination and victimization)          ought to carefully examine their categorical variables
may result in avoidance of care or trans people may be          and exhaust combinations relevant to their research
shut out from participation. This finding supports prior        topic. Our analyses also showcase the ability to conduct
research by Glick et al. [13] that trans people often go        preliminary mediational research in a cross-sectional
outside of mainstream healthcare services for their care,       setting. While we are unable to “prove” causality in this
like accessing hormones from non-licensed sources, if           study due to its cross-sectional nature, we were able to
they are not supported by mainstream institutions.              test whether our conceptual model is plausible given our
   Notably, we found that nonbinary adults were at              data. This is an important first step in examining our con-
higher risk for NPHs use compared to trans men and              ceptual model and testing our hypotheses, especially in
trans women. It is plausible that nonbinary individ-            situations where it is unethical to conduct cause-probing
uals may turn to NPH because the current World                  studies (e.g., randomized control trials). In this way,
Professional Association for Transgender Health                 cross-sectional mediational analyses allow for testing the
(WPATH) Standards of Care may be too restrictive and            plausibility of mediational models without the unethical
reinforce normative binary conceptualizations of gender         methods required to “proving” them.
conceptualization of gender identity and expression [40].
WPATH’s Standards of Care are currently being updated           Limitations
to be more inclusive of nonbinary patients [41]. It is also
plausible that providers may not have knowledge or              These findings should be interpreted within the context
competency regarding proper care for nonbinary people,          of the following limitations. The USTS is a conveni-
which may reinforce binary conceptualizations of gender         ence sample, which limits generalizability. The study
[42]. These findings suggest future research is warranted       also relies on self-reported data of sensitive topics (e.g.,
to better understand NPHs use among nonbinary indi-             NPHs use, sex work) such that there may be social de-
viduals to help inform clinical practice and training.          sirability bias. Furthermore, there is reason to believe
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–1311

the number of people reporting NPHs use and being in-         NPHs use as at least three categories: PHs use only, sup-
sured may be smaller in our sample than in the overall        plemental NPHs use, and NPHs use only.
population given that the study recruited some partici-          Our findings also demonstrate the importance of
pants via medical centers; thus, these individuals may        trans-inclusive policies and insurance coverage among
be actively engaging in mainstream healthcare settings.       trans populations. We found that stigmatizing pol-
Furthermore, the USTS sample is predominantly non-            icies were associated with an increase in the likelihood
Hispanic white, which made it impossible to conduct           of trans people being uninsured. This suggests that to
analyses on specific racial and ethnic categories. The        lower the uninsured rates of trans people, states cannot
small number of people of color also limited our ability      simply enact gender-blind policies aimed at insuring en-

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to conduct interaction analyses between race/ethnicity        tire populations, such as Medicaid expansion, but must
and gender identity groups. When predicting the prob-         also consider trans-specific protections. Finally, this
ability of supplemental NPHs use, some have shown             study also connects individual-level forms of stigma,
that body satisfaction, or how happy a person is with         such as avoiding healthcare services due to fear of dis-
their physical body, may be a key indicator of supple-        crimination, with structural forms of stigma, such as
mental NPHs use [46]. Our inability to control for in-        states’ healthcare policy environments. Policies that
dividuals’ body satisfaction maybe masking differences        stigmatize trans people are highly associated with how
or acting as a confounder in our analyses. Future re-         trans people navigate healthcare; the more stigmatizing
search should consider other risk factors for those who       a state’s policies are, the more likely trans people may
use supplemental NPHs: this is particularly important         be to go without the care they need. In this way, policies
given that, at least in this sample, more individuals use     “get under the skin” because they may lead people to use
supplemental NPHs than rely on NPHs alone. Logistic           NPHs, which can have serious consequences for their
and multinomial logistic modeling have limitations in         health. Future research using longitudinal designs must
that the estimated effects are dependent on values of the     consider the limits of trans individuals’ health behaviors
covariates given the nonlinear nature of the modeling         in the presence of pernicious forms of structural stigma,
[47]. The generalizability of the results must therefore be   such as stigmatizing healthcare policies, that constrain
viewed cautiously. Additionally, formal mediational and       their ability to access safe hormones.
total effects analysis is difficult with nominal outcomes
and dichotomous mediators. Future research would
benefit from developing continuous measures of these          Supplementary Material
constructs for use in more traditional structural equa-
tion models, such as how often a participant uses NPHs.       Supplementary material is available at Annals of Behavioral
Lastly, as the data are cross-sectional, causality cannot     Medicine online.
be determined from this study.
                                                              Acknowledgments Landon Hughes was supported by the
                                                              Rackham Merit Fellowship, the National Institute on Aging (T32
                                                              AG000221), and the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute
Conclusions                                                   of Child Health and Development (T32 HD00733931). We thank
                                                              the U.S. Trans Survey (USTS) team and all of the individuals who
These findings demonstrate a pathway from healthcare          participated in the study.
policy stigma to NPHs use, with more inclusive policies
being protective against NPHs use. We found that this         Compliance With Ethical Standards
association is partially mediated by insurance coverage,
                                                              Authors’ Statement of Conflict of Interest and Adherence to Ethical
skipping care due to anticipated stigma, and skipping         Standards Authors Landon D. Hughes, Kristi E. Gamarel, Wesley
care due to cost. However, our research also demon-           M. King, Tamar Goldenberg, James Jaccard, and Arline T.
strates that these mediational factors vary in import-        Geronimus declare that they have no conflict of interest. All pro-
ance when predicting supplemental NPHs use versus             cedures, including the informed consent process, were conducted
predicting NPHs use only. This highlights the import-         in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible com-
                                                              mittee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and
ance of tailoring interventions to address the specific       with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000.
needs of trans people who are using NPHs. For example,
interventions that focus on those using supplemental
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