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Takshashila Discussion Document States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Discussion Document 2020 - 13 V. 1.0, September 2020 By Ananya Rao This paper can be cited as “Ananya Rao, The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project- States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic”, Takshashila Discussion Document, September 2020” This document has been created for discussion and debate and does not constitute Takshashila’s policy recommendations. For feedback, write to research@takshashila.org.in
The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document – 2020-13
States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic September 2020
Executive Summary
This discussion document examines the conditions of systemic exclusion of
migrant workers in Indian urban centres which exacerbated the migrant crisis
during the national lockdown to curb the COVID-19 pandemic. By exploring case
studies from three Indian states; Gujarat, Kerala, and Karnataka, it finds that the
treatment of migrant workers during and post the lockdown was a continuation,
in each case, of pre-existing practices aimed at the assimilation or exclusion of
migrants.
1. In Gujarat, the denial of basic facilities to workers during the lockdown
stemmed from the pre-existing conditions of systemic exclusion, where
migrant workers were faced with low levels of negotiating power and job
security, poor implementation of labour protection laws, barriers to
political participation, and insulation to certain types of employment based
on the workers’ ethnic ties.
2. Kerala saw almost no unrest among its migrant workers during the
lockdown as they were provided with a large number of facilities and
services. This was a continuation of Kerala’s general approach to migrants,
which consists of measures taken to provide migrant workers with housing,
healthcare, and education and equitable policies for residents and
migrants.
3. Migrant workers in Karnataka received mixed treatment, where they were
provided with some basic facilities and assistance by the state and police
force, but at the same time were denied other services such as transport
and were harassed and blamed for the increase of cases. This perhaps
stems from pre-existing policies that were both inclusionary as well as
exclusionary.
These case studies demonstrate that the inclusion or exclusion of migrant
workers in every state depends on access to basic services and social welfare
schemes and a number of social and political factors such as caste and class
identities, education levels and linguistic affinities.
Ananya Rao is a bachelor’s student in Sociology and Anthropology at Ashoka
University and interned at Takshashila from May to July 2020, under the guidance
of Anirudh Kanisetti, Associate Fellow
2The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13 States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020 Introduction The nationwide lockdown declared on 24th March to limit the spread of COVID-19 led to a massive crisis of reverse migration from India’s cities. With millions of migrant labourers losing their jobs and not receiving any social protection in their host societies, the country saw an unprecedented exodus of migrants returning to their villages, creating what many have termed as “the greatest exodus since partition”.1 While the scale of the crisis has been immense, there is no firm estimate of the number of migrants who have been dislocated. The most recent official estimate reported 26 lakh migrants stranded across the country and 97 lakh transported back to their hometowns.2 However, experts in the field of migrant studies estimate the number of inter-state migrants who have been destabilised or dislocated during the lockdown to be ranging from 2.2 to 2.5 crores.3 Those stranded in cities have been crammed into informal settlements without adequate health and sanitation measures and have had delayed or no access to relief packages. Those who attempted to return home were forced to walk hundreds of kilometres without any government help, with many dying of starvation and fatigue along the way and the added panic from their home societies that they may spread the virus further.4,5 While the treatment of migrant workers varied from state to state, in every case, it is evident that the pandemic only exacerbated existing conditions of exclusion. Every state’s treatment of its migrant workers has been largely dependent on the pre-existing policies and practices of inclusion or exclusion within the state. The exclusion of migrant workers from their host societies is carried out through political, social, and economic processes that discriminate against migrant communities and exclude them from accessing basic civic amenities that are available for all other citizens. This document aims to study India’s treatment of inter-state migrant labourers by using case studies of national and state-level policies for the integration of internal migrants. The migrant labourers are placed at the centre of the analysis to examine the worlds they inhabit and the factors that lead to their social, political and economic exclusion or assimilation. The document analyses how migrant workers were treated during the lockdown in different states and uses case studies from Gujarat, Kerala, and Karnataka. These cases were chosen as they represent regions where the migrant crisis was at its worst, regions where the 3
The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13
States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020
migrant workers were not very badly affected, and regions where they were given
mixed treatments.
Migrants in States: Three Case Studies
1. Gujarat
One of the worst migrant crises in the country emerged from Gujarat, where there
were multiple protests by migrant workers who demanded arrangements for
them to return to their hometowns. Reports show that the migrant workers were
neither given any money nor given access to basic facilities during the period of
the lockdown.6 It has been argued that this is rooted in the underlying “systemic
exclusion”7 of the migrant worker community in Gujarat's society and state policy.
This systemic exclusion can be seen in their limited access to social protection
schemes and lack of legal rights. There are very few laws that ensure the
protection of migrant labourers and the ones that do exist are not followed or
implemented. An example is the Inter-State Workman Act of 1979, which provides
for minimum wage, decent working conditions, and access to health and
education, but has not been implemented by the state. 8 Over the last few decades,
the Gujarat Industrial Development Corporation (GDIC) has actively been
incentivising micro, small, and medium-scale industrial development through
explicit capital and business friendly policies. However, while multiple benefits
have been provided to businesses, there have been few directed at protecting
workers’ rights and interests.9 Further, due to the GDIC’s assurance of minimal
labour cost and lower restrictions in managing labour, the last two decades
especially have seen a marked informalisation of production processes and
casualisation of labour. This has led to the weakening of labour organisations and
consequently a decline in job and social security. 10
The low levels of negotiating power and job security among migrant workers have
led to them relying on social networks as sources of support. Migrant worker
communities in Gujarat have maintained strong sociocultural, religious, and
economic ties with their native villages, due to which most of them prefer to
migrate to the state through existing social networks and ethnic ties as it
minimises the risk of entering a new city and a new job.11 As a result, the labour in
different industries is segregated on regional lines. For instance, the majority of
workers in the weaving industry are OBCs from Orissa, while chemical industries
are largely populated by workers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.12 This insulates
4The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13 States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020 workers to a specific type of job, determined by their ethnic ties, and restricts their knowledge about work in other industries. This process creates an exclusive space where it is difficult for people from other ethnic groups to enter the workforce and also allows for the employer to have stricter control over the workforce.13 Migrant labourers’ reliance on social networks thus results in ghettoisation within industries, which strengthens their exclusion in the host society. These processes are coupled with a lack of political participation, which leads to further negligence of migrants by the host state. In Gujarat, the ideology of ‘sons of soil’, which advocates the notion that the state belongs to the main linguistic group that inhabits it, has gained strength and support in recent years. This ideology is inherently biased against inter-state migrant workers, as they speak different languages, and works to deny them access to political rights.14 A study conducted by India Migration Now in 2019 found that migrants in Gujarat are not allowed any political participation, resulting in them having a score of zero on the scale that compares different Indian states. This score is a result of migrant workers having limited electoral rights, both the right to vote and the right to stand in local elections, no involvement or representation of migrants in the decision making processes of consultative bodies, and no public funding or support of local migrant bodies. 15 However, despite these practices and processes that facilitate the exclusion of migrant workers, Gujarat still contains 1.13 million inter-state migrant workers and continues to attract more migrants in large numbers.16 This is due to a number of overlapping factors. Most inter-state migrant workers in Gujarat come from Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa and Jharkhand. 17 Migrants leaving these states choose to do so because of the push factors in their own states, such as environmental stressors, over-population, lack of employment opportunities and absence of social services and are pulled in by the economic growth in Gujarat and the employment opportunities it presents. 18 Additionally, the presence of strong social networks among migrant workers from certain states acts as a resource as well as a support structure incentivising other migrants from the state to follow suit. These streams of in-migration into the state has also led to the development of specific institutions, such as money transfer intermediaries, that serve the interests of migrant workers. For instance, Bayu Seva Service sends remittances to the families of migrant labourers within 48 hours at much lower rates than money orders and bank drafts.19 These factors 5
The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13
States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020
work in tandem to ensure Gujarat receives large numbers of migrant workers
despite the lack of access to services and the exclusionary processes they face
upon entering.
The denial of basic services for migrant workers in Gujarat during the lockdown
and the migrants’ dissatisfaction with the measures taken by the government
stemmed from pre-existing conditions of exclusion within the state, where the
migrant workers have consistently been excluded from the social, economic, and
political fabric of the cities they reside in. Further barriers to assimilation are
created due to the regional segregation in industries because it insulates people
to live and interact only among their own communities, thus preventing their
assimilation into the host society. These conditions created conditions of
systemic exclusion which were only exacerbated during the pandemic.
2. Kerala
In stark contrast to the protests in Gujarat, which stemmed from the pre-existing
conditions of systemic exclusion and neglect of migrants in policy and politics,
there was almost no unrest among the migrant workers of Kerala during the
lockdown, with many of them also electing to stay back in Kerala rather than
return to their hometowns. The state government made explicit efforts to
integrate them and provide for all their needs. The first step taken by the state
government to further assimilate the workers was to christen them “guest
workers” rather than “migrant workers”.20 More than 3.5 lakh workers were
settled across 19,764 camps, where they are provided not only with good food,
healthcare, and sanitation, but also a lot of other facilities such as television,
indoor games, and recharge for mobile phones. Workers were provided with four
meals a day, their eating preferences taken into account, and those who preferred
to cook were supplied with the necessary provisions to do so. 21
The workers are also being educated on the necessary precautionary measures
through videos, posters, and announcements in multiple languages, including
Hindi, Oriya, Bengali, and Assamese.22 Those that worked in areas deemed to be
essential, such as vegetable shops, medical stores, etc., continued to work and
earn their living even during the lockdown and those who were forced to stop
working, such as construction labourers or people working in hotels, were
provided wages by the state. As a result, there has not been much unrest among
the migrant workers as most are well taken care of by the state. 23
6The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13 States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020 However, the contentment among the migrant workers are not a result of just state measures during the lockdown but is a continuation of Kerala’s general approach to migrants which contains policies aimed at protecting and integrating the migrant workers into the socio-political order of the cities. Kerala was the first state to introduce their Interstate Migrants Welfare Scheme in 2010, which guaranteed migrant workers access to healthcare, education, and insurance. A separate program dedicated only to healthcare, the ‘Awas’ scheme, ensures free treatment of up to Rs. 25,000 and a guaranteed solatium of 2 lakhs for the family of a worker in the event of their death. 24 However, though these schemes were extensive, they involved complex enrolment and renewal procedures and hence did not find many takers.25 Many also did not avail the benefits of the healthcare systems as doctors and workers failed to understand each other due to the language barriers. The state previously initiated a project called ‘Apna Khar’ to provide workers with proper accommodation, which entails buildings with bedrooms, kitchens, bathrooms, dining and laundry spaces, electricity, and 24 hour security.26 The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan of the state has made special effort to tackle the language barrier by appointing teachers who are fluent in Hindi, which is the language spoken by most migrants in the state. 27 Schools also implement strategies geared towards increasing the assimilation of migrant children, for instance, conducting occasional assemblies in Hindi. As a result, migrant children are well versed in both Hindi and Malayalam. Not only schools but other organisations too make an effort to increase the assimilation of migrants. Some churches provide service in Hindi and Oriya, and some markets dedicate one day to selling products from the migrants’ hometowns. Many migrant workers, especially women, prefer their life in Kerala to the one in their hometowns, not only because they are guaranteed a good education for their children but also because they have more freedom to make their own decisions and are not as restricted by social customs.28 As a result of these measures, Kerala ranks highest among all Indian states, and well above the average, with regard to having equitable policies for local and migrant populations. 7
The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13
States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020
Fig. 1: States scoring for equitable policies for residents and migrants29
While much progress was made in the spheres of education, healthcare, and
housing, financial inclusion was not successful since banks refused to open
accounts for workers as they did not have residential proofs. Legal inclusion too
has been difficult to achieve. In cases where workers have been cheated or
harassed by their employers, the lack of formal contracts, the absence of local
support, and the language barrier, all contribute to the workers’ inability to avail
legal aid.30 However, despite these shortfalls, the efforts towards assimilation has
brought about less discrimination and exploitation of migrant workers and higher
levels of inclusion. These pre-existing policies and social conditions that
emphasised migrant integration translated into migrant-friendly policies during
the lockdown as well.
3. Karnataka
The treatment given to migrant workers in Karnataka during the lockdown has
been both favourable as well as unfavourable. Following the Tablighi Jamaat
gathering which led to a massive outbreak of COVID positive cases, Muslim
migrants in the state faced harassment by local populations who blamed them for
the increase in cases.31 In Bengaluru, volunteers distributing rations among
8The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13 States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020 Muslim migrants were harassed by Hindutva groups and forced to stop distributions.32 However, this discrimination was countered by police efforts to ensure distributions continued and that Muslim migrants do not face any backlash. The Chief Minister also issued a strict warning against any harassment of Muslims, stating that action would be taken against anyone who instigated violence against them.33 There were a number of protests by migrants workers demanding to be sent home, especially after the state suddenly stopped inter-state trains that were taking migrant workers home due to pressure from builders who wanted to resume construction and other industrial activities. 34 However, protests have not escalated as many workers have been given accommodation and food, and have been well assisted by the police force.35 This mixed treatment is perhaps in continuation with pre-existing policies that are both inclusionary and exclusionary towards migrant workers. Migrant workers in Bengaluru are unable to access citizenship rights, like political participation and access to public services, due to the absence of identity proof. 36 The state has also not been able to provide mechanisms of social support that would have otherwise been available to the workers through social networks and kinship ties in their hometowns. Inability to access public services has also made the workers more vulnerable to environmental risks such as water scarcity, flooding, or heat island effects.37 Studies conducted on the quality of life of migrant workers in Karnataka show that many of them have a poor quality in physical and social domains, indicating that they do not have access to proper healthcare and medical facilities and also do not have strong social networks to provide support. 38 Many of the migrants, especially those who are either Muslims, Dalits, or Scheduled Caste communities, face discrimination and exclusion in the form of residential segregation or social stigmatisation. In addition, migrant workers’ inability to speak or understand Kannada creates a linguistic barrier as well.39 However, the trend that is prevalent in most cities in India, wherein migrant workers are pushed out of the urban core and into the peri-urban peripheries of cities due to migrant unfriendly policies, is not visible in Bangalore. Bangalore is one out of two urban agglomerations in the entire country, the other being Delhi, where there are more migrants settled in the urban core than in the peri-urban.40 This is due to efforts by the state to increase the inclusion of these communities 9
The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13 States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020 in some ways, such as providing housing, transport, and access to proper water supply. Fig. 3: Migration to urban cores and peripheries41 Key Takeaways These case studies provide evidence that the status of migrant workers during any crisis is rooted in the pre-existing treatment they are given in the host society. The case studies also demonstrate that while state policies and measures are important markers of inclusion or exclusion, there are also other factors that determine the degree to which migrant workers are able to assimilate into the host society. In Gujarat, the denial of basic facilities to migrant labourers during the lockdown was rooted in a pre-existing lack of legal rights, low negotiating power and job security, ghettoisation in industry and denial of political participation, all of which worked in tandem to facilitate and increase the exclusion of migrant workers. These processes point to the importance of linguistic affinities in facilitating migrant assimilation as the ghettoisation on regional lines and denial of political rights based on the ‘sons of soil’ ideology demonstrate how language acts as a barrier to migrant integration. In Kerala, the facilities provided to migrant workers and measures taken to accommodate them 10
The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13 States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020 during the lockdown were a continuation of existing laws and policies that provided them with housing, education, healthcare, and other forms of social protection. The practices in Kerala again point to the importance of language, but as a tool for assimilation rather than a barrier, and also highlight the importance of other factors in facilitating inclusion, such as education. In Karnataka, the mixed treatment given to migrants during the lockdown, where they were provided some facilities but denied other services and where minorities among them were both harassed and protected in different instances, could arguably draw from pre-existing policies that were both inclusionary as well as exclusionary as efforts were made to integrate migrants into the core of cities but they still did not have access to many public services and were segregated to certain sections of the city based on their caste and religious identities. The residential segregation in particular point to the importance of caste and class in facilitating migrant assimilation. Conclusion During the nationwide lockdown to curb the pandemic, the treatment of migrant workers in every state was a continuation of pre-existing policies aimed at the assimilation or exclusion of migrants. These case studies demonstrate that the inclusion or exclusion of migrant workers in a host society depends on the degree to which they can access basic facilities, public services and welfare schemes, as well as a number of social and political factors such as caste and class identity, education levels, and linguistic affinities. Assimilation of migrants into a host society is thus determined by policies that affect migrants, access to public services, and the identity markers of the migrant workers and this in turn determines the treatment they are accorded during times of crisis. 11
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States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020
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Ibid.
12The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13
States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020
12
Kiran Desai. “The Plight of Migrant Workers of Gujarat.” Free Press Journal, October 17, 2018.
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13
Ibid.
14
Ibid.
15
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Prabhu Ghate, “Internal Migration: Oriyas in Gujarat,” The Economic Times. Economic Times,
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20
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22
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23
Shibu B. S. “Kerala like Home, Not All Migrant Workers Are in a Hurry to Leave.” The New Indian
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24
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13The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13
States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020
25
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32
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33
Vikhar Ahmed Sayeed. “Karnataka C.M. Issues Stern Warning against Attacks on Muslims.”
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Christin Mathew Philip. “Karnataka Migrant Workers News: Karnataka Urges Migrants to Stay
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14The COVID-19 Pandemic: Migrant Workers in India Project Takshashila Discussion Document– 2020-13
States, Migrant Workers, and the Pandemic August 2020
37
Ibid.
38
Leeberkr Inbaraj, Shaik Zabeer, Caroline George, and Gift Norman. “Quality of Life among
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39
Eric Chu and Kavya Michael. “Recognition in Urban Climate Justice: Marginality and Exclusion
of Migrants in Indian Cities.” Environment and Urbanization31, no. 1 (October 2018): 139–56.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247818814449.
40
Rohini Mitra, Aarohi Damle, and Geetika Varshney. “Exclusionary Policies Push Migrants To
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41
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