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When Symbols Strike
The role of symbols and visual media for online activism,
networks, and connection in the Women’s Strike in Poland
Gabriella Gut
Master’s Thesis
MSc. in Media and Communication
Supervisor: Gustav Persson
Examiner: Fredrik Schoug
Lund University
2021
ABSTRACT
___________________________________________________________________________
The case study in focus for this research is the Women’s Strike in Poland movement during its
articulation in late 2020. This movement was organized to campaign for reproductive rights
and women’s rights in Poland after a restrictive abortion law was proposed in 2016, put into
motion in 2020, and passed in 2021. This is an example of a contemporary movement
supporting body autonomy and gender equality, where historically substantial mobilizations
were facilitated through online activism. The use of specific symbols like a lightning bolt
within the visual media of the movement marks this case as distinctive in the study of activism.
This qualitative multi-method research uses visual analysis and interview methods to gather
empirical data that contributes new research to the media and communication studies field by
connecting the visual media and social movement disciplines. To support the research
questions of the thesis, a semiotic visual analysis examined 5 symbols of the Women’s Strike
movement and 11 semi-structured interviews were conducted.
The role of symbols and visual media in social movements were analyzed as being for:
communicating the meaning of the movement and working to identify it; increasing visibility
and spreading awareness of the movement through the circulation of symbols, mainly online;
establishing networks of individuals within and outside of the movement; and building
connections between participants of the movement because of shared values. The findings also
addressed that participation through sharing symbols and visual media allowed for greater
possibilities of communication about the movement between individuals. This research uses
the Women’s Strike in Poland as a case to explore how symbols and visual media work through
online activism to build networks and connections between individuals, and ultimately to
further the opportunity for societal transformation.
Key words: visuals, symbols, visual media, social movements, online activism, networks,
connection, reproductive rights, feminism, solidarity, Women’s Strike, Poland
2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
___________________________________________________________________________
First, I would like to express my gratitude to the individuals I met and interviewed for this
research who set aside their time to participate in the study. Your words were essential to the
thesis in illuminating the complex narratives that exist within Polish society and culture. Your
energy and reflections are a vital force within the artefact of this research. Thank you for
allowing me to capture and express your experiences.
Thank you to my academic supervisor Gustav Persson for your support and for making the
entire thesis experience so manageable and empowering. Thank you immensely for your
interest, insight, and guidance during this process.
I would also like to thank Annette Hill, our thesis course and programme leader for your
inspiration and support during the programme. As well, thank you to all the faculty that have
taught me along the way within this programme. It is your spirit and guidance that elevate the
programme’s quality and brilliance.
Thank you to my cohort for bringing so many different perspectives and ideas into the course
work and group discussions. I have learned a lot from working with you. From SOL and LUX
to the digital classroom, it has been a remarkable two years.
Thank you endlessly to my friends and colleagues who helped me recruit my sample or who
reached out to cheer me on. Thank you especially to those who bettered the entire thesis
experience by making breaks so fun and memorable.
Finally, thank you to my parents and brother for your support and reassurance during this
process, and for being encouraging of my move from Canada to Sweden to pursue this
opportunity.
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
___________________________________________________________________________
Abstract 2
Acknowledgements 3
I Introduction 5
Women’s Strike in Poland 6
Research Approach 8
II The role of symbols and visual media in social movements 9
Communication and Identification 9
Awareness 12
Networks 17
Connection 21
III Methodology 25
Methodological Approach 25
Visual Analysis Method 26
Interview Method 28
Analyzing the Data 32
IV When Symbols Strike 35
Symbols of the movement 35
Online activism and sharing the symbols 46
Networks connected through shared values 51
V Conclusion 59
Figures 65
References 66
Appendices 73
1 Visual Analysis Data Collection 73
2 Visual Analysis Sample 74
3 Visual Analysis 74
4 Interviewee Sample 79
5 Interview Request Form 81
6 Consent Form 82
7 Interview Guide 82
8 Interview Transcript 84
9 Coding Excerpt 91
10 Coded Interview Transcript Excerpt 92
11 Category Excerpt 92
4
I. INTRODUCTION
The study of visual media within the media and communications discipline is an emergent area
of research due to the developing digital technologies that advance our society. Today, “new
technologies favor images over words” and “take advantage of the synthesizing power of
images” to capture attention and enable the spread of information (della Porta, 2013:138-139).
In his work Theorizing Media: Power, Form and Subjectivity, Corner writes that “in the work
on media from Social Science perspectives, the relative neglect of formal questions (including
questions of aesthetic organisation) is a ‘blind spot’, and the possibilities for greater cross-
disciplinary awareness and contribution here are strong” (Corner, 2011:2). Specifically, formal
questions concerning visuals arise.
The exploration of visual media in relation to social movements is one area that is increasingly
gaining interest (Doerr et al., 2013; McGarry et al., 2020). Technology allows greater
possibilities for communication, and regarding social movements, the internet and social media
platforms become “both its organizational form and its mode of action” (Castells, 2009:338).
Organizers and participants of social movements use online platforms to communicate
information and spread awareness about movements through visual media. Visuals are
identifiable as part of a specific social movement largely through the use of symbols. Goodnow
suggests that this is because symbols can summarize and “act as a synecdoche for movements”
(Goodnow, 2006:177). However, there is currently limited research on the roles of symbols
within visual media in social movements. Therefore, this will be focused on in this research.
Recently, the use of social media as a space for activism is studied in regard to generating
networks and connection (Jackson et al., 2020; McGarry et al., 2020). For example, with
#MeToo and the 2020 Black Lives Matter movements, networks were formed, and connections
were built between participants. Much of the contemporary research on networks and
connection in online activism has focused on discourse and hashtag analysis (Clark, 2016;
Jackson et al., 2020; Mendes et al., 2018). In terms of visuals, research has commonly included
analyzing visual texts like photographs, posters, and the physical performance of protest which
all work to build networks and connection (Butler, 2015; McGarry et al., 2020). This research
therefore aims to examine how online activism can build networks and connect individuals
with shared values but with focus on how symbols in visual media are specifically used in
social movements to do so.
5
Qualitative research aims to explore how humans understand and relate to events taking place
in the world or directly in the societies they live in or are a part of (Bengtsson, 2016). As
Flyvbjerg (2001) suggests, the purpose of case studies is to understand a phenomenon and get
a deeper insight on it. This research will thus use the case study of the Women’s Strike in
Poland to explore the role of symbols and visual media in online activism in relation to
networks and connection. Coming from a visual culture and graphic design background
compelled my personal motivation to explore this area from a media and communication
studies perspective. Another personal motivation for approaching this thesis topic ties into
Dahlgren’s exploration of civic identity and engagement (Dahlgren, 2009, 2013). This thesis
was an opportunity to become familiarized with the current political and cultural atmosphere
of Poland. As a Polish citizen, this kind of participation was meaningful and generated a sense
of belonging for me in contributing research on an ongoing movement in Poland (Dahlgren,
2013:27).
Women’s Strike in Poland
Currently, the largest party in the Polish parliament is Law and Justice, or ‘Prawo i
Sprawiedliwość’ (PiS) in Polish. PiS is a national conservative and right-wing populist political
party and some its core values include Polish and Catholic nationalism. In the 2015 Polish
parliamentary election, PiS formed a majority government, and were re-elected in the 2019
parliamentary election. When the right-wing coalition took over, they immediately started to
change factors overseeing Polish civil society headed by President Andrzej Duda. Duda was
re-elected in 2020 by winning 51.03% of the vote over Liberal candidate Rafał Trzaskowski,
according to the National Electoral Commission (Wanat, 2020). Some of these factors included
abortion rights in Poland.
Since the 1989 political transformation in Poland, where the country moved out of a communist
regime and returned to democracy, reproductive rights in Poland have been a subject of “heated
political debates […] [that] remain unresolved and are contested by both sides of the
confrontation” (Nowicka & Regulska, 2020:230). In 2016, a ruling overseen by PiS was
proposed that severely restricted access to abortion in Poland. Prior to the proposal, abortions
were legal in the case of (1) saving a woman’s life and health, (2) when pregnancy was a result
of the crime of rape or incest, and (3) serious fetal malformation (Nowicka et al., 2020:237).
6
The new law1 proposal does not allow legal abortion in cases of fetal defects which account for
roughly 96% of terminations carried out in Poland in recent years (Nacher, 2020). Thus, it
would ban abortion in almost all cases and introduce the threat of criminal prosecution for both
doctors who take part in carrying out the unconstitutional termination and women undergoing
the procedure (Korolczuk, 2017:2). Ultimately, the law raises concern on reproductive rights
and gender equality, leading to the formation of the social movement Women’s Strike in
Poland, or ‘Strajk Kobiet’ in Polish.
On 22 October 2020, the announcement of the Constitutional Tribunal issuing a ruling2 that set
the abortion law proposal in motion to be passed marked the first day that protesting opposing
this ruling began. Due to the COVID-19 global pandemic and public gathering restrictions,
“the 2020 protests occurred both on- and offline” (Nacher, 2020:3). Online activism played a
key role in mobilizing groups. On 30 October 2020, police estimated that 480,000 people
mobilized in protest in major Polish cities as well as small towns and villages outside of urban
centres (Nacher, 2020:10). This marked the Women’s Strike as the largest protest in Poland
since the collapse of communism in 1989, with the Polish capital Warsaw seeing over 100,000
protesters gathered on that day alone (Nacher, 2020:10). The All-Poland Women’s Strike or
‘Ogólnopolski Strajk Kobiet’ in Polish is one of the organizing groups of the movement and
its mobilization events, and it was founded in 2016 by women’s rights activist Marta Lempart
(Nacher, 2020:3). Since 2016, Lempart and the All-Poland Women’s Strike have aided in the
organization of mobilization for the Women’s Strike movement. The movement has carried on
from 2016 into 2021. Although the abortion law was formally passed on 27 January 2021, the
work of the movement and its in-person demonstrations continue.
As a country, Poland has one of the most restrictive laws in the world when it comes to legal
access to abortion (Żuk & Żuk, 2017). As an example of a contemporary reproductive rights
and women’s rights movement against such restrictions, the Women’s Strike in Poland stands
out as making history with its shows of support and large demonstrations which were facilitated
through online activism. A unique facet of this case is the use of specific symbols within the
visual media to build networks and connections between participants of the movement. This
establishes the movement as a case study with rich potential to contribute to the analysis of the
1 Republic of Poland. Journal of Laws of 2021, Item 175. Judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal dated 22 October 2020.
Date of announcement: 27 January 2021. Available at: .
2 Ruling was issued at the Polish Constitutional Tribunal hearing on 22 October 2020: Family planning, protection of the
human fetus and conditions for the admissibility of termination of pregnancy.
7
role of symbols in social movements and justifies researching the movement during its
historical articulation in 2020.
Research Approach
The qualitative methods of visual analysis and semi-structured interviews selected for the
research will be discussed and reflected on within the methodology. The visual analysis aims
to semiotically analyze the recurring symbols found in the visual media of the Women’s Strike
in Poland and examine how these symbols become the core identifiers of the movement. Social
constructionism proposes that culture determines the way people understand their world and
the concepts that have shaped it is, whereas knowledge is gathered from everyday interactions
between people and the language they use (Burr, 2015:4). Therefore, along with the method of
visual analysis, the interview method will also be conducted for the research. The interview
method aims to explore how participants of the Women’s Strike understand and use the
recurring symbols of the movement. Alongside this, the research will analyze how these
participants connect with other participants in the social movement by using visual media. The
interviews will investigate the role of symbols and visual media in online activism to support
networks and connection in this social movement. The methodology will be followed by an
analysis section where the findings of the research will be illuminated in connection to the four
areas discussed in the literature review. Finally, the conclusion will reflect on the study and
serve to answer the research questions of the thesis with the findings. The following research
questions have been designed to guide the thesis:
• How do specific symbols represent the Women’s Strike in Poland in visual media?
• How are these specific symbols in the visual media used by participants of the movement?
• How are symbols and visual media for online activism used to support networks and
connection in the Women’s Strike in Poland?
8
II. THE ROLE OF SYMBOLS AND VISUAL MEDIA IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
The purpose of this section is to synthesize existing literature surrounding the thesis topic to
provide a critical stance for the work (Hart, 1998). In order to situate my case study on the
Women’s Strike in Poland, the areas of visual media, online activism, networks and connection
are at the core of the research. Ultimately, this exploration will examine the role of symbols
and visual media in social movements as being for communication and identification,
awareness, networks, and connection.
COMMUNICATION AND IDENTIFICATION
___________________________________________________________________________
Communication
“The presence, and relevance, of images in […] social movements is no novelty” and visual
media have been observed as an intrinsic part of this phenomenon (Doerr et al., 2013:xi). A
reason for this is because images or visuals can be analyzed using semiotics and the myth,
where meanings can be attached to certain symbols. “Semiotic materials never simply denote
something. They are always loaded with ideas and values” (Ledin & Machin, 2018:68). In this
sense, visual media and symbols are powerful forms of media that can carry and communicate
a message. For this research, the term ‘symbol’ will be used for an individual image or visual,
which is drawn from Goodnow’s 2006 work on symbols as visuals within the rhetoric of
campaigns for social movements. ‘Visual media’ will be used to refer to the media texts that
the symbol appears in, such as posters, illustrations, photographs, or social media posts. The
term ‘visuals’ will thus be used to refer to both image-based symbols and visual media. In
analyzing the role of symbols and visual media in social movements, we can start by addressing
a foundational element in the study of visuals: semiotics. Semiotics “is a system that gets to
the heart of how the communication of meaning is made possible between two or more people”
(Howells & Negreiros, 2019:16-17).
Roland Barthes extends Ferdinand de Saussure’s originally established semiotics to the
analysis of visual and popular culture (Howells et al., 2019:3). In constructing a system that
aims to investigate how meaning is created, and specifically, how visuals make meaning (Rose,
9
2016:106), Barthes gives us a tool to understand society through visual analysis. What
separates Barthes’ method from previous semiotic analysis systems is the graduated step of the
myth. For Barthes, myth encapsulates meanings through denotation and connotation. He
recognizes that the possibility for different meanings to arise is a consequence of the semiotic
system itself. The essence of the myth is that “other possible meanings are floating: the meaning
can almost always be interpreted” (Barthes, 1972 in 1993:132). According to Barthes, a
visual’s meaning “depends on the users of the myth” (Ibid:58). In this sense, visuals can mean
what their interpreters want them to mean. In applying semiotics and Barthes’ concept of myth
to the visual analysis of symbols in social movements, symbols can communicate specific
meanings and be identified in specific ways.
For a symbol to be established and used within a social movement, Goodnow (2006) ascertains
that they must have a characteristic of being replicated easily and have a degree of ambiguity
(Goodnow, 2006:170). Popularity and the use of a symbol within a social movement can be
dictated by being something anyone can reproduce. The replication of a symbol is possible
when it is simple enough to adapt. This allows participants of the movement to produce a
common likeness of the symbol when replicating it “while maintaining the association with the
original symbol” (Goodnow, 2006:170). When a symbol is ambiguous or arbitrary, users of the
symbol can apply any meaning to it. This includes meanings tied to a specific social movement
or meanings that fit into the individual’s own value system. This ambiguity allows many and
any interpretations of the symbol to be made, which reflects Barthes’ idea that unlimited
meanings can be interpreted from a visual. Howells and Negreiros (2019) extend this notion in
suggesting that “because the sign is arbitrary […] the relationship between a signifier and a
signified can change over time. […] In itself, therefore, the signifier is an empty vessel into
which cultural meaning is poured to imbue it with meaning.” (Howells et al., 2019:5-8). Their
argument suggests that symbols can be interpreted as having any meanings that the creator and
users of the symbol impose on it, and therefore communicate meanings tied to a specific social
movement.
Identification
Scholars argue that interpretation of a visual depends on the context (Leeuwen & Jewitt,
2000:3; Howells et al., 2019). When symbols are used within the context of social movements,
10they can be interpreted as being associated with a specific social movement and can
furthermore act to explain it (Goodnow, 2006:172). “Symbols may be used because of their
power to condense, to act as representations for their causes” (Goodnow, 2006:172). A reason
for the use of visuals as symbols is their exclusion of text, which increases their ability for
being universally understandable without potential barriers that can come from language. The
replicability and ambiguity of visual symbols also adds to their simplicity and allows the
symbol to become effectively remembered and recalled. The symbol therefore becomes
identifiable and associated with a specific social movement (Skaggs, 1994).
Symbols do not have to be situated in or used in one specific social movement to indicate a
specific message. An example of a symbol that is both simple to replicate and ambiguous that
has gathered a specific meaning for a social movement is the rainbow flag. The symbol is
mainly used for movements supporting rights of members in the LGBTQ+ community
(Garrett-Walker & Montagno, 2021; Wolowic et al., 2017). The symbol of the rainbow flag
was designed with the idea that the colours in the flag each represent a concept relating to
LGBTQ+ pride and the community and that the colours together create a rainbow (Rapp, 2015).
The rainbow flag is a simple symbol to replicate by individuals who want to create visual media
in relation to LGBTQ+ rights and movements in support of that. Designed in 1978 by Gilbert
Baker, the symbol transcends situated places by being used in both pride parades and protests
for rights, for example (Rapp, 2015). The symbol further transcends situated time and place by
reappearing to promote LGBTQ+ rights within different arenas of social movements. This
includes movements predominantly in the USA in the 1980s to recent LGBTQ+ rights protests
in Poland which occurred after ‘LGBT-free zones’ were declared at the level of municipalities,
cities, and regions in Poland in 2019 and 2020 (Żuk et al., 2021:4). The meaning of the rainbow
symbol is connected to supporting the LGBTQ+ community’s rights and values. When it
appeared in these social movements it was identifiable by its users and the audience as being
associated with this meaning.
With this ease of replication and ambiguity, contextualization and recontextualization of a
symbol becomes important as different social movements can end up using the same symbol.
This can be seen in the cases of the 2014 democracy protests in Hong Kong or ‘Umbrella
Revolution’ (Leung, 2014:132) and the 2016 Women’s Strike in Poland or ‘Black Protest’
(Korolczuk, 2017). Here, both use the symbol of an umbrella within their respective
movements. An umbrella as an object does not necessarily mean something explicit to all users.
11Yet, in the context of the social movement it appears in, the umbrella symbol transforms from
signifying a tool for shielding oneself from rain to becoming a host for meanings about
opposing a dominating power, like the government. Daphi, Lê and Ullrich (2013) propose that
visuals “are not only a product of movements, but also part of the symbolic practices which
constitute the movement and its identity, and are embedded in national and sectoral contexts”
(Daphi et al., 2013:76). Thus, the context of where the symbol is situated is important to
recognize in order to know what the symbol is referring to.
What is also interesting with the example of the umbrella as a symbol in social movements is
that the umbrella symbol used in the 2016 Women’s Strike in Poland reappears and is used
again in the 2020 articulations of the social movement, which will be addressed in later
analysis. This is important because the intention of repeating this symbol is to directly reference
the 2016 Women’s Strike which underlines that once a symbol is established it can be used to
raise awareness for a specific social movement. “Social movements need and praise visibility.
[…] Symbols are particularly important for movements as they need to build identities as well
as capture the attention of the media and the public” (della Porta, 2013:142). Building identities
means creating the meaning that the symbol is associated with the social movement so that
those who see the symbol understand this connection. Identification occurs through repetition
and visibility of the symbol which allows the public to learn the symbol and its associations
(Skaggs, 1994:81).
AWARENESS
___________________________________________________________________________
Online activism
The role of media in shaping reality has grown and become complex in the 21st century.
Understanding how emergent technologies like social networking sites and platforms are
reconstructing the circulation of messages can impact how individuals can create social change
in society. Platforms allow for the creation and exchange of user-generated content (Kaplan &
Haenlein, 2010:60), which includes these symbols and visual media in connection to a social
movement. “Web 2.0, with its opportunities and limits, […] facilitate[s] the spread of
information transmitted via images even more than words” (della Porta, 2013:138-139). It is
12through the development of Web 2.0 that society has moved into a more participatory culture
where connectivity is possible through these platforms, and where new ways of
communicating, building communities, and even advancing democracy emerge (van Dijck,
2013:4).
Papacharissi argues that the internet cannot create something out of nothing without the input
of individuals, and thus cannot create or destroy democracy on its own (Papacharissi, 2020:2).
So, while the internet allows a space to make societal issues more spreadable and visible by
allowing more voices in, it does not equalize these voices or issues (Ibid:3). “To paraphrase
George Orwell, all voices are equal online but some voices are more equal than others”
(Papacharissi, 2021). While social media such as Instagram and Facebook create spaces for
communication and public discussion, they are only accessible to those with internet access, a
device, the social media application, and an account. This reflects the affordances of different
social media and the limitations they have as platforms in terms of which voices are able to be
present in these discussions and community formations. In this sense, platforms are not
“inherently democratic” (McGarry et al., 2020:22) and restrictions are still present.
Another critical point around access is that users are dependent on the infrastructure of these
platforms. Van Dijck comments that “social media services can be both intensely empowering
and disturbingly exploitative” in her exploration of platforms and connectivity (van Dijck,
2013:18). Websites and applications are typically privately owned, and the online social
activities of users generate data which become sources of economic capital for the owners.
With this also comes the concern of online state surveillance. Here, governments can repress
certain content often in the form of censorship and limiting users’ abilities to access to
platforms or the internet (Earl, 2019:298). Police can also access and use content related to
radical politics circulated online against participating individuals. In this sense digital
technologies can also restrict the opportunities for participation and engagement within them
because of how they are structured. “Although it is clear that ICTs can be used to surveil and
repress protest, repression does not always deter future protest participation and sometimes
even increases subsequent engagement” (Earl, 2019:290).
McGarry et al. underscore that “the possibilities for participation and communication have far
reaching potential” (McGarry et al., 2020:22). In connection to social movements, the
spreading of awareness of information online ultimately acts to “create visibility for the
13perspectives and experiences of marginalized groups in the mainstream arenas of political
deliberation” (Polletta, 2006 in Doerr et al., 2013:9). These mainstream arenas imply social
media platforms where public discussions occur and shape political opinions and discourse.
An alternative and digital space for people to engage with politics has been created “that is, in
theory, more inclusive and participatory than traditional electoral politics” (McGarry et al.,
2020:19). Another reason for increased inclusivity is that geographical borders are effectively
non-existent online, and messages can be spread globally. As discussed earlier, a characteristic
of symbols being used within social movements is that they are easily replicable. McGarry et
al. (2020) propose that visual symbols contain “a high capacity to be replicated digitally and
shared across social media networks, ideological terrain, state borders, and linguistic frontiers”
(McGarry et al., 2020:18). In this sense, symbols for social movements are not limited to being
circulated within a certain country and can be spread by participants virtually. MacDowall
(2017) specifically points to Instagram as an image-sharing platform which can act “as a set or
backdrop for the production of digital content and a site of globally connected political action”
(MacDowall, 2017:232)”.
Another aspect of the limitlessness of participating in a social movement online is that “new
technologies […] blur the borders between producers and consumers of information” (della
Porta, 2013:138). This means that individuals can easily participate in both the creation of
content and the spreading of the message to raise awareness of a social movement. Doerr,
Mattoni, and Teune argue that “commercial and public mass media no longer have a monopoly
over the visual representation of protest” because of this immediate access to technology and
content sharing platforms that individuals have (Doerr et al., 2013:6). Individuals can make
and circulate their own digital art with a specific symbol to be associated with a social
movement online, or they can attend in-person mobilizations and use their smart phones to take
photos and videos of the scene. As these can be “uploaded in real time by those who participate
in protests” a “rich visual narrative of protests” is created and “spread virally to audiences far
beyond the social movement scene” (Doerr et al., 2013:6). “Activists, but also their sympathetic
audiences, easily become visual producers through practices of the remediation and remixing
of visual materials about protests” (Doerr et al., 2013:6). The production of visual media for a
social movement becomes a form of participation and thus activism because it encourages “a
process of empowerment and movement building” (Lewin, 2020:44 in McGarry et al., 2020).
An extension of online activism practices which will not be focused on in this research include
techniques of culture-jamming “which disrupt or subvert [society] through satire, graffiti,
14hacking of […] sites, and parodies” (McLaren, 2013:83). These can be powerful in establishing
visibility and creating awareness for social movements by disrupting the daily routines of
individuals.
Goodnow recognizes awareness as a function of symbols within social campaigns (Goodnow,
2006:172). This implies that another role of symbols in social movements is in working to build
awareness about the social movement with people who view the circulated symbol. The visual
media for the Women’s Strike movement in Poland was created with the intention to raise
awareness about the social movement or to be used during demonstrations, for example.
Symbols can be used both in two-dimensional and three-dimensional representations to be
associated with a social movement (Doerr et al., 2013:7; Goodnow, 2006:170). They can be
articulated in visual media such as in illustrations, posters, stickers, pins, or drawn on
handmade signs for example.
Another important way to increase visibility and awareness is to circulate the visual media and
symbols online. When communication, identification and visibility are ensured, the power of
symbols is that displaying them “allows group members to show their association without
necessarily showing a name” (Goodnow, 2006:175). When individuals share the visual media
and symbols associated with the social movement with their networks online, it means they are
participating in spreading awareness about the movement (Goodnow, 2006:174). It can also
mean that they are taking an individual stance and connecting to the social movement. Part of
this is the notion that platforms give individuals a space to participate, including participating
in a social movement. Participating online is easy because of the usability design of social
media like Instagram and Facebook. Online activism accounts for these processes where
individuals participate in the social movement by creating and sharing content on social media.
Critiquing online activism
New technological advances and the simplification of the ability to share content online are
consequently a reason for why online activism has received criticism. A concern about the
operation of social movements in a digital environment through spreading awareness and
creating visibility is that there is little time and action required to participate (Dennis, 2019).
Online activism has therefore been negatively typecast as ‘slacktivism’. The essence of this
15criticism for online activism is that the observable behaviour of participation, namely the
sharing of visual media on social media platforms, and the “parameters of engagement”
(Dahlgren & Hill, 2020) are critiqued. In Parameters of Media Engagement, Dahlgren and Hill
consider a reconceptualization of the term engagement, where they argue that engagement is
“a powerful subjective experience” and “an energizing internal force” that helps motivate
participation (Dahlgren & Hill, 2020). In their analysis of media engagement under this
definition, one critique on online activism is the parameter of motivation. Motivation refers to
the “intentionality behind engagement” which can in some cases implicate a “sense of
obligation or solidarity, some kind of social value that resides beyond the self” (Dahlgren &
Hill, 2020). Here, feeling good takes priority over political commitment (Morozov, 2011). A
problem arises when individuals participate in social movements online for the sake of getting
involved in something that is trending. This potentially includes sharing content online without
an attempted understanding of the values or goals represented by the social movement, or
without having a real personal commitment or interest in helping to create social change.
For example, the recent 2020 resurfacing of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement against
racism, anti-blackness, and police brutality (Attiah, 2020) came with global force. Alongside
this there was a social media trend to post a black square on your Instagram feed to show
awareness and support with the BLM movement. First it is important to address the controversy
that ensued from an unclear understanding of what posting the black tile meant, highlighting
the sheer speed of online communication whereby a trend can quickly spiral out of control.
Essentially, the black tile trend in part emerged as a concept where industries and brands would
pause their output for a day, and to make businesses consider how “their industries profit
immensely from black creativity” thus showing support for the protesters (Attiah, 2020). The
result was that of over 16 million Instagram users (Sebenius, 2020) jumped on the bandwagon
to post a black square and consequently flooded important hashtags with useless information.
The hashtags #blacklivesmatter and #blm, which were being used to circulate information for
communicating with protesters, were suddenly being drowned out by this trend (Sebenius,
2020) on Instagram and other platforms, achieving the opposite effect of intended support.
Posting a black square with this lack of awareness for its initial purpose was therefore criticized
and the action dubbed as performative solidarity (Attiah, 2020) or performative allyship
(Jackson et al., 2020:153) where public displays of a mainstream opinion were shared so that
individuals could be perceived as showing support.
16True allyship works when “allies leverage their privilege to bring attention and resources to
issues that do not directly affect them, with the understanding that this practice is useful not
only in uplifting more vulnerable groups but also to creating a more just society on the whole”
(Jackson et al., 2020:153). In this performative aspect of online activism in this case, anyone
with access to a social media platform could easily post a black square to their account’s feed,
but nothing prevented them from stopping their support and activism after that act of
participation. Almost as immediately as the trend began, this critique erupted and participants
were called to go beyond this action and continue doing the work of educating themselves on
systemic racism, donating to organizations that tackle racial discrimination, amplifying Black
innovation, as well as mobilizing in person for protests and rallies.
The criticism of online activism also prioritizes in-person mobilizations that support social
movements. It argues that online activism favours less commitment than the commitment it
takes to participate in person which is a “physical investment in time and risk” (Bennett &
Segerberg, 2012; Earl & Kimport, 2011; McGarry et al., 2020). Unfortunately, this critique
“ignores important mobilization and communication interactions that happen in digital spaces”
(Bennett et al., 2012; Earl et al., 2011; McGarry et al., 2020). What is important to online
activism is the argument that “aesthetics can act as a resource for further mobilization” (Doerr
et al., 2013 in McGarry et al., 2020:17). The step that circulating visual media and symbols
plays in social movements is that awareness is being built about the movement. From this stem
the connections between other individuals in the social movement and networks are created.
Simply put, “social media is the digital media that enable people to communicate and interact
via virtual communities and networks” (Poulsen & Kvåle, 2018:700). It is in these networks
that individuals exist, communicate, and can create change.
NETWORKS
___________________________________________________________________________
Power, counter-power, and mass self-communication
Castells’ theoretical concept of the network society can be used to understand group formation
as part of social movements. Groups are a collective of individuals with shared beliefs and
values. It is individuals who have the capacity to challenge institutions that hold dominant
17power in society like governments. This is known as counter-power which Castells believes is
a force that can “eventually change the power relations institutionalized in society” (Castells,
2007:248). The most significant expressions of counter-power are social movements. Social
movements are expressions of counter-power and they are formed by groups confronting
societal injustices (Castells, 2015:12). The counter-power group is furthermore a network, and
these networks are organized online and then protest against the dominant power. In the case
study of this research, the Polish government is the dominant power. “Wherever is domination,
there is resistance to domination” (Castells, 2015:12). The term domination is used to express
the feeling of overbearing power that can come from the removal of rights for example.
Therefore, the individuals that are part of the Women’s Strike movement and protest in
opposition to the dominant power make up the counter-power. The quote from Castells’ can
further imply that individuals will always feel the need to respond to forms of injustice by
making their voices heard and communicating their opinion.
Thanks to the global accessibility of the internet, individuals have the opportunity for mass
self-communication which is “self-generated in content, self-directed in emission, and self-
selected in reception” (Castells, 2007:248). In connection to the previous section about online
activism, it is through social media platforms that mass self-communication is employed. Mass
self-communication is part of what gives individuals the capability to create and share their
own content with specific messages (Castells, 2007), as in through symbols and visual media
associated with a social movement. Through this online space emerge expressions of counter-
power, the creation of networks, and the possibility for connectivity (van Dijck, 2013). The
work and research of Jackson et al. (2020) in Hashtag Activism: Networks of Race and Gender
Justice, suggests that online communication can become an organizing thread that stitches
together regular people into vast networks. In these networks, views against a dominant power
can be expressed and the networks are capable of influencing mainstream media and by proxy
influencing public opinion. By extension of online communication in sharing visual media and
symbols for a specific movement for example, people are able to create a broadcast mechanism
because of the amount of people participating (Jackson et al., 2020). By working together to
communicate a message, build identification and spread awareness, these networks are able to
harness the kind of power that is typically restricted to people in mainstream elite positions that
hold power. Therefore, in these organically created online networks, individuals work together
to create an alternative or counter-power narrative that then get pushed into the mainstream
conversation (Jackson et al., 2020).
18Mobilization
Hine’s (2015) discussion referring to digital ethnography can also be applied to networks. Her
suggestion that “tracing networks of connection through online and offline space” (Hine,
2015:25) can relate to the expressions of the movement within these two spaces. “As Renato
Rosaldo argues, cultural citizenship is concerned with ‘who needs to be visible, to be heard,
and to belong’” (Rosaldo, 1999:260 in Stevenson, 2003:23). It is because of restrictions by a
dominant power that voices are not heard, which puts democracy into question and produces
counter-power narratives. Relating to online activism and how counter-power forces find the
ability to communicate online, Castells (2015) also talks about social media and networks as
offering “the possibility for largely unfettered deliberation and coordination of action”
(Castells, 2015:9-10). These networks can ultimately be taken offline in the form of
mobilization to protest in and occupy a physical space. “Protests emerge when people come
together to react against exclusion, inequality and injustice, usually propagated by the state or
government” (McGarry et al., 2020:16).
Protests can occur as strikes, situated demonstrations or marches, but the idea of a group of
people occupying or moving through a physical space together clearly shows the amount of
people standing behind a movement and embodying this counter-power. This visibility also
represents the “expression of dissenting voices which challenge the political legitimacy of the
state or an authority” and “creates and amplifies a political voice” (McGarry et al., 2020:17).
In another respect, protesting not only seeks visibility but also “to disrupt the existing political
order […] and create new possibilities” (McGarry et al., 2020:16). This is exactly what the
work of the 2016 protests and mobilizations in Poland aimed to do.
In connection to this case study on the 2020 Women’s Strikes in Poland, the movement can be
seen as kicking off in 2016 when the announcement by the government of proposing a total
abortion ban came into discussion (Korolczuk, 2017). “Mass demonstrations on October 3,
2016, dubbed by the media as Black Monday, were just the high point of a wave of protests
that began already in early spring” of that year (Korolczuk, 2017:4). Black Monday was part
of the movement of ‘Black Protests’ translated from the Polish ‘Czarny Protest’, where the
name came from protesters wearing all black and carrying black umbrellas at the mobilization.
Korolczuk (2017) argues that a key factor of the successful mobilization seen in this social
movement was that it “followed the logic of connective action based on personalized
19engagement, in which communication became an important element of organizational
structure” (Korolczuk, 2017:3).
The logic of ‘connective action’ is a term coined by Bennett and Segerberg (2012) where “the
formative element of ‘sharing’ […] leads actions and content to be distributed widely across
social networks” where networks are enabled growth and stability by communication
technologies like the internet and platform hosting devices (Bennett et al., 2012:24).
Connective action encompasses the processes of online activism that were earlier discussed
which ultimately connects to the role of symbols and visual media in social movements. Nacher
(2020) synthesizes Korolczuk’s (2016) discussions of Bennett and Segerberg’s (2012)
connective action in examining the Black Protests, highlighting that the Black Protests
exemplified connective action through the “formation of ‘loose public networks’ […] making
social activity ‘more flexible and personalized’ (p.7) – as juxtaposed to collective action
requiring significant organizational resources” (Nacher, 2020:8). As discussed earlier, this
gives participating in the social movement an easier access point for individuals to spread
awareness, create networks, and mobilize. In some cases, protests “have resulted in significant
changes to policies and legislation as well as to attitudinal transformations in local, national
and international contexts” (McGarry et al., 2020:15). For example, legalizing same-sex
marriage in the USA in all 50 states in 2015 after a history of LGBTQ+ activism and civil
rights protests and demonstrations.
The 2016 Black Protests were driven by the hope that their action would result in changes to
policies and legislation in Poland as well as opinions about reproductive rights in Polish
society. As the 2020 Constitutional Tribunal issued a ruling about the law and passed it in 2021,
the Women’s Strike in Poland presently continues as does the connective action of those
involved in the movement. After a protest, individuals physically disconnect from the group,
but it is important to stay connected virtually and know what to do next to support the
movement. The importance of online activism and networks is that they facilitate the
connection among individuals which leads to action.
20CONNECTION
___________________________________________________________________________
Building connection
The visual quality of symbols makes them “easier to agree upon than discourses, and are easier
to synthesize diversity in a common vision” (della Porta, 2013:143). Establishing a meaning
for a symbol in a social movement works to unify the networked individuals. As discussed in
the first section, identifying the movement through specific symbols becomes an entry point
into how individuals become aware of and connect with a specific movement (Goodnow,
2006:172). Another aspect is that a symbol’s “function of identification allows those within the
movement to forge bonds among movement participants” (Goodnow, 2006:174). For example,
when a specific symbol is seen and recognized for its association with a specific movement, a
connection can be established between the viewer and the individual who shared the symbol.
This is because both individuals share this identification of the symbol, which can further build
relationships between individuals that are part of a specific movement. “The display of
common symbols allows movement members to feel part of a group and serves to add to group
cohesion” (Goodnow, 2006:174). In this sense, the role of symbols and visual media in social
movements can be to act as a unifying force for the network of individuals in the movement to
build connection. For those that can identify the association of the shared symbols, a sense of
inclusion in the group through understanding occurs. Whereas if an individual does not have
the shared understanding of the symbol when they see it circulated, a sense of exclusion may
occur. Despite this, repetition of the symbol in public media reflects that the associated
movement’s “group has internal cohesion through shared symbolic means” (Goodnow,
2006:174). The repetition and circulation of these symbols ultimately offers a chance for
individuals within the movement to “communicate their ideals and goals to those people within
and those people outside of the movement” (Goodnow, 2006:166).
Online activism or participation in a social movement through sharing visual media and
symbols is this step that allows for connections to be built. Nichols claims that “by means of
symbols we can enter into processes of communication and exchange with one another”
(Nichols, 1981:1-3). What these processes of communication can illuminate is a shared sense
of purpose among participants. In the case of the 2020 Women’s Strikes in Poland, the shared
values of protesting governmental rulings and supporting gender equality and reproductive
21rights are common aspects of what brings individuals in this social movement together.
‘Connectivity’ from van Dijck’s concept of ‘cultures of connectivity’ can also therefore be
highlighted within networks where she claims that common desires play an important role in
harnessing bonds and discovering group affiliations (van Dijck, 2013:35). Van Dijck discusses
the shift that online technologies and cultures are experiencing in contemporary society as they
move from practices of connectedness to practices of connectivity (van Dijck, 2013).
Individuals too are moving beyond only wanting to be connected online at a surface level.
There is a desire to experience deeper bonds and attachments with others in the form of
connectivity, which can also be a motivating factor in their participation in online activism.
Van Dijck (2013) argues that connectivity and online activism should be considered as working
in parallel to and in dialogue with offline mobilization.
Solidarity, allyship, and networked feminism
One expression of this connectivity is solidarity. During offline mobilization of a social
movement, “the solidarity expressed […] during protests draws attention to those silenced
voices laying claim to the democratic sphere, drawing attention to their collective existence”
(Butler, 2015 in McGarry et al., 2020:19). This in turn gives visibility and presence to the
counter-power. As discussed, “through the use of digital technologies and social media,
protestors have been able to create an alternative space for people to engage with politics that
is, in theory, more inclusive and participatory than traditional electoral politics” (McGarry et
al., 2020:19). Social movement participants create or find channels to openly communicate
their opinions which create online spaces where they can receive and give support. It is also
through this communication that broader structural social problems are discussed (Mendes et
al., 2018:238) and where connection is built through solidarity. Solidarity comes from
individuals in a group and network feeling unified because of a shared value or common goal
and thus garner a sense of mutual support from each other.
Another expression of connectivity within social movements is allyship which is similar to
solidarity but more so highlights aspects of diversity. “Allies play integral roles in broadcasting
[…] networks created by marginalized groups” (Jackson et al., 2020:152). A group that is not
directly negatively targeted and is instead in a position of privilege can be in support of a social
movement by amplifying the voices of the targeted group. Allyship can be seen in the Women’s
22Strikes through individuals without female reproductive organs participating in the movement
showing their support for the targeted group. In this case they show solidarity and become
allies of women who are targeted by the law which restricts access to legal abortion. Another
example of allyship can be seen in LGBTQ+ movements where individuals who identify as
heterosexual and are not on the spectrum of LGBTQ+ show their support for LGBTQ+
individuals and their rights. Likewise, when a person who identifies on the spectrum of
LGBTQ+ supports the rights of another member, for example someone who identifies as a
lesbian can be allies of those who identify as transgender. “In its most useful and radical form,
allyship then draws from the idea that no one can be truly free unless everyone is free” (Jackson
et al., 2020:153). Alongside this and her own academic work in solidarity, Butler recently asks
us to rethink vulnerability and how we constitute vulnerable groups (Butler, 2020). Butler calls
us to reflect on how we negotiate equality in terms of ethicality when determining which groups
are vulnerable and in need of our support. She argues that vulnerable groups should not only
be identified as passive (Butler, 2020:131) and that “sites of resistance […] are opened up by
vulnerability” (Ibid:132).
Solidarity within the case study of the Women’s Strike in Poland can also connect to the
concept of networked feminism. Networked feminism is a term used regarding group formation
based on shared goals and values around gender equality and reproductive rights. In their article
about feminist online activism, Mendes, Ringrose, and Keller (2018) discuss how
communication and engagement through social media can work to build networks of solidarity.
Participants are given an opportunity to voice their feelings and opinions about an issue by
sharing them online. Specifically, when sharing visual media, “images propagate perceptions,
provide information, and elicit feelings” (Corner, 2011:14). Therefore, the use of visual media
and symbols in social movements plays a role to not only spread awareness but to build
connections. These feelings are shared and supported by others, thereby creating a space for
solidarity and understanding through an online network. Communicating and sharing with
others builds bonds between these individuals, especially in cases of participation in a social
movement.
Solidarity is also created when differences are acknowledged and respected. Individuals do not
have to agree on everything or even share all the same values in order to be part of the same
network or movement. Within networked feminism, recognizing difference “strengthens the
collective mission of feminist work: working toward understanding and bettering the lived
23conditions of women everywhere” (Pruchniewska, 2016:739). Mendes et al. (2018) propose
that the formation of feminist networks “provide important opportunities for the development
of feminist solidarity and consciousness, and even, social change” and that creating social
movements like the Women’s Strike in Poland and popularizing forms of online activism “is
laying the foundation for a collective shift towards a more just society” (Mendes et al.,
2018:239).
The underlying thread for individuals supporting each other in social movements is the sense
of hope. Clark-Parsons, a scholar and activist working in gender justice and technology studies,
argues that all movements and the individuals participating in them require hope and ways of
reimaging hope in order to endure whatever reality they are facing (Clark, 2016). Individuals
can oppose and contest societal structures or forces that impede their rights and come together
to rise up against the dominant power. They have hope that together and through action, things
will change. Clark-Parsons attests that hope is created for individuals within these created
networks and connections which enables participants to feel part of a community and a larger
cause, like creating a more just society (Clark, 2016).
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