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Simone de Beauvoir Studies Volume 29 2013-2014 33
WOMEN, MOTHERHOOD AND WORK
TRIANTAFYLLIA KADOGLOU
and
KATERINA SARRI
This article will attempt to provide an interdisciplinary approach to issues
dealing with combining motherhood and family obligations with employment outside
the home. It will examine the status of women which, in Western thought, has been
defined in social, economic, political, and cultural terms within the context of
production and reproduction. The relationship between childbearing and rearing and
work outside the home has been a recurring issue not only in a social context but also
within feminist movements in Europe and America.
Issues of patriarchy and the glass ceiling have traditionally kept women from
moving up the corporate ladder. Thus women have often been discouraged from
pursuing careers or intellectual advancement because of the emphasis on their
primary obligation to bear and rear children. This trend has been reflected in literature
in the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Charles Darwin, and Sigmund Freud.
Throughout history, women’s existence has been defined in social, economic,
political, and cultural terms. Their role has been identified as that of mother and
nurturer. In the 18th century, Rousseau, in Émile ou de l'éducation, places great
emphasis on child care and child rearing methods, focusing on the mother-child
relationship and suggesting a model of "the good mother.” In the 19th century,
Charles Darwin, within the framework of his evolutionary theory, makes reference to
women’s “innate maternal instincts” (Darwin 873). Moving into the 20th century,
Sigmund Freud emphasizes women’s maternal status, highlighting the Oedipal
theory of the father and “penis envy”, as well as men’s need to establish their physical
supremacy over women. This relegates women to the roles of reproduction and
mothering, essentially discouraging them from venturing into areas of employment
and intellectuality.
However, in the 18th and 19th centuries, historical events began to encourage
the emergence of a feminist movement which eventually led to a degree of
emancipation. The democratic ideals of the French Enlightenment, and the
Declaration of Human Rights during the French Revolution, focusing on " liberty,
equality and fraternity," gave rise to claims of equal rights for women. In 1791, Olympe
de Gouges published her Déclaration des droits de la femme et de la citoyenne.
In Marxist theory, women’s liberation is viewed in the context of class struggle,
and was ultimately aided by the emergence of favorable historical, political, and socio¬
economic conditions such as the industrial revolution, free access, to education, the
diminishing role of religion, and the two world wars. As a result, women finally
managed to move outside of their homes and enter the workplace.
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Simone de Beauvoir Studies Volume 29 2013-2014 34
In France, the law of 1907 granted married women the right to receive their own
paychecks. (Khanine 2010) During World War I (1914-1918), women in Europe
replaced men in office work and factories, after which they fought to have control over
their own salary and refused to limit themselves to their previous roles as wives and
mothers. By 1919, after women had replaced men at work and had contributed
significantly to the working world during the Great War, women teachers in France
managed to insist that they be paid on a par with their male colleagues, and thus, as
indicated by Khanine, became the first women in Europe to have achieved "equal pay
for equal work." In contemporary society, however, the right to equal pay has yet to be
universally achieved. Women's salaries, according to recent surveys, have remained
lower than those of men, 18% lower in the European Union, according to a
September 2012 survey in LExpress.
Michelle Perrot, a Professor Emerita of Modern History at the University of Paris
Vll-Denis-Diderot, demonstrates that, historically, French women entered the world of
work much earlier than those in other countries. Thus, during the revolution of 1848,
they fought side by side with men for reduction of daily work hours. In addition,
according to a law passed in 1899 as a result of Jeanne Chauvin’s much publicized
fight in 1890 to be sworn in as a lawyer after becoming only the second French
woman to receive a degree in law, women were granted the right of self-defense and
gained entrance to legal professions. French women thus entered the work force and
became wage earners earlier than women in many other countries.
Women’s integration in the work force (‘salarisation’) increased after World
War I, and especially during and after World War II. This marked the beginning of a
new era for women, in contrast to the fate summarized by Hitler in the phrase known
as "the three Ks": Küche, Kinder, Kirche (kitchen, children, church). In 1946, after the
foundation of the United Nations, gender equality campaigns were launched
throughout the world and women’s suffrage gradually became a reality in an
increasing number of countries.
Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex, published in 1949, has been a
landmark for generations and has been considered the Bible of feminist theory
worldwide. Highlighting women’s individuality, Beauvoir was the first to study and
explore women’s status in its entirety. In 1999, Christine Delphy and Sylvie Chaperon
organized an international conference in Paris with a view to evaluating the historical
contribution of The Second Sex to a variety of fields of knowledge fifty years after its
publication.
The crucial question today is how, in a period of social and economic
regression in which women’s job insecurity has been growing and the right to
abortion and voluntary motherhood may be globally threatened, Beauvoir’s views can
continue to influence the future for women. Based upon the above considerations, the
present study will attempt to present an interdisciplinary approach to issues of
combining motherhood and family commitments with employment.
Women and employment: an interdisciplinary approach
Simone de Beauvoir’s publication of The Second Sex challenged the
international social, economic, and political status quo, questioning the image of
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Simone de Beauvoir Studies Volume 29 2013-2014 35
hallowed motherhood and suggesting that a basic condition for women’s autonomy
is their liberation from reproduction and their integration into the world of work and
production. This idea shocked both the scientific community and public opinion as it
challenged the power and even the existence of a maternal instinct and accused
Freud of biological determinism for attributing women’s inferiority and gender
discrimination to the demands of motherhood.
Beauvoir examined the danger of trapping women in the assumption that their
major role in life was to become mothers and reproduce life. (DS 2: 200) She uses
historic examples like the mythological Jocasta and suggests that 20th century
society discourages women from pursuing meaningful careers and intellectual
advancement. Michelle Perrot maintains that the model of woman as mother remains
very powerful, especially in times of economic crises. She emphasizes that, in the
1930s, measures were taken to encourage married female civil servants to leave
work and be replaced by men. She also notes that, from the 1930s to the 1960s, the
image of women as mothers and housewives was perpetuated by the media and
working women became almost apologetic for being employed.
In The Second Sex, Beauvoir demonstrates that women’s treatment in
economic, political, and social contexts has contributed to making them feel like an
inferior caste (See Schwarzer 38). However, in the last part of her book, Beauvoir
declares that she is not a feminist, and that she believes that a solution to women's
problems can be achieved through a socialist society. (Schwarzer 31) Nevertheless,
she realizes that Marxist theory is perhaps a utopia since, even in so-called socialist
countries, the traditional roles of men and women have remained essentially
unchanged.
In the 1960s and early 1970s, Beauvoir embraces radical feminism and
becomes a proponent of the so-called new-wave feminism. As a radical feminist, she
associates women’s emancipation with class struggle and, as indicated by Alice
Schwarzer, explores the relationship between the exploitation of workers and the
exploitation of women in modern society. Those decades brought about the
emergence of a second wave of radical feminism during which women’s position in
the working world was examined by Betty Friedan in The Feminine Mystique (1963),
Kate Millet in Sexual Politics (1969), Shulamith Firestone in The Dialect of Sex: The
Case for Feminist Revolution (1970), Germaine Greer in The Female Eunuch (1970)
and Juliet Mitchell in Women's Estate and Marxism (1971).
Beauvoir notes the innovative nature of Firestone’s analysis, which contrasted
with a Marxist point of view that implied that the advent of socialism would result in
equal rights for women in family, work, and society. She demonstrates that
abolishing the capitalist system does not automatically lead to the elimination of
patriarchal oppression, which, in her opinion, is inextricably related to family
structures that have to be modified. In the 1970s, a period during which women in the
western world fought for emancipation and became integrated in the production
system by entering the workplace, Soviet Union women were proud of being
employed and were rather contemptuous of those women who were not working
outside the home but remained content to find their identity in being wives of
distinguished men.
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Having traveled to the Soviet Union and observed Soviet women’s lifestyles,
Beauvoir notes that housework and childcare continue to be almost exclusively done
by women. She concludes that, in both communist and capitalist countries, gender
stereotypes have remained unchanged, despite the underlying differences in the
specific political systems. Nowadays, the analysis made by Beauvoir is further
enhanced and corroborated by global social conditions, as, in the world of
employment, the problems of work insecurity, unemployment, and poverty are mainly
associated with references to a precariat -- an analogy to the term proletariat, which
focuses on a "reconstruction of the era of free capital and labor" (Brophy and de
Peuter 117).
In his 2011 book entitled The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class, Guy
Standing, Professor of Economic Security at the University of Bath and Vice President
of BIEN (Basic Income Earth Network), discusses the emerging global social class
he labels precariat and its problems of economic insecurity and temporary work
associated particularly with women, youth, and immigrants. Standing states that
women can be readily classified among the so-called lumpen precariat such as
homeless Bag Ladies, so named because they carry bags with food and personal
items with them as the only assets they possess. The Bag Ladies have lost their
property and have become homeless, living a miserable marginal life without
permanent shelter, as depicted by Joël Depommier in Gauchebo.
In the last twenty years, women have been particularly affected by economic
insecurity and unemployment, while simultaneously being victims of a dramatic 22%
inequality in pay for comparable work, a 22% gap in 2010 in Greece, where women's
degree of unemployment was 14.8% as compared with men’s, which was estimated
at 8.3%. In the European Union, female unemployment in March 2010 was estimated
at 9.4%, slightly lower than male unemployment, which was 9.8% (G.S.G.E. 2010). In
addition, according to Apospori & Rafailidou (2007), women are faced with
discrimination, negative stereotypes, and social biases which impede their
professional development (Tabet 2010, Sarri 2012).
Research has demonstrated that women have an increased risk of poverty and
social exclusion (Trichopoulou 2012) and that, globally, 80% of the poor are women.
In Greece, high-risk poverty groups include rural households, people with minimal
education, and single-parent households, the greatest number of which are families
with single women (Greek National Strategy Report on Social Protection and Social
Inclusion, 2008-2010). Likewise In France, it is single women with children, elderly
women with no pension, and female students who represent a large percentage of
the poor. Fabienne Brugère, a feminist philosopher, stresses the importance of
examining this social phenomenon, which has often forced women into prostitution
when they are unable to make a living wage.
In her 2003 novel Mensonges de femmes, contemporary Russian writer
Ludmila OulitskaTa provides a vivid and extremely ironical description of the
phenomenon of prostitution among young women who have been channeled from
former communist countries into Western Europe. Discussing the decay of the
communist system, she focuses on the myth of a western European paradise,
exploring the decay and collapse of the capitalist system as well as the hypocritical
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way in which such a system exploits women. Oulitskaïa essentially endorses
Beauvoir’s analysis of women’s financial exploitation by both capitalist and
communist economies.
Fabienne Brugère dreams of a society in which there will be no need for a
Woman's Day, but rather a Women's Day, implying that, as Beauvoir stated forty years
ago, different women experience different situations. Women entrepreneurs or
business managers and unemployed women mired in social and economic
insecurity do not share the same perspective. (Camus 2011)
As early as the 1970s, Beauvoir raised the issue of discrimination between
"male" and "female" professions and the "invisible" yet very tangible barrier that
hinders women’s advancement in the sciences and politics, the so-called "glass
ceiling effect" (Papalexandri). She demonstrated that in the Soviet Union at that time,
female workers did not have access to positions on the central committee or state
assemblies, or to posts of authority and power in general. She noted that gender
discrimination kept women from having access to positions in scientific fields such
as engineering, technology, and research, and that they were mainly employed in the
fields of education and medicine. In the former Eastern bloc countries, where health
care provision was free, medical professions, which were hard, tiring, and very low-
paid by the state, were exercised mostly by women (Schwarzer 29). Women’s primary
employment at all levels of education and teaching except for higher education has
become a global phenomenon.
Nowadays, forty years later, Perrot demonstrates that this trend has
unfortunately continued. She also emphasizes that when women gain entry into a
particular profession, that profession often gradually loses prestige, and that although
girls often tend to do better at school than boys, it is the males who generally land
better paid jobs in entrepreneurial areas such as engineering and management. The
glass ceiling remains in place. According to Papalexandri, contemporary women
hold less than 10% of senior management positions.
The same observation has been made by large international and European
Union organizations. In France, a discussion about this inequality was triggered by
the law on parity. Marilyn J. Davidson and Ronald J. Burke have attempted a
comprehensive survey of Anglo-Saxon countries, with a view to demonstrating the
international dimension of the glass ceiling effect.
In addition, there is a considerable amount of research which demonstrates
that the barriers and inequalities in women’s career advancement are partially due to
the fact that the management model of enterprises or of large public or private
organizations such as universities is governed by social networks, rules and
practices that historically have relied on male norms (Laufer 120). Thus selection for
recruitment is frequently based on gender stereotypes such as competitiveness and
aggressiveness rather than on meritocracy.. Women are often forced to adopt male
behavior in order to survive in certain professional fields and to become hierarchical
rather than collaborative and participatory, listening and seeking consensus (Laufer
120-122).
Women thus tend to be viewed as the second sex in management positions,
necessary but marginal for the organization. Beauvoir’ points out, however, that
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women can be very effective managers because of their ability to multi-task and to
anticipate and respond to the needs of others, as Carol Gilligan has also noted in her
book In a Different Voice.
Confronted with the demands of family and work, motherhood and career,
women often fail to break through the glass ceiling. Engaged in housework and child¬
rearing, they cannot always cope with the rapid pace of work and exhausting
timetables often required by business management (Laufer 120, 123). Information
gathered by the United Nations in 1995 has indicated that, in almost all societies,
women perform the majority of the housework and are primarily responsible for
raising children and caring for the sick and the elderly.
However, the increasing numbers of women in the labor market, changes in
family and marital roles, and the demographic problem of an aging population in
Europe as elsewhere have brought the issue of juggling time for both work and family
life to the forefront of the European social agenda. In 2006, the European
Commission commented: "The successful combination of work and private life helps
reduce the gender gap and improve the quality of the working environment, while
facilitating methods to address the challenge of demographic change." Research
conducted in Europe, Scandinavia, and the United.States has demonstrated that the
opportunity to work outside the home has enhanced women’s sense of
independence and achievement.
Motherhood vs Employment Outside the Home
In The Second Sex, Simone de Beauvoir addressed problems women of the
20th century have had when trying to combine a career outside the home and
motherhood. More recently, a French organization called “Osez le féminisme”
continues to pose the crucial question of who will care for the children. Statistics
indicate that in currrent day France there is only one place available for every ten
children seeking day care. Thus a large percentage of children under the age of three
are cared for at home, usually by their mother. This creates a major problem for
women who want to enter or re-enter the labor market.
In the 1970s and 1980s, this problem was explored by Adrienne Rich in Of
Woman Born. Motherhood as Experience and Institution (1976), Nancy Chodorow in
The Reproduction of Mothering: the Psychoanalysis and the Sociology of Gender
(1978), and Carol Gilligan in her book entitled In a Different Voice, (1982). Their
studies of the issue stressed that twenty years after the publication of The Second
Sex, women were still faced with double duty as they attempted to work almost tull
time both inside and outside the home while earning lower wages than their male
counterparts.
In France, the issue has continued to be explored by numerous women
authors including Hélène Cixous, Luce Irigaray, Antoinette Fouque, Julia Kristeva,.
Françoise Héritier and Sylviane Agacinski. The new wave of feminists has focused on
mothering as a crucial aspect of feminine identity. The question of maternal instinct
has been debated for thirty years by culturalists and maternalists, highlighting issues
of maternal guilt and the juggling of commitments to the demands of mothering and
of careers.
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Elisabeth Badinter’s 2010 book entitled Le Conflit - la femme et la mère
became a best-seller in the field of humanities and social sciences. After her first
book, L'Amour en plus, published in 1980, in which, following in Beauvoir’s footsteps,
she debunked myths of maternal instinct and the "good mother," Badinter has
recently returned to an examination of these same burning issues. Taking into
account the danger of a cultural regression, she examines recent attempts at
identifying maternity as the major contribution women can make to contemporary
society.
A society which assigns the bulk of responsibility for child rearing to women will
result in a female population which feels constantly guilt ridden and often frantic.
Badinter analyzes the fallacy of the good ecological mother (Conflit 58) who is
encouraged to pattern her maternal role on that of the world of nature. She questions
the pressure for breast feeding by the Leche League (Conflit 101-118), which
originated in the United States and then spread throughout the world. Badinter also
emphasizes that breast feeding according to babies’ needs requires the mother to
be constantly available and on call at home. This can result in keeping fathers at a
distance from their own children and invalidates the recommended parental model
introduced in the 1970s and 80s, when role sharing and co-parenting were generally
common practices by many couples. Assuming that it will be the mothers who
assume the major responsibility for the care of their children may well encourage
many women to abandon work outside the home for a lengthy period of time while
their children are young and needy. (Conflit 146-152)
Due to the growing economic crisis, which has gradually taken on worldwide
proportions, women have inevitably been faced with the dilemma of choosing
between motherhood and career, family and work outside the home. The crisis of the
early 1990s sent many women back home. Massive unemployment in western
countries had a greater impact on women than on men. French women were offered
a three-year maternity benefit, amounting to half the minimum wage, if they were
willing to stay at home and devote themselves exclusively to childrearing. Badinter
notes that this policy implies that it is socially more acceptable for women to be
excluded from the work force outside of the home than for men to be. (Conflit 11 ).
Statistics indicate that, both in Europe and in America, women, particularly
those in the liberal professions, tend to return home as soon as they become
mothers (Conflit 163). In recent years, a great number of career women in the United
States have opted to give up work outside of the home in order to be exclusively
engaged in childrearing. A 2003 article in the New York Times labeled this “the opt-
out revolution.”
This social phenomenon was also highlighted by French researchers in 2008
(Elle 17 octobre 2008). The determination to combine career and family, to be both a
successful business woman and a good mother, seems to have become
increasingly discouraged in recent years. Thus, many women, often the most
educated and best qualified ones, tend to opt for a part-time job or to accept a non¬
challenging position rather than aiming for one more commensurate with their skills
and intelligence. Badinter demonstrates that this situation has resulted in a sharp
increase in the percentage of part-time work for women (Conflit 164).
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The younger generation of European women, especially those born around
1980, may well have realized that their mothers who had jobs outside the home had
been consistently overworked and underpaid. For them, the term “feminist” has
perhaps taken on negative connotations of hysteria, aggression, masculine behavior
and hatred of men. Wishing to prove themselves “good mothers,” many have
preferred to stay at home with their children, thereby delaying fulfilment of their own
career aspirations and claims for equal pay. (Conflit 161-162).
Accordiing to Catherine Hakim, who is an English sociologist and expert on
women's employment and among the first to classify women’s life choices in the 21st
century, contemporary women can be divided into three major categories: home-
centered (20%): those who prefer not to work outside the home and to givie priority to
children and family; adaptive (60%): those who wish to combine work and family
without being exclusively engaged in a professional career; and work-centered (20%);
those who do not have children and are entirely devoted to work or social, political, or
artistic activities.
In research done in 2008, Neil Gilbert, Professor of Social Welfare and Social
Services at U.C. Berkeley, demonstrates another typology, which, based on the
number of children women may have, classifies them in four categories: traditional,
for those who have three or more children and are full-time mothers; neotraditional,
for those who have two children and are often employed in part-time jobs; modern, for
those with one child who are simultaneously pursuing a career; and postmodern, for
those with no children who are totally committed to a career and professional
success. It is worth noting that the majority of those represented above are
neotraditional and modern women who endeavor to combine work and motherhood,
focusing on both family (neotraditional) and career (modern). (Gilbert 31-34).
Despite the fact that the above-mentioned studies focus on women in Anglo-
Saxon countries, the categorization does not seem to be very different from patterns
for women in various other parts of Europe. Motherhood continues to be viewed as a
universal destiny for the vast majority of women and is undoubtedly given particular
emphasis during periods of economic crisis and high unemployment rates. There
appears to be an assumption that, during periods of economic crisis, women should
be encouraged to return home to do what they know how to do best: bear and raise
children.
In the 1970s, Simone de Beauvoir demonstrated that it was unlikely that
women would be widely employed in capitalist countries as long as a substantial
percentage of their men remained unemployed (Schwarzer 46). The precariat,
according to Guy Standing, is the product of an ideological economic mainstream,
which, motivated by the so-called neo-liberalism of the 1970s, has launched a new
model of economic development based on competitiveness. This has led to the
development of flexible forms of employment which have left workers and their
families uncertain about the predictability of earning a living in a changing job market.
In the 1970s and ‘80s, there were discussions about the possibility of providing
regular wages for housewives and mothers confined to the home. Simone de
Beauvoir was concerned that such a scenario would discourage women from
seeking salaried careers and thereby limit their autonomy. Recent specialists in
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feminist theory agree. Contemporary women now have the means to control the
reproductive process and determine the number of children they choose to have and
to raise. As family dynamics evolve, time alone will reveal the extent to which a
patriarchal system will continue to place the burden of childcare and child rearing
primarily in the hands of women or be replaced by a sharing of the responsibility of
caring for and raising desired children by both of the sexes that produced them.
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~.
KATERINA K. SARRI
Katerina K. Sarri is an Associate Professor of Management at the University of
Macedonia in Thessaloniki, Greece. She majored in Economics at Aristotle University
in Thessaloniki, has a Master's degree in Business Administration from the University
of Birmingham in the U.K., and a Ph.D. from the University of Macedonia's Department
of Applied Informatics. She has been teaching for more than twenty years at both the
undergraduate and postgraduate level, and has also worked as a consultant,
evaluator, mentor, and coordinator of programs in the areas of entrepreneurship and
innovation.
Professor Sarri has published articles in Greek and foreign journals and is the
author of several books dealing with women's entrepreneurship and business
planning in Greece. She is the coordinator of an international research program
entitled Global University Entrepreneurial Spirit Students' Survey (GUESSS) and a
member of the Board of Directors of the Ergani.Centre, established in 1991 to
enhance female participation in the work force. "Ergani" is an adjective used by
ancient Greeks to describe the Goddess Athena for her diligence and creative ability.
Professor Sarri has also served as associate editor and reviewer for several scientific
journals and as a member of the national committee for gender equality, which is part
of the Greek ministry of internal affairs.
Editor's note: For a photograph and biographical information about Triantafyllia
Kadoglou, please consult page 83 of this volume, where you will find an expanded
version of her analysis of current labor market problems in French.
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