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Maya Angelou: Writing the “black
voice”; for the multicultural
community
a
Catherine A. Dobris
a
Department of Communication , Indiana University , 525 N.
Blackford St., Indianapolis, IN, 46202, USA
Published online: 27 Feb 2009.
To cite this article: Catherine A. Dobris (1996) Maya Angelou: Writing the “black voice”;
for the multicultural community, Howard Journal of Communications, 7:1, 1-12, DOI:
10.1080/10646179609361709
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10646179609361709
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terms-and-conditionsMaya Angelou: Writing the "Black Voice"
for the Multicultural Community
Catherine A. Dobris
Indiana University
Indianapolis, IN, USA
This paper provides a rhetorical analysis of Maya Angelou's inauguration
poem, by applying the feminist framework for analysis outlined by Karen and
Sonja Foss. The inclusion of Angelou's poem in a presidential inauguration
represents one of the first attempts on the part of a national political party to
incorporate, rather than minimize, the multicultural community and the in-
fluence of culture, class, and gender on the traditional conception of the
American Dream.
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B orn in St. Louis, Missouri, in 1928, and raised through much of her girlhood
in Stamps, Arkansas, writer Maya Angelou is the rhetorical embodiment of
the 1992-1993 Democratic national platform. This new administration, with
its promises of change and blatant disavowal of "business as usual," found in
Angelou the perfect stature and voice to symbolize President Clinton's political
mandate. An economically deprived woman of color who succeeded in spite of
oppression from every conceivable source, Angelou represents the revitalization,
as well as the revisioning, of the so-called American Dream.
The purpose of this paper is to suggest that Angelou's poem represents one
of the first attempts on the part of a national political party to incorporate, rather
than minimize, the influence of culture, class, and gender on the traditional con-
ception of the American Dream. As the author of five autobiographical texts,
Angelou is a significant voice in the Black feminist community on issues of con-
sciousness and the relationships between sense of self and cultural attitudes, values
and beliefs.1 Through her inaugural poem, this author, who claims that she "writes
for the Black voice and any ear which can hear it" (Angelou, 1983), makes the final
connection "between communication principles and practices in the fundamental
processes of building community."
This paper provides a rhetorical analysis of Angelou's inauguration poem, by
applying the feminist framework for analysis outlined by Karen and Sonja Foss in
their collection of women's communication, Women Speak: The Eloquence of Women's
Lives. The analysis will be framed within the perspective of identity discourse. I
begin by providing a brief overview of the history of women speakers in traditional
public address to help situate Angelou's rhetoric in an historical perspective. Next,
I discuss rhetorical constructions of self and identity in women's writing, laying the
groundwork for analysis of identity in Angelou's poem. Finally, I employ Foss and
This paper was originally presented to the Black Caucus, The Speech Communication
Association Conference, New Orleans, LA, November 20, 1994.
Address correspondence to Catherine A. Dobris at Department of Communication, Indiana
University, 525 N. Blackford St., Indianapolis, IN 46202.
The Howard Journal of Communications, 7:1—12, 1996
Copyright © 1996 Taylor & Francis
1064-6175/96 $12.00 + .00
12 C. A. Dobris
Foss' framework for analysis to make some observations about the meanings and
interpretations of this rhetorical artifact.
Brief History of Women in Traditional Public Address
Throughout most of recorded history, women have been actively discouraged
and generally forbidden from speaking in public. Women who did speak in public
were condemned, disgraced, run out of town, or killed (Anderson, 1984). For
example, one of the earliest U.S. female public speakers, according to extant texts,
was Anne Hutchinson. A self-proclaimed minister in the 1600s, Hutchinson es-
poused her own religious views in the unfriendly environs of puritanical Massa-
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chusetts (Anderson, 1984). As a result, Hutchinson was banished from Massachu-
setts and excommunicated from the church in 1638. One of Hutchinson's followers,
Mary Dyer, was jailed three times for her improprieties in the public sphere and
finally hanged as a "heretic."
Other examples of women who were condemned for speaking in public and
for contradicting the doctrine of the white, male, power elite include Deborah
Sampson, who gave lectures in 1802 on her experiences as a revolutionary soldier;
Frances Wright, called "The Great Red Harlot of Infidelity" by the press in 1828—
1829, who gave radical feminist speeches and was persecuted and threatened
throughout her life; and Maria Stewart, the first recorded black woman speaker,
who was criticized for taking to the podium in 1833 (Anderson, 1984). The list of
women speakers lambasted for daring to give voice to their concerns in the public
arena includes more well-known names such as the 1800s abolitionists Angelina
and Sarah Grimke; the African American ex-slave Sojourner Truth; and innu-
merable suffragists, among them Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Carrie
Chapman Catt, and Susan B. Anthony (Kennedy and O'Sheilds, 1983; Anderson,
1984). However, this list should also include all of the women whose names have
been lost to history. Such women included those who spearheaded the Temperance
Movement, the pre-World War I Peace Movement, prison reform, mental health
reform, religious movements, Native American rights, movements for racial equal-
ity, free love, liberal divorce laws, pro-choice and anti-choice abortion, gay and
lesbian rights, child labor laws, the 8-hour work day, unionism, and equal economic
opportunities for women.
For most of recorded Western history, women speakers have been considered
immodest, impious, unfeminine, and unwomanly. The concerns of women, and
certainly of women of color, have been interpreted by the dominant power structure
as antithetical to the concerns of the so-called "majority" of Americans. Women
who spoke out against the patriarchy helped to change and shape society, but most
paid a very high personal price.
Thus throughout the history of public address, as the concerns of women and
of the dominant culture were deemed antithetical to one another, so were the terms
"woman" and "rhetorician" seen as impossible to reconcile. Judith Anderson argues
that for 300 years of American history, the public repeatedly debated four basic
issues concerning women reformers:Maya Angelou: Writing the "Black Voice" 3
1. Whether women should speak
2. Where women should speak
3. Whom women should speak to
4. What women should speak about
In contemporary times, women have sought to correct the imbalance in the
public arena by becoming more visible and verbal, and by employing a variety of
rhetorical strategies. In the 1970s, women were advised through popular sources
to act and talk like men in order to succeed in the public sphere. "Feminine" styles
of dress, speech, and nonverbal expression were all perceived as ineffective in the
"serious" male bastions of business and the professions. In the 1980s this discourse
was subsequently revised when many women realized that if they "acted like men"
in the public arena, they were often chastised as being "too masculine." Frequently,
women were ridiculed for being aggressive, pushy, and bitchy. Finally, in the 1990s,
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both of these approaches are being reevaluated. Some traditionally "feminine"
communication behaviors seem to be more effective than traditionally "masculine"
behaviors. Perhaps surprisingly, this seems to be especially true when men employ
feminine communication skills in, for example, management and in the pulpit
(Kleinman, 1984). However, regardless of setting, our rhetorical heritage has gen-
erally recorded only a male-centered rhetorical history and, therefore, both women
and men generally have only traditional male-based models of communication in
our discipline from which to choose.
Rhetorical Constructions of Self and Identity2
In the past two decades some feminist scholars have sought to expand upon,
alter, and/or replace traditional rhetorical theory. Unfortunately, feminism often
appears to embody the very oppressive structures it professes to oppose. The
dominant discourse presents itself as all-inclusive; however, discourse from people
of color, Asians, Jews, lesbians, and other non-dominant people is frequently dis-
torted or excluded. The literary scholar Hazel Carby (1986) suggests, "feminist
theory supports and reproduces a racist hierarchy." Therefore, many women reject
a feminist identity or embrace it only after making careful qualifications. Finally,
the dearth of research in our own field on non-dominant women makes it difficult
to reconceptualize rhetorical theory from a feminist perspective.
Problems with "Sisterhood"
Some scholars have argued that the privileges some women enjoy, such as skin
tone and economic privilege, shield them from the need to understand the struggles
of other groups (Bulkin et al., 1988). The resultant cultural ignorance of main-
stream feminism makes some women feel alienated from the "women's movement."
Many women, both in and outside of feminism, do not know their own cultural
histories and may feel shame, guilt, and negativity directed at the different cultures
that make up their identities. Ultimately and inevitably, some of these feelings
become directed toward the self. Some women reject parts of their identity by4 C. A. Dobris
going so far as to deny their affiliation with various marginalized groups. Other
women reject their privileged status by attempting to "impersonate" the cultures
of marginalized groups. While impersonation is intended as a means to gain em-
pathy with oppressed groups, these women seem rarely to be successful at achiev-
ing true understanding (Bulkin et al., 1988).
Another problem with connecting women vis-a-vis the rubric of gender may
occur when marginalized women commune with other marginalized women.
Women who see themselves on the fringes of mainstream feminism often expect
more of other marginalized women than they do of mainstream women. For ex-
ample, some Jewish women may expect women of color to express less anti-Semitism
than might mainstream white women. When marginalized women confront the
same "isms" from other groups of marginalized women, they may judge them
more harshly, in the end concluding that neither their different oppressions nor
their joint marginalization as women, is sufficient to unite them over their
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differences.
Ultimately, cultural/historical ignorance among feminists damages community
and coalition building. When marginalized women are at odds with other margin-
alized women, some scholars argue that all of feminism suffers. Other scholars
suggest that feminism has failed to meet the needs of women in the 1990s precisely
because it has failed to acknowledge and address effectively the dynamic between
gender and culture in contemporary society.
Feminist Approaches to Difference
Although identity discourse attempts to give voice to many of the different
voices that comprise Woman's Voice, feminist scholars take various approaches to
discussing the issue of "difference" or "cultural diversity" (White & Dobris, 1989).
One approach, in direct opposition to many of the goals of identity politics, is to
insist that "we are all really the same." From this perspective the overarching
category that binds all women is gender, and differences among women are rele-
gated to the sidelines. There is a code of silence around differences because to
admit differences is perceived as divisive. Oppression, regardless of its source, is
seen as more or less the same, and the concept of "sisterhood" is the panacea that
is supposed to overcome all differences.
Another perspective on dealing with differences is to acknowledge difference
but to see difference as a strength rather than as a divisive construct. This approach
suggests that women are connected by the "politics of separation" and, therefore,
admitting our differences actually strengthens feminism by creating a woman-
centered community. While this appears to conflict with the theory that differences
are irrelevant, both perspectives share the basic assumption that gender is the
primary category of political analysis.
Two final approaches to difference by feminist scholars recognize the signifi-
cance of race, class, color, religion, and other factors as shaping the identity of
women, and attempt to place the "burden" of educating the masses in one of two
ways. First, some feminists have argued that addressing differences is the respon-
sibility of marginalized women. Mainstream women, it is suggested, can under-
stand difference only through the discourse of women who have lived on theMaya Angelou: Writing the "Black Voice" 5
margins of the social sphere. Other feminists argue, however, that this is an unfair
burden and that, therefore, the dominant culture needs to educate itself. Main-
stream women, according to this view, must take responsibility for reading, asking
questions, listening, and engaging in discourse with and about women on the
margins of society.
Identity Politics as a Response
Despite the acknowledged problems with developing feminist theory, margin-
alized women are making important inroads in the development of feminist theory.
One of the most important developments is "identity politics." The feminist critic
Teresa de Lauretis (1986) suggests,
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Emerging in feminist writings i s . . . the concept of a multiple, shifting, and often
self-contradictory identity, a subject that is not divided in, but rather at odds with,
language; an identity made up of heterogeneous and heteronomous representations
of gender, race, and class, and often indeed across languages and cultures; an
identity that one decides to reclaim from a history of multiple assimilations, and
that one insists on as a strategy, (p. 9)
Identity politics addresses issues of consciousness and multiple identities. Schol-
ars rhetorically reconstruct and unite conflicting identities, in the process trans-
forming themselves and the cultures they represent. Texts such as This Bridge Called
My Back are seminal feminist works in their efforts to explicate the differences and
commonalities among diverse cultural backgrounds. Identity discourse may be
characterized by three distinct features: construction and perceptions of others,
construction and perceptions of self, and strategies aimed at reconciling of tensions
between self and other (White & Dobris, 1989).
Rhetorical Significance of Identity Discourse
In response to some of the problems in feminist dialogue, identity discourse
tries to make the self whole by examining all of the parts of who we are in
juxtaposition to the cultures of which we are a part. From this perspective, when
the self is made whole, the self is capable of creating community with other women
from similar and different backgrounds. There are, however, still limitations in the
construction of identity through identity discourse. Specifically, certain rhetorical
acts, such as denying a part of self, are discouraged. For example, a woman who
is one-quarter Puerto Rican but who prefers not to explore that aspect of her
identity is sanctioned for this preference and may be expected to examine the roots
of this "rejection of self in order to reclaim this aspect of her ethnic identity.
Despite these limitations, identity discourse still affords us a unique vantage
point from which to examine the discourse of marginalized women. We can, for
example, examine the "assimilation" process of various cultures to investigate how
and why some groups assimilate quickly while other groups tend to resist assimi-
lation. We are also able to emphasize difference within the landscape of common-
ality, by constructing gender as a non-discrete category that interacts with, influ-6 C. A. Dobris
ences, and is influenced by, other cultural traits. Identity discourse provides an
appropriate backdrop to examine the expressions of self from marginalized women
who have been denied the traditional oratorical platform from which to speak about
their lives, and who have had to move instead to fiction, art, and poetry.
Application Of A Feminist Framework For Analysis
Using identity discourse as a philosophical underpinning to this analysis, I
have selected Maya Angelou's inaugural poem as an artifact to explore this con-
temporary example of poetic discourse by a woman of color. Angelou is particularly
appropriate as a subject for this analysis because of the autobiographical nature of
much of her writing. Her texts chart the growth and development of self from
early childhood to her current status as a major American writer. Further, the
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autobiographical efforts of women and men of color are regarded by some scholars
of African American discourse as a significant representation of African American
existence. For example, Selwyn Cudjoe (1983) suggests that "the Afro-American
autobiographical statement is the most Afro-American of all Afro-American liter-
ary pursuits." Sondra O'Neale (1983) specifically points to contemporary Black
women writers, Angelou among them, as needing to do "more than serve its own
form . . . fictional conceptions of depth and integrity are needed to reveal the Black
women's identity" (26). O'Neale (1983) singles out Angelou as one of the few
contemporary women writers "who has made her life her message and whose mes-
sage to all aspiring Black women is the reconstruction of her experiential 'self"
(26). Through her writing and recitation of "On The Pulse of Morning," Angelou
addresses the broader U.S. American community, as well as the global community,
in her efforts to express the "Black voice" to those ears willing and capable of
listening.
In the current analysis, I discuss the nature of the exigence, audience, and
speaker, and the nature and functions of the text within the context of the rhetorical
situation of the inauguration. Next, I examine the nature of the world created
through Angelou's use of imagery in the inaugural poem. Finally, I use the analysis
of this text to assess and question some of the basic assumptions of traditional
public address from a feminist perspective.
Nature of the Exigence/Audience/Communicator/Text
Exigence
Selected by President Clinton to write and give the inaugural poem, Angelou
"received a call from Harry Thomason, co-chairman of the Inaugural Committee,
who told her that she had been personally selected by then-president-elect Clinton
for the honor" (Haynes, 1983, p. 72). On her acceptance, "Angelou became the
first Black, the first woman, and only the second poet laureate in the history of the
republic" to receive this honor (Haynes, 1983, p. 72). Although it would seem that
such a solemn and portentous occasion would exercise considerable influence over
the content and nature of the text, according to Thomason, "she was under noMaya Angelou: Writing the "Black Voice" 7
time or content restrictions" (Haynes, 1983, p. 72). Nevertheless, the exigence of
this particular inauguration may have prescribed, within limits, the woman or man
who might be selected as poet laureate.
Much of Clinton's campaign was based on the intrinsic virtue of change; his
rhetoric was framed within the optimistic conception that, while the country had
endured tough times, a new, Democratic administration would speak to the prob-
lems of all people who had previously been ignored during the Republicans' 12-
year reign in the White House. The rhetorical situation of Clinton's inauguration,
therefore, dictated selecting a poet who would reflect those particular values of
change and inclusiveness. Of course, Clinton was under no obligation to choose a
poet laureate, since most presidents historically have not done so; however, the
unique dynamics of the rhetorical situation also invited such a choice. Throughout
his campaign, journalists were often compelled to draw comparisons between Clin-
ton and John F. Kennedy, and Clinton encouraged these largely positive contrasts
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whenever possible. As one journalist noted, "The new president is inspiring Amer-
ican youth the same way President Kennedy did the youth of the early 1960s, which
incidentally included Clinton, but in addition, Clinton is visibly appropriating the
symbols of Camelot" ("Profile," 1993). What better appropriation than to parallel
Kennedy's employment of a poet laureate for the inauguration? Such a choice
provides an opportunity for a comparison of the most benign variety; neither
Republican nor Democrat had much room to criticize the inclusion of a commem-
orative poem in the proceedings. However, certainly much has changed since the
Kennedy years, and the same journalist suggests that it "might be said that those
changes are reflected in the differences between the white-haired bard from New
England and Bill Clinton's choice to compose a poem for his swearing-in ceremony"
("Profile," 1993).
Thus it was that the occasion of the inauguration invited particular responses
to the given exigence. The occasion prompted selecting a poet who would promote
change and optimism about the new administration, and who would provide in-
spiration and incentive to the vast numbers of multicultural groups who would
witness the inauguration around the globe. Angelou, a woman of color whose many
works touched upon those themes, was the ideal choice to represent Clinton's
concerns. Finally, the exigence of the inauguration seemed to invite a poet who
could parallel Kennedy's poet laureate of three decades ago, Robert Frost, allowing
for the inevitable comparisons between the two presidents, and the contrasts be-
tween "the white-haired bard" ("Profile," 1993) and the feminist woman of color.
Audience
Although in any public presentation, especially in one so widely watched and
analyzed, a number of different audiences can be posited, I will suggest that there
were at least three audiences that are relevant in this rhetorical investigation: the
immediate, present audience; the mass-mediated national and international audi-
ence; and the future audience of critics, historians, and literary theorists. The
immediate audience was so huge that most people in attendance could not see
Angelou or any of the other speakers. Some spectators sported portable televisions
which they tuned in to watch the inauguration even as they participated in the8 C. A. Dobris
event. Nevertheless, the dominant mood of the day was a positive one. Most of
those in attendance were there because they wanted to be, and most of them
seemed pleased simply to be a part of the event. To address the immediate audi-
ence, Angelou probably needed only to consider brevity and clarity in her rhetorical
response.
The mass-mediated audience, on the other hand, was a much greater chal-
lenge. Here also were many supporters, but since Clinton had captured less than
half of the popular vote, there were certainly many skeptical, apathetic, and antag-
onistic observers in both the national and international communities. A persistent
question among supports and non-supporters alike might have been, will this new
administration offer a real change from the previous 12 years of Republican poli-
tics, or will Clinton lead the country into the "business as usual" routine that he
professed to work against throughout his campaign? Further, Clinton's relationship
with African American voters specifically was a problematic one. For this audience,
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Angelou needed to echo Clinton's themes of change and inclusiveness, addressing
middle America, multi-ethnic America, and the rest of the watching world.
Finally, for the future audience of critics, historians, and literary critics, An-
gelou probably wanted to write a poem that might be considered to have both
artistic and enduring qualities. For Angelou, the competing, sometimes conflicting,
demands of literature and speechmaking may have posed somewhat of a difficulty.
While literature, as Wichelns pointed out in his seminal 1925 article, "The Literary
Criticism of Oratory," is often evaluated as a permanent contribution to the aesthetic
world, speech is often transitory, more concerned with immediate effects rather
than with longevity. Here again, however, Angelou seems to have been an appro-
priate choice; she is a highly regarded poet and author who has received numerous
awards, including 12 honorary doctorates, and is an experienced and talented
speaker, earning an average of $15,000 for each of her many speaking engagements
(Haynes, 1993, p. 70). Her experience in both literary and rhetorical realms makes
her an ideal choice for all of the demands of her various audiences.
Communicator
Angelou set about writing the inaugural poem in her usual meticulous and
methodical style, "after weeks of reading the works of scholar W. E. B. DuBois,
abolitionist Frederick Douglass, poet Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, and sermons
of Black preachers" (Haynes, 1993, p. 72). She eventually wrote the text of the
poem, "sequestered in a small hotel room at daybreak, with a thesaurus, bottle of
sherry, playing cards and stacks of yellow legal pads by her side" (Haynes, 1993, p.
72). Although she had much unsolicited advice about what to write about from a
variety of sources (Haynes, 1993, p. 72), a recurrent theme in much of her writing
is captured in her interview with Haynes (1993): "I pray to be telling the truth and
telling it eloquently . . . I pray for that all the time." It seems doubtful that Angelou
tailored her poem to the exigences of the situation, but rather, the choice of Angelou
ensured in advance that the poem would respond to the situational constraints.
While Clinton claims to be a longtime fan of Angelou's, it is also not coinci-
dental that the themes in his campaign and the themes in Angelou's work and life
dovetail extremely well. For example, one journalist describes Angelou as an "un-Maya Angelou: Writing the "Black Voice" 9
abashed celebrant of the human spirit . . . optimistic about the future of America
and its people. She is convinced that a sense of pride will be rekindled in the hearts
of Americans" (Haynes, 1993, p. 72). Angelou's own life seems to exemplify Clin-
ton's campaign rhetoric: a marginalized woman who has faced the degradation of
poverty, rape, racism, sexism, and countless other humiliations, Angelou has
emerged victorious as a highly successful and highly respected literary and cultural
figure. Choosing Angelou to speak at his inauguration was tantamount to recog-
nizing the pain and suffering endured by the marginalized in American culture;
concomitantly, Angelou represented the possible, bright future for these same
persons under the new administration. Among her many experiences in almost
every facet of life, Angelou has served as a prostitute, madam, short order cook,
waitress, and nightclub dancer. Through hard work, struggle, and determination,
she later became an actress, an acclaimed writer, and a college professor. Currently
she holds a lifetime appointment at Wake Forest University. A virtual metaphor for
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the Clinton campaign, Angelou may convey the message of one who has suffered
and then triumphed, providing an inspirational model to the American people.
Text
As one author observes, "the poem reflects the theme that is evident in all of
Angelou's previous works: human beings are more alike than they are unlike in
their virtues and their vices" (Haynes, 1993, p. 70). Another writer, from the
National Review, sees a different thread in Angelou's poem, suggesting that "a
principal theme of Miss Angelou's Inaugural Poem was a protest against 'armed
struggle for profit' and 'seekers desperate for gain, starving for gold'" (Guchine,
1993, p. 36). Angelou's relatively brief and eloquent text tells a tale of deep and
abiding oppression in the heart of the American Dream; Angelou challenges the
American people to "face your distant destiny" and "lift up your faces" for "this
bright morning dawning for you." The essence of Angelou's poem might be sum-
marized as, "things have been bad, but the worst is over and things will get better
now." The text of her poem is inclusive of a multi-ethnic community and is gen-
erally optimistic and hopeful about the future for all members of all groups who
have experienced pain, loss, and disappointment.
Nature of the World Created
The nature of the world created through Angelou's poem is not the picture-
perfect world of the American Dream, inspiring Americans to work hard and
prosper regardless of the odds. Angelou's world is closer to Martin Luther King's
"Dream," where despite the difficult and unequal struggle, people may begin to
cautiously anticipate a world that might someday provide more opportunity for all
of its inhabitants. Persistent themes in Angelou's poem are inclusiveness, the hor-
rors of our separate and mutual experiences as Americans, and the hope that this
day—the day of the inauguration—can be a new beginning for everyone.
Angelou's world is a fearful, violent world where human beings are "bought,
sold, stolen, arriving on a nightmare" and where American history is the chronol-10 C. A. Dobris
ogy of "wrenching pain" for many of its people. Angelou includes a long list of
Americans who have endured pain and hardship and yet have contributed to the
creation of the so-called American Dream, while often being excluded from reap-
ing its benefits. She calls by name "the Asian, the Hispanic, the Jew, the African,
the Native American . . . the Gay, the Straight, the Preacher, the privileged, the
homeless, the Teacher" and many others who make up the patchwork of American
culture. She includes a plethora of groups and individuals in her poem, acknowl-
edging the pain and the difficulties of life in America.
But, like King's "Dream," Angelou's reality is also "a bright morning dawning"
where we may have the "space to place new steps of change." She challenges her
audience to "Give birth again / To the dream." Perhaps most significantly, Angelou
does not discount the "fear" and "brutishness" that permeates the lives of many of
her listeners, but instead admonishes that while "History cannot be unlived . . . if
faced / With courage, need not be lived again." Ultimately, while the text vividly
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recounts the horrors encountered by millions of Americans, this is an upbeat,
optimistic and empowering text in which we are encouraged to have the "courage"
to change, and in which listeners are challenged to take the "Dream" into "the
palms of your hands, Mold it into the shape of your most Private need. Sculpt it
into The image of your most public self and "lift up your hearts" because "Each
new hour holds new chances For a new beginning."
Questioning Basic Assumptions
Angelou's poem helps us to question some of the basic assumptions of tradi-
tional public address in several ways. It emphasizes a cooperative rather than a
competitive view of the world, a pro-social rather than anti-social perspective, and
it lifts up the ordinary and the everyday as more important than the elite or
extraordinary. Foss & Foss (1991) note many of the assumptions that we make
about public address in our traditional scholarship, and analysis of Angelou's poem
allows us to reassess three of those assumptions: significant speakers are male;
ordinariness is unimportant; and poetry is an activity that is distinct from speech-
making. Angelou's address clearly allows us to challenge all of those boundaries.
Angelou's existence, like that of many women in contemporary culture, is
actively dispelling the notion that speakers must be male. Combating 300 years of
rhetorical history, Angelou answers affirmatively the four questions that Anderson
identifies as defining women's sphere in public address: (1) to the question "whether
women should speak" the answer is a resounding "yes"; (2) "where women should
speak" is answered in the arena of one of the most widely promoted political events
of the decade—everywhere and anywhere; (3) "whom women should speak to" is
the entire global community; and (4) "what women should speak about" is every-
thing, including the most complicated, sensitive, and compelling issues of our time.
Angelou's poem brings us one or perhaps two steps closer to dispelling perma-
nently the notion of the speaker as male.
A second way that Angelou's poem helps us to challenge the notions of tradi-
tional public address is her elevation of the so-called "ordinary" to poetic propor-
tions. Angelou emphasizes the different groups that make up our culture, ratherMaya Angelou: Writing the "Black Voice" 11
than focusing on abstract ideas that have relevance for the elite only. Social class
and identity are reconstructed; the classist structure of society is equated with the
"the mastodon, the dinosaur" and other extinct relics that have no place in this
"new beginning." Most of the language of her poem is understandable to the vast
populace who listened and watched on Inauguration Day. Her regal presence, as
well as her own personal history, directly contradicts the white, male, privileged
stereotype that dominates much of the history of discourse. Angelou's poem and
Angelou herself seem to speak directly into the hearts of her audience without
need of a literary critic to translate or explain the weighty significance of her
words.
Finally, as a poet and a public speaker, Angelou's eloquence is difficult to
categorize as either literary or rhetorical, seeming to meet the demands of both
forms without difficulty. As Foss & Foss (1991) suggest, women have often utilized
other forms of artistic and rhetorical expression, finding the public speaking forum
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a frequently unfriendly vehicle for women. Recent analyses of women's rhetoric
have expanded the boundaries of public address to include a wide array of artifacts
including painting, quilt-making, and cooking (Foss & Foss, 1991). Angelou's poem
allows us to expand the purview of rhetoric in a different direction, blurring the
lines of poetic and rhetorical expression in an activity defined as much by rhetorical
intent as by literary invention.
Identity Politics In "On The Pulse of Morning"
Through the vehicle of Angelou's inaugural poem, for the first time in the
mainstream of American politics, the concerns of marginalized people were put
forth at the center of dominant discourse. In Clinton's efforts to bridge the gaps
between and among mainstream and marginalized men and women, he selected a
poet who could understand and relate the struggles of marginalized people in a
voice that was understandable to Americans with and without economic, gender,
and skin privileges. Angelou's poem seems to answer many of the basic concerns
of the women's groups that have grappled with creating and sustaining community
and coalition building. She unites the privileged with the underprivileged, glorifies
difference, and rejoices in commonalities, all within the context of this singular
rhetorical act. She takes on the responsibility of educating the masses and yet
challenges the individual to educate herself and himself, advising, "I will give you
no hiding place down here." Angelou's poem brings together all of the parts of self
and identity in a vast, multi-ethnic audience, and reconstructs a united "Self that
encompasses the entire character of the American people. An exemplar of identity
politics, "On the Pulse of Morning" is the rhetorical utterance that helps to make
the self whole, thus inviting and helping to create true and genuine community.
Moreover, Angelou's community is not the surrealistic melting pot of our childhood
history books. Her community is one that represents the full array of human
existence and experience, coming together as separate, distinct beings and cul-
tures, to welcome "new steps of change."
Regardless of what literary critics and historians may eventually say about the
merit and significance of Angelou's 1993 inaugural poem, it is clear that from a12 C. A. Dobris
rhetorical standpoint, Angelou's efforts represent a major shift in the acknowledg-
ment of marginalized groups in the public, mainstream sphere. Whether this shift
is a permanent one with an agenda into the 21st century, or whether it is only the
superficial trappings of political rhetoric, remains to be determined both during
and beyond the efforts of the Clinton administration. "On The Pulse of Morning"
stands as testament to a few moments in time when the concerns of women and the
concerns of people of color coincided with and were embraced by the dominant
American discourse in the intercultural community.
Notes
1. See for example, Cudjoe's discussion of "Maya Angelou and the Autobiographical Statement"
for an examination of some of these issues.
2. This discussion was developed previously in White, C. L. & Dobris, C. A. (November, 1989),
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Rhetorical Construction of Self and Identity. Paper presented at the meeting of the Speech Communication
Association, San Francisco, California.
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