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3rd Quarter 2016
NUMBER 42
UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
LET’S TALK POLITICS
1
U UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
UMRABULO Contents
CONTENTS
NUMBER 42 | 2016
UMRABULO was a word used to inspire IN THIS ISSUE
political discussion and debate on Robben
Island. This concept was revived in 1996
when the ANC published the first edition
of Umrabulo. The journal’s mission is to
encourage debate and rigorous discussions
5 Our arduos struggle against racism:
Quo vadis
at all levels of the movement. by Lindiwe Sisulu
11 Colonialism and Apartheid are dead:
Long live Colonialism of a Special Type
by Gugile Nkwinti
CALL FOR CONTRIBUTIONS
25
Umrabulo welcomes contributions from
readers. Contributions may be in response VIEWPOINT THE FUTURE OF THE ANC AS A
to previous articles or may raise new issues. RULING PARTY
Contributions may be sent to the address
below.
Is the ANC Likely to lose power in the forese-
able future?
SUBSCRIPTIONS by Kgolane Rudolph Phala
This service has been suspended for the
time being. Subscribers will be notified
2
when it will resume.
33 VIEWPOINT UNITY OF ETHICS AND
POLITICS AT THE CURRENT POLITICAL
EDITORIAL COLLECTIVE
Nathi Mthethwa – Editor-in-Chief JUNCTURE
Joel Netshitenzhe by Thando Ntlemeza
Thenjiwe Mtintso
Joyce Mashamba
Enoch Godongwana
Dipuo Letsatsi–Duba
40 CELEBRATING 95 YEARS OF THE SACP
by Kgolane Rudolph Phala
Donovan Cloete
Steyn Speed
Muzi Ndlovu
44 HISTORY A BUILD UP TO THE THIRTY YEARS
SINCE THE TALKS ABOUT TALKS ON GOREE
CONTACT INFORMATION ISLAND, DAKAR, SENEGAL
Address: Umrabulo by Thembisile Majola
PO Box 61884
48
Marshalltown
2107
TRIBUTE TO A SOUTH AFRICAN AT HEART:
South Africa ANDREW YOUNG
Tel: 011 376 1000 by Jeff Radebe
Fax: 086 633 1437
51
E-mail: umrabulo@anc.org.za
AFRICA WESTERN SAHARA: The last colony
in Africa – part 4
The contents and views expressed in
by Nathi Mthethwa
Umrabulo do not necessarily reflect
the policies of the ANC or the views of
the editorial collective.
Umrabulo on the web : www.anc.org.za
UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
EDITORIAL
■ By Nathi Mthethwa
O
N the 16th of June 2016, entiations imposed by nature and by
South Africans of all walks eliminating all kinds of hypocrisy that
of life will gather in Orlan- Let us continue to sustain the shameless exploitation of
do Stadium to pay tribute to a gen- women.”
eration of young men and women be a campaigning In our case, the first gift that this
of our country who gave it all to generation and their predecessors
set our country on the road to organisation and behest on us is the building of a
freedom like never before. South African nation.
a campaigning
A generation that Franz Fanon The construction of that nation was
describes as a generation that dis- government and not to be based on the principle of
covered its mission and set out to separation and different ethnic or ra-
fulfil it. cial groups.
A generation that brought back firmly the spotlight of The foundation of that nation was based on the prin-
the international community on the conditions of the ciples of a united, non-racialism, non-sexism, socio-
Black South Africans under the system of colonialism economic justice and democratic South Africa with 3
and apartheid. equal opportunities in education, employment, busi-
ness etc.
This year also marks the 60th anniversary of the epic This was the dream of different generations of African
march of women against the pass laws. We must recall leaders and activists it continues to be our dream that
that it is women of our country who introduced the we are making a reality.
practice of mass action in the liberation movement as
early as 1913. On Tuesday, 31st May 2016, a hand of death descended
upon the people of Saharawi Arab Democratic Re-
Paying tribute to women that African patriot, Thomas public (SADR) and robbed them of their beloved son,
Sankara, putting his case before thousands of women, comrade President Mohamed Abdelaziz.
moved from the point that the revolution cannot tri-
umph without the emancipation of women. While we mourn his loss, we must thank him and his
family, especially his beloved wife, Professor Jadiya
He goes on to define women in the following manner, Hamdi who is a Minister of Culture in Saharawi Arab
“The human being,” he said, “this vast and complex com- Democratic Republic, most profoundly for the selfless
bination of pain and joy, solitary and forsaken, yet creator service to all Saharawi people and progressive human-
of all humanity, suffering, frustrated and humiliated, and ity at large, for his generosity of spirit and for teaching
yet endless source of happiness for each one of us, this the humanity humility, respect for human dignity and
source of affection beyond compare, inspiring the most compassion for the weak, the poor and the down-
unexpected courage, this being called weak but possessing trodden.
untold ability to inspire us to take the road of honor, this
being of flesh and blood and of spiritual conviction – this The death of Comrade President Mohamed Abdelaziz
being women, is you. has removed from the political scene one of the great-
est figures in the Polisario Revolutionary Movement.
“You are our mothers, life companions, our comrades in He was fearless in difficult times, he was disciplined
struggle and because of this fact you should by right affirm and excelled as a leader in the trenches of the libera-
yourselves as equal partners in the joyful victory feasts tion struggle in all fronts.
of the revolution. We must restore to humanity your true
image by making the reign of freedom prevail over differ- These revolutionaries and those who came before,
U UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
they are generations whom we should perhaps rec- discoveries…
ognize as the one that Frantz Fanon calls for at the
end of his book, The Wretched of the Earth. “For Europe, for ourselves, for humanity, comrades, we
must turn over a new leaf, we must work out new concepts,
Fanon tells us that we on the African continent ought and try to set afoot a new man.”
not to look westward or northward for solutions to
the world’s problems. We are helping ourselves and the world to turn over a
new leaf, to enter a new terrain and out of this to give
“Humanity,” he says, “is waiting for something other from birth to a new man and a new woman.
us than such an imitation.”
All the events cited above once more affirmed these
He says that: patriots as people of sound repute who have contrib-
“If we want humanity to advance a step further, if we want uted enormously in the efforts of Africa and the world
to bring it up to a different level than that which Europe for peace, prosperity and social progress.
has shown it, then we must invent and we must make
4
UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
Our arduous struggle
against racism:
Quo Vadis 5
■ By Lindiwe Sisulu
W
HILE THE rest of the world discusses the sociol- In this brief article I seek to show how, over many
ogy of Racism and its limitations. Ours is a lived years, the ANC has waged a tireless struggle, through
and deeply entrenched reality. Just like the colo- protests, campaigns, petitions and representations
nial yolk, we will probably be the last country to unshackle with the sole aim of overthrowing a racist system with
ourselves from this scourge. Racism in South Africa will not its elaborate illegitimate laws and promulgations. At
simply disappear because we all wish it to – it will have to the heart of the minority regime were a litany of laws
be consciously un-learnt. that were rooted in the Nazi’s Herrenvolk belief of the
superiority of white race over Africans.
After years of living in a society where racism is legal and
normal, it is quite possible that it is an unconscious condi- I will not seek to address the various philosophies that
tion that inflicts all of us in one way or another. deals with the race and race-based discourse, save to
show how the ANC has waged a struggle against rac-
Perhaps we missed the opportunity to dedicate a chapter ism with the view to advance a case for the intensi-
in our Constitution to this matter – it is an undeniable right fication of such a struggle in our current trajectory.
that every citizen be treated with no racial prejudice. The fact that we have passed democratic laws that
entrench a rights-based culture is not in itself suffi-
The struggle against racism has been a long, protract- cient to defeat and extirpate the roots of such a belief
ed and arduous journey that still remains unfulfilled. of white superiority.
From the time of the arrival of colonialists on our
shores to this very date we still, in different measures, The issue is not only the conduct of those who still
have to contend with the ugly revival and re-appear- harbour racists beliefs, but also of critical importance
ance and resurgence of this monstrous beast in the is the empowering of the victim of racism to accept
national scene in South Africa. that he/she is of equal worth to his fellow citizens.
U UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
Thus, a substantial improvement in the lives of Africans fight against racism. Political agitation and mobilisa-
will constitute a veritable panacea against racism. Tak- tion soon spread to urban and rural areas. The rural
ing our people out of poverty and helplessness will go areas where racism was acute saw the birth of nascent
a very long way towards defeating racism as it thrives resistance as Chiefs and the peasant fought hard to re-
not just on unequal laws, but more so on poverty and gain their self-worth and assert their productive rights
disempowerment. to the land. the role of the emergent nationalist media
such as the Bantu Batho, the World and later Drum
furthered the political consciousness of our people by
THE STRUGGLE, ILLUSTRIOUS exposing the evils of racism and oppression.
STRUGGLE, AGAINST RACISM
The struggle for freedom and justice has from incep- Our people intensified the struggles against racism
tion been premised on the urgent and vital need to and its symbols such as the Pass Laws, influx control,
overthrow an oppressive, minority and racist regime. forced removals, Bantu Education and Group Areas
From the many frontier wars that were waged, the Act. The emergence of the ANC Youth League in
loss of land and dignity, the imposition of iniquitous 1944 infused a new ideological thrust into our national
laws and loss of productive use of the land were all the politics. The ideological thrust was more of an expres-
ingredients that accentuated the struggle for justice. sion of radical Pan-Africanism as it was espoused by
Nkrumah, Du Bois, Jomo Kenyatta and Padmore.
In order to meet the ever increasing demands for
cheap labour arising from the discovery of the miner-
als, many schemes were concocted to force Africans BUILDING A NON-RACIAL ALLIANCE
from their land. The first such scheme was the impo- MOVEMENT AGAINST RACISM
sition of an assortment of taxes such as the hut tax, After its assumption of power in 1948 the National
poll tax and dog tax. Such taxes were to be paid in Party was obsessed with the desire and determination
cash and not in kind, a fact that meant that a father to send a very strong message to Africans that they
had to sacrifice his sons and send them to the mines will be put in their place. Racist laws such as the Crim-
of Kimberly and Johannesburg to earn cash to pay the inal Law Amendment Act, the Bantu Education Act, the
6 required taxes. The Bambatha Rebellion [1906] was Suppression of Communism Act, the Pass Law Act, the
a direct rejection of the imposition of such nefarious Native Resettlement Act and the Group Areas Act
taxes. were passed in an alarming speed. All these laws were
passed within the first five years of the assumption of
The formation of the ANC in 1912 in Bloemfontein office of the National Party. It was this same period
signalled a new chapter of our struggle against racism that saw the upsurge of resistance against apartheid
and minority rule which, after the enactment of the and resulted in the culmination of the Defiance Cam-
Union government, excluded the African people from paign and the adoption of the Freedom Charter.
a franchise, thus confining them to the status of the
underclass, poor and oppressed. At first, the struggle The brutal suppression of the 1946 Mine Workers
was about the quest for the inclusion of Africans in the strike angered many liberal Africans who were mem-
system that was answerable for their rule. The many bers of the Native Representative Council. They de-
letters our forebears wrote to the British Queen cided to adjourn indefinitely and thus gave in to the
pleading for inclusion are cited in the first volume of radical agitation of the ANC Youth League that had
Karis and carter’s seminal volumes entitled From Pro- accused them of being part of what amounted to noth-
test To Challenge. ing more than a toy telephone with no significance.
The many strikes at tertiary institutions such as Love-
In due course, our people realised the futility of de- dale encouraged both the ANC and its Youth League
manding to be included in their own governance or to assume a radical posture. The Defiance Campaign
mis-governance and opted to chart their own course against unjust laws ushered another epoch of radical
of freedom relying on their masses. The endless pe- mass-based defiance against the system.
titions, pleas, deputations and representations fell on
deaf ears. The erudite expositions and the moving The mammoth gathering that brought together a num-
speeches failed to provoke any sympathetic reception ber of African, White, Coloured and Indian organisa-
from those who were intent on strangling race rela- tions was ostensibly convened to unite the oppressed
tions in South Africa. and increased their fighting capacity against minority
rule. The ANC had come to accept the centrality of
The next approach was to build mass democratic or- the unity of our people as a potent weapon against
ganisations with the view to capacitate our people to racism and minority rule. The victory of the National
UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
Party in 1948 drove a chilling message of the determi- no longer sustainable.
nation of the new Afrikaner rulers to foist and foster a
Nazi type of stranglehold over the African people. The The ANC took a conscious decision that the struggle
rejoinder was the adoption of the Program of Action against racism in South Africa should include White
by the ANC conference in 1949 at the instigation of and Indian political parties. With such a groundswell
the ANC Youth League. The Program of Action was of mass-based national support victory against a rac-
intended to usher mass action and mass mobilisation ism regime was assured.
of our people.
This was a new and strategic direction that the ANC
The resultant repression of the apartheid regime saw crafted for a non-racial broad political fulcrum whose
the banishment of the Communist Party of South Afri- opposition against the racist regime was to prove for-
ca. After the Defiance Campaign, the ANC saw a vital midable. The removal by the National Party of the
need for a national, inclusive co-operation of all racial coloured voting privileges threw them into the radical
groups in a determined effort to bring about a mass mound of ANC politics. A section of the white liberal
based non-racial political mobilisation. It was to this community soon took up short-lived protests under
end that the Doctors Pact was signed that ushered the Springbok Legion and the Torch Commando and
in the era of the alliance politics in South Africa under these soon dissipated when most joined the United
the leadership of the ANC. This alliance brought to- Party.
gether diverse and divergent political parties with the
aim of defeating a racist regime and install or enthrone The repression of the Nationalist Party also played
a non-racial society. into the hands of the strategic thrusts that the ANC
had fashioned for its self as many organisations soon
The ANC was faced with a critical task of navigating realised that their political salvation rested with the
the complex maze of the South African political scene broad ANC-led mass-based and non-racial movement
when it decided to work closely with the White, Indi- that would substantially increase people’s fighting
an and Coloured organisations while at the same time chances against the apartheid system. The formation
retaining its hold on African aspirations. This creative of the Congress of Democrats and the Liberal Par-
approach towards a non-racial political posture and ty were ostensibly inspired by the ANC’s quest for a 7
activism required serious soul-searching and handling broad-based mass movement against racism and such a
of complex relations that involved at first the Liberal move just after the Defiance Campaign fundamentally
Party, the Indian Congress and the Communists Party changed the political direction of South Africa for ever.
of South Africa, including the Trade Unions.
The Congress Alliance was a by-product of the strug-
gles leading up to the Defiance of Unjust Laws that
was spearheaded by the joint National Action Com-
mittee which comprised of the ANC, the South Afri-
can Indian Congress of Democrats (SACOD) and the
South African Coloured People’s Organisation (SAC-
PO). The National Action Council was tasked with
detailed planning of events leading to the actual host-
ing and ultimate adoption of the Freedom Charter.
In time the adoption of the Freedom Charter brought
about serious ideological clashes with a number of in-
dividuals and organisations that had hitherto worked
with the ANC. One such an organisation that broke
ranks with the ANC was the Liberal Party. Selope
Thema was also another avowed and vocal critic of
the Freedom Charter and soon opted to resign from
the ANC and established his short-lived National
Minded Block or euphemistically called “Bafabegiya”.
The Africanists under Robert Sobukwe severed ties
with the ANC after failing to capture the leadership
of the Transvaal in 1958. The ANC was firm in its
resolution that a new epoch had dawned and that the
exclusivist struggles of the pre-World War years were
U UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
At a time of serious national crisis, the ANC conjured Needle, devotes one of his chapters to a topic that
up a plan and conceived a strategic direction that he refers to as, The Impracticability of Realism. He
would harness and marshal the South Africa popu- argued thus,
lace into a single national democratic front, a measure
of no mean feat. Such was the display and expres- “The Christian model is one of freedom and openness. To
sion of foresightedness on the part of ANC leaders love means to be free and open to others. Certain kinds
at a time of great strife when the oppressive racism of social institutions make people unfree in themselves by
rule was menacingly trying to regress South Africa to subjecting them to the hidden conditioning mechanisms,
a barbaric state. As we are faced with the threat of and also make them unfree for other people, by setting up
the resurgence of barbarism, we too are called upon harmful imbalances between people. Freedom for oneself
to be more creative and farsighted and foresighted in and freedom with others requires certain kinds of social
our response. Our history, to date, is such a pivotal institutions.”
beacon that must always guide and show us the light
and the way. He concludes, “it is only (through) participatory democ-
racy (that we) can... co-operate freely with others...” The
resurgent spates of racism are an indication of some
ILLUSTRIOUS AFRIKANERS WHO measure of failure from the White compatriots to co-
BROKE RANKS WITH A RACIST REGIME operate with the African in building a non-racial so-
One example of our struggle stalwarts who bears all ciety. The ANC conference of 1958 took a decision
the hallmark of a people’s leader who sought to dem- to reaffirm its commitment to non-racialism in South
onstrate an example of the Africa and to struggle with
justifiability of our struggle like-minded organisations to
was Bram Fischer. Fischer realise this objective. This
was a famous and successful What we are witnessing in resolution was consolidated
mine lawyer who dined and at the Morogoro Conference
wined with the mine mag- recent South African politics in 1969.
nates of South Africa and
8 the world. As a descendent are mere acts of racist
of the aristocratic Afrikaner A F R I K A N E R
family, all imaginable politi- nostalgia borne out of a (WHITE) SUPERI-
ORITY IN HISTORI-
cal and legal avenues were
wide opened for him. This
historical hangover of CAL CONTEXT AND
LOSS OF PRIVILEGED
hardcore Afrikaner, who was
very proud of his heritage
White political power. STATUS
and language, broke ranks As the marauding forces of
to take sides with the op- darkness are making their re-
pressed people – not on the hearsed debut in many fronts in a democratic state,
basis of race, but on the basis of the justness of our we must remain assured that the pillars of a non-racial
course. and non-sexist state are firmly in place and that indi-
vidual actions born by the rabid racist nostalgia will
He had nothing to benefit from fighting against apart- not shake then in a millennia. What we are witness-
heid since he was himself privileged. Bram left the ing in recent South African politics are mere acts of
plush legal offices and its attendant prestige and pomp racist nostalgia borne out of a historical hangover of
and became a fugitive from the law as an underground White political power. These are not institutional ac-
operative of the ANC. Beyers Naude also broke tions with the potential to undermine the eclipse of
ranks with the racists Afrikaner Calvinistic faith to side a new democratic state, but are exemplifications of
with the poor oppressed. There are many such ex- frustrated signs on the part of those that still long for
amples that can be cited of how some of our fellow the dark days of racist minority rule.
countrymen chose the side of truth and justice at the
expense of the lavish and privileges status. Their lives We must not think that we all shared the victory
and sacrifices are a beacon of hope. against a racist apartheid regime and its brutal machin-
ery. There are many who still mourn its loss and they
The National Party was determined to impose a re- will occasionally display signs of relapse. The emotion-
cialised society whereas our movement was keen to al scars that are a result of the loss of political power
bring about a more inclusive non-racial country. Rich- by our fellow White citizens must not be undermined.
ard Turner, in his seminal book entitled The Eye of the The loss of the benefits that came with a racist soci-
UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
ety are still felt to date and these are compounded by to what is it that could be done to rescue them from
the still existing economic privileged status of most this inferiority status that always make one to seek
White South Africans. That their privileged economic tutelage from ‘baaskap’. White patronage and White
status cannot alter the trajectory towards a non-racial tutelage is still firmly entrenched in our society. The
society is distressing and frustrating to most, if not struggle to liberate our people from it must be sus-
some. So, the occasional resurgence of isolated cases tained.
will not and must not deter us. Instead they must em-
bolden us to continue on our historical chosen course
of action. QUA VADIS: PROPOSED REMEDIES
We should not be side-tracked by the occasional out-
We must recall that when slavery was abolished in bursts of racism acts. Ours should be a long term and
1830, it dealt a deadly blow to the master–servant sustained struggle against racism and all of its mani-
relations in the Cape. As a result, large sections of festations.
the Afrikaner community left the Cape in disgust
and sought to find unpopulated places in the interior There are few remedies that are at our disposal that
where they were to continue with the master–slave we should activate to continue the struggle against
relations. This is how the racism in South Africa.
Voortrekker movement was
started. It took different di- 1. Public Education
rections and caused havoc in White patronage and There is a serious need to
its wake. In 2016 there can
be no running away into any
White tutelage is still firmly ensure that there is a sus-
tained and protracted pub-
other place by those who har-
bour racist tendencies. They
entrenched in our society. lic education programme
against racism. Govern-
are forced to face the reality
of a changed socio-economic
The struggle to liberate ment and its various enti-
ties should embrace this
milieu that aims to institution- our people from it must be campaign and some of its
alise equitable treatment of all public statements and ex- 9
citizens. Thus, the resurgence
of the frustrations of racists
sustained. pressions must be intended
to foster a campaign against
must not deter us from the racism. Public and private
forward march to the new na- institutions must also be
tion that we promised our people. brought on board to lend their support and commit-
ment to the fight against racism.
LET US NOT UNDERMINE INFERIORITY 2. Anti-Racist Curriculum
COMPLEX AMONGST OUR PEOPLE The younger generation should be inducted into a so-
Let us also be reminded of the fact that even amongst ciety that eschews racism and upholds a democratic
Africans, there are those who will still wish and long and egalitarian culture. At an early age, we need to de-
for the days of the master–servant relations. There liberately foster a non-racial culture that is in keeping
are those Africans who still cannot get rid of the in- with our constitutional state. It is to this end that we
feriority complex which underpinned the policy of need to and must bring about a conscious anti-racist
apartheid. They lack self-confidence, lack the eager- curriculum at all levels of educational institutions in
ness to attain and reach greater heights and always our country. This must affect all universities, colleges
exhibit inferiority complexes even though they are and basic education institutions.
empowered by the laws of their country. Steve Biko
argued that the most important weapon in the hands This anti-racist curriculum must also be strongly
of the oppressors is the mind of the oppressed. We hinged on fostering a patriotic culture. To engender a
need to invest in the mental liberation of our people love and appreciation of the country will go a long way
and not just accept that, given a new democratic and in promotion of anti-racist culture.
human rights based constitution, they will necessarily
embrace a liberated mindset and outlook. 3. Sustain the fight against poverty
Racism thrives on condition of material and spiritual.
The many Africans who have joined the ranks of the Poverty engenders feelings of self-hate, inferiority and
Democratic Alliance (DA) suffer from such a mental underclass. The poor feel that their poverty is brought
inferiority complex. We need to ask hard questions as upon them because they are the unwanted and are
thus rendered weak to fight against racist acts and un-
U UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
ANC supporters
at the 2016
Siyanqoba Rally
dertones. The continued lack of social infrastructure, One needs certainty, a sense of security, something to hold
lack of sanitation, lack of housing, lack of access to on to in the dangerous void – and it has to be absolutely
work and work opportunities contribute to absence solid.”
of self-worth.
We have installed a democratic constitution, we have
installed a Human Rights based culture and have en-
CONCLUSION trenched our people in the constitution and this the
10 I have aptly demonstrated that this movement has lasting gift that we have bequeathed to our prosperity.
travelled a long and arduous road towards the estab- We are alive to the fact that the struggle against rac-
lishment of a non-racial, non-sexist, egalitarian and ism will be a continuous and protracted struggle even
democratic state. Our forebears have, when faced in a democratic state.
with the imponderable challenges, delved deep in their
souls, in the tradition of resistance, in their teaching Victory against Apartheid was thought to have been as
and in their moral treasure trove to bring into bear impossible as the duel between the whale and an el-
solutions that were creative, long-term and unemo- ephant, to borrow the expression from Professor Ed-
tional. Their humanistic framework served as a pivot gar Brookes. We have managed to undress apartheid’s
around which their solutions were based. Their care, self-professed divine inspiration mantle and exposed it
regard and compassion for the people of South Af- for what it is. We have managed to unmask the mon-
rica, regardless of race, class and gender always guided ster of its monstrous façade and have debased its lofty
their actions, thoughts and strategic inputs. pretentions of invincibility. It was exposed for what
it was. We have come a long way and need not allow
Alan Moorehed in this book The Russian Revolution those detractors who wish to pour scorn on our hard
once said that “Half measures are no good in this wilder- worn victory. Ours are no half measures, but long
ness any more than a leaking boat is any good in an ocean. term and sustainable solutions.UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
COLONIALISM AND
APARTHEID ARE DEAD:
Long Live
COLONIALISM OF
11
A SPECIAL TYPE
■ By Gugile Nkwinti
I
N 1962, based on a careful analysis of the South as the oppressed people themselves and lived side
African historical situation, the South African Com- by side with them. A rapid process of industrializa-
munist Party (SACP), characterized the essential tion was set in train… South African heavy industry
features of the resultant political, social and economic and secondary industry grew to occupy first place
structure and relations as follows: on the Continent. This process had profound effects
South Africa is not a colony but an independent on the country’s social structure. It concentrated
state. Yet the masses of people enjoy neither inde- great wealth and profits in the hands of the upper
pendence nor freedom. The conceding of indepen- strata of the White population. It revolutionized
dence to South Africa by Britain, in 1910, was not a the economy, transforming it from a predominantly
victory over the forces of colonialism and imperial- agricultural into an industrial-agricultural economy,
ism… Power was transferred not into the hands with an urban working class, mainly non-White,
of the masses of people of South Africa, but into which is the largest in Africa. But no commensurate
the hands of the White minority alone. The evils of benefits of this industrialisation have been enjoyed
colonialism, insofar as the non-White majority was by the masses of the non-White people. On the one
concerned, were perpetuated and reinforced. A new level, that of “White South Africa”, there are all the
type of colonialism was developed, in which the op- features of an advanced capitalist state.... The land
pressing White nation occupied the same territory is farmed along capitalist lines, employing wage la-U UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
bour, and producing cash crops for the local and ex- to our nation’s perennial problem of (a) poverty, un-
port markets ... But, on another level, that of “Non- employment and social inequality; and, (b) the politi-
White South Africa”, there are all the features of cal disunity, or, disarray, in the Movement, is the social,
a colony. The indigenous population is subjected to economic and political legacy of Colonialism of a Spe-
the extreme national oppression, poverty and ex- cial Type (CST). Put differently, at the heart of (a) our
ploitation… The African Reserves show the com- nation’s problem of enduring unemployment, poverty,
plete lack of industry, communications, transport and social inequality; and, (b) post-1994 political dis-
and power resources… Non-White South Africa is unity, or, disarray, in the Movement, is the failure, or, re-
the colony of White South Africa itself… Real power luctance on the part of the Liberation Movement and
is in the hands of monopolists who own and control its democratic government to deliberately and stead-
the mines, the banks and finance houses, and most fastly pursue its defined revolutionary path to radically
of the farms and major industries… These monop- transform the South African society and the state, us-
olists are the real power in South Africa. The special ing the strategic tools which had been designed for
type of colonialism in South Africa serves, in the first this purpose during preparations to taking control
place, their interests (SACP, 1962). of state power; a revolutionary path which had been
informed by revolutionary
Similarly, the African National theory, including the dialecti-
Congress (ANC), after an
analysis of this historical ex-
To eradicate poverty and cal method, and experience
gained out of progressive na-
perience, in its National Con- achieve social equality and tions that have traversed this
sultative Conference held in route before us.
Morogoro, Tanzania, on May justice in South Africa, the
1, 1969, described the same Most of us know that the ne-
reality of the South African legacy of CST must be gotiated settlement did not
system as follows: directly address our nation’s
South Africa’s social and
uprooted and destroyed, not historical socio-economic
problem, but had deferred
12 economic structure and the tinkered with, as the case it to the democratic govern-
relationships which it gener-
ates are, perhaps, unique. It has been up to now. ment, which was still to be
installed. We also know that,
is not a colony, yet it has, in
regards to the overwhelm- This is not a populistic call as part of its preparations to
govern the country, the Lib-
ing majority of its people,
most of the features of the
for anarchy, or, infantile eration Movement had pro-
duced two great documents,
classical colonial structures.
Conquest and domination
adventurism. namely, Ready To Govern
and Reconstruction and
by an alien people, a sys- Development Programme
tem of discrimination and (the RDP); and, had estab-
exploitation based on race, technique of indirect lished a Ministry in the Presidency to oversee the
rule; these, and more, are the traditional trappings implementation of the RDP, guided by the Freedom
of the classical colonial framework. Whilst at the Charter and the Ready To Govern document. On as-
one level it is an “independent” national state, at suming control of state power, the Liberation Move-
another level it is a country subjugated by a minor- ment’s democratic government developed a White
ity race.What makes the structure unique and adds Paper on the RDP. Yet, it is now history that the
to its complexity is that the exploiting nation is not, democratic government unceremoniously and inex-
as in the classical imperialist relationships, situated plicably dismantled the Ministry and abandoned the
in a geographically distinct mother country, but is RDP. Those were the beginnings of the Liberation
settled within the borders. What is more, the roots Movement losing control over its own government;
of the dominant nation have been embedded in our and, the setting in of political disarray and disunity in
country by more than three centuries of presence. the Movement.
It is, thus, an alien body only in the historical sense
(ANC, 1969: 15-16). In this article an attempt is made to illustrate how
the negotiated political settlement of 1994, as a conse-
quence of its over-emphasis on national reconciliation,
A. INTRODUCTION rather than radical socio-economic transformation, as
In this article it is argued that the main contributor the foundation of the political settlement, had rein-
forced, or, buttressed white economic privilege andUMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
strengthened the structure of is aptly described: “As such,
poverty and social (particu- what emerged in our country
larly racial) inequality. This is ...despite the 1994 democratic was Colonialism of a Special
done through the use of a ba- Type, with both the colonizer
sic economic model generally break-through, which ushered and the colonized located in a
used by economists to simpli- common territory and with a
fy and explain complex eco- in black majority rule, the large European settler popu-
nomic problems. It is argued
here that, courtesy of our po-
systems and patterns of lation. The deal between the
descendants of Dutch settlers
litical settlement model, even ownership, control and access and the British imperial power
if a solution could be found to at the end of the so-called
the current global economic to national assets and resources Anglo-Boer War formalized,
crisis; and, the problem of in 1910, South Africa’s state-
unemployment resolved, the continue to sustain white hood, premised on the political
challenge of poverty (in its oppression and social subjuga-
broad meaning) and social in- Colonial and Apartheid era tion and exclusion of the ma-
equality in South Africa would jority of the population.”
endure, thanks to the legacy privilege. In Chapter III, p23, under
of CST, which we have left in- the heading “Vision of our
tact. collective effort: CHARAC-
TER OF THE NATIONAL
To eradicate poverty and achieve social equality and DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION”, Colonialism of a
justice in South Africa, the legacy of CST must be up- Special Type is defined in terms of three interrelated
rooted and destroyed, not tinkered with, as the case but antagonistic contradictions, namely, class, race and
has been up to now. This is not a populistic call for patriarchal power relations. It further clarifies the na-
anarchy, or, infantile adventurism. ture of these antagonisms where it states: “These an-
tagonisms found expression in national oppression based
on race; class super-exploitation directed against Black 13
B. Colonialism of a Special Type: workers on the basis of race; and, triple oppression of the
STRATEGY AND TACTICS, 2012 mass of women based on their race, their class and their
Chapter II, under the heading “Where we come from: gender.”
Streams of an emerging nation”, the Strategy and
Tactics document (p18) gives a brief but telling back- In other words, continues the document (p22, par
ground to the evolution and genesis of the South 28), “Colonialism of a Special Type contained within itself
African nation (state and society). It describes it as contradictions that could not be resolved through reform.
a “product of many streams of history and culture, rep- It had to be destroyed. As such, the system we seek to cre-
resenting the origins, dispersal and reintegration of hu- ate will stand or fall on the basis of whether it is able to
manity over hundreds of thousands of years. Archeologi- eliminate the main antagonisms of this system.”
cal findings in various parts of the country and the rest
of Africa have located South Africa, and the continent at The last paragraph above defines the critical moment
large, as the cradle of humanity and early forms of human facing the National Liberation Movement and its
civilization.” democratic government. Figure 1(a) on the next page
is a diagrammatic attempt at illustrating the socio-
This brief background to the evolution and genesis of economic effects of the enduring legacy of CST.
the South African nation defines South Africa as the
home of humanity. Further down, p19, the document The current public discourse is not explicit about this
makes the point that the period between 1652 and legacy, if it does exist at all in the back of many com-
1994 was characterized “by ongoing and mostly violent mentators’ minds. Yet, despite the 1994 democratic
conflict between the oppressors (firstly, the Dutch; and, break-through, which ushered in black majority rule,
later on, the Dutch and the British) and the oppressed (in- the systems and patterns of ownership, control and
digenous South Africans).” The historical consequence access to national assets and resources continue to
of these violent conflicts of reintegration was a situ- sustain white Colonial and Apartheid era privilege.
ation where South Africa became home to both the THIS IS WHAT MUST CHANGE, AND FUNDA-
colonial oppressor and the indigenous oppressed. MENTALLY SO!
On p20, paragraph 14 of the document, this situationU UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
C. Education and the learning environment: school certificates are not as useful as they might
KEY TO SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION have thought they would be. Yet, most of these kids
The June, 2015, Quarterly Labour Force Survey could have been first-generation social change agents
(QLFS) report by Statistics South Africa (StatsSA), in their families.
amongst other factors, singles out youth unemploy-
ment and low education output (and quality) in black On the contrary, you will not see white youth roam-
communities in general, and African ones in particu- ing the streets, ready for a call to march – because
lar, as critical factors sustaining poverty and social they are either at school or at work. Their hands
inequality in our country. This is the direct legacy are full and their futures are long defined for them.
of CST. These youngsters are not just unemployed, There is no disjuncture between the education sys-
in most instances, they are unemployable, because of tem and learning environment for white schools and
the continuing disjuncture between the education the skills demanded by industry, especially second-
system and the learning environment in black Town- ary and tertiary sectors. This does not by any means
ship schools, on the one hand; and, skills require- suggest that white youths don’t act as couriers or
ments by industry, on the other. At best, they could peddlers of drugs. That might very much be the case.
fit in primary sectors of industry. But the proportion is so minuscule it is not worth
the comparison.
These are the young people roaming the streets,
waiting for anyone’s call to march and burn a school In essence, there continues to be two education sys-
while demanding a clinic; the kids who, out of desper- tems and learning environs in South Africa. On the
ation for some, become drug couriers and peddlers. one hand, there is the ‘black education system and
Because they have nothing to do, and nothing to lose. learning environment’ which churns out armies of
They might have come to the conclusion that their unemployable black, particularly African, lumpen pro-
14UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
letariat class, roaming the streets and ready to be deferred to the democratic state that was being ne-
deployed (albeit unknown to them) in counter-rev- gotiated. Yes, the democratic state: the legislature,
olutionary activities against the national democratic the government and the judiciary.
revolution programme. At best, this system churns
out workers for primary sectors of industry. On the The transformation of the South African society and
other hand, there is the ‘white education system and the state, from Colonialism and Apartheid/Colonial-
learning environment’ which churns out workers for ism of a Special Type, to a national democratic society
secondary and tertiary sectors of industry, preparing that is based on the principles of equity and justice,
them to be captains of industry and big business and is not the responsibility of government alone. It is
employers of the employable strata of the working the responsibility of all three organs of the state and
class churned out by the ‘other’ education system their tentacles.
and environment. This privileged group is particularly
white, although a smattering of black kids from the The ushering in of democratic majority rule opened
upper strata of the emerging black middle class are up the world to South Africa, and South Africa to the
beginning to pop out of this system. world. The democratic government, among other
things, adopted liberaliza-
Well, VERWOERD IS tion policies which allowed
DEAD. Long Live Bantu big South African companies
Education! While it is not a The transformation of the South to enlist in Stock Exchanges
panacea for the resolution of abroad, without any form of
all socio-economic challeng- African society and the state, from accountability or constraint
es and problems in our so- placed on them; it priva-
ciety, education is, however, Colonialism and Apartheid/ tized some of the key state-
fundamental to sustaining or
dislodging social inequality in
Colonialism of a Special Type, to owned companies (SoCs)
which the National Party
any society. It is an over-arch- a national democratic society that government had created
ing social change agent. It is to address the Poor White
one of the most critical tools is based on the principles of equity Problem (in reality, Poor 15
in the hands of the state and Afrikaner Problem), after
society to break down and and justice, is not the responsibility its election victory in 1948;
destroy the legacy of CST. and, set 1913 as the cut-off
Verwoerd and his ilk under- of government alone. It is the date for the lodgment of
stood the value of education claims on land lost through
very well; and, made the best responsibility of all three organs wars of colonial disposses-
use of it! sion and during Apartheid
of the state and their tentacles. rule. However, as if to rub
salt in the wound, the dem-
D. Constructive Self- ocratic government was to
criticism and Self-correction: pay handsomely for the return of the land brutally
LEARNING FROM HINDSIGHT grabbed from indigenous South Africans.
The over-emphasis on a political settlement anchored, The area marked A in Figure 1(a) represents the di-
primarily, on national reconciliation, meant that the rect economic gains this historically privileged group,
long-term social and economic consequences of particularly monopoly capital, made as a result of the
that settlement, critical to enduring and sustainable democratic break-through of 1994. In other words,
peace, stability and shared prosperity, received only instead of it laying a sound foundation for the de-
cursory, or, very little consideration. Secondly, as if to struction of monopoly capitalism, defined as the
convince our then strategic opponents (around the enemy of the national democratic revolution (NDR)
negotiations table) of our commitment to peace and by Strategy and Tactics, 2012, the democratic break-
reconciliation, we ignored the fact that revolutionary through reinforced and buttressed it. The result is
gains would need to be defended, we did away with that the area marked D, the only potentially unen-
compulsory military conscription. The ‘point of unity cumbered and available land and landed resources
of opposites’ (reference Cde Nathi Mthethwa) was de- for further redistribution and development (Zone of
fined narrowly as ‘black majority rule’, rather than potential development), has been squeezed out into
a minimum socio-economic threshold. This meant a small portion which could never address the magni-
that, effectively, responsibility for socio-economic tude of socio-economic deprivation reflected in the
transformation, the bedrock of any revolution, was area marked C.U UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
Compare that with anoth- legitimate strategic mistakes,
er post-1994 area, the one which occur as we attempt
marked E, which represents We are one government of the to integrate our national
the meagre socio-economic democratic revolutionary
gains made as a result of African National Congress, theory with practice. We
direct government inter- must correct this unscien-
ventions. The imbalance be-
with different Administrations; tific political attitude and
tween the two is palpable,
courtesy of the CST!
with each building on conduct, which creates un-
necessary tensions, conflicts
foundations laid on by those and even enmity among
Worst still, yet probably ourselves. We must use the
strategically necessary at that preceded it. organisational and political
the time (avoiding subject- experience bequeathed us
ing the democratic state to by our political forebears;
loans from the World Bank, the revolutionary theories
etc), the greater part of the proceeds from the sale at our disposal; and, experience learnt from other
of state-owned companies was used to settle Apart- progressive and revolutionary Movements that have
heid debts. This is money which could have been used traversed the long walk we have just started, to guide
to expand the Zone of Potential Development, to us.
improve the socio-economic condition of indigenous
people, the victims of CST. Once more, the victims had We should critically, frankly and continually analyze
to pay. The price of national reconciliation was heavy and test the steps we have taken thus far, the steps
– on the victims of CST! we are currently taking, the steps we intend taking
moving forward, in relation to our long term strategic
This is what we are sitting with today; and, to bor- objective and material conditions, both of our own
row from Deng Xiaoping, the former President of the making as well as those that are not of our own mak-
People’s Republic of China, and our own Strategy and ing. This is how we could properly understand and
16 Tactics (2012), this is what needs to be ‘DESTROYED’, appreciate objective and subjective realities which
or, to borrow from the Minister in the Malaysian Prime either positively, or, negatively impact on our work;
Minister’s Office, this is what needs to be ‘BROKEN and, where necessary, take corrective measures. Our
DOWN.’ glorious Movement knows all this; and, it did it so
well during the years of struggle.
It is possible that all these strategic mistakes might
have been unavoidable, given material conditions at the This must be the case irrespective of who was/is
time, including the vulnerability of the newly installed leading our Movement or government at a particular
democratic state, especially government. But that does point in time/moment, across all levels of the Move-
not take away the fact that the privatization of some ment and government. This must be standard prac-
of the strategic public entities was, on hindsight, a tice; and, should be expected and anticipated by all
strategic mistake on our part. This is not a blind and in our Movement. This practice should take us out
blatant (better-than-thou) criticism. It is constructive of personalizing collective strategic mistakes com-
self-criticism, aimed at self-correction, which is part of mitted during the course of executing our plans and
our Movement’s long standing political culture, which programmes. Secondly, it would ensure that those
we have abandoned at our own peril. in the structures of the Movement who have the
responsibility of supervising the execution of ANC
We have gained insights from practical experience; programmes by the government, at all levels, are fully
we have learnt from hindsight, having governed the equipped with the knowledge and understanding of
country for the past 21 years. We are one govern- what is expected; and, are confident and able to be
ment of the African National Congress, with different in the forefront of promoting and, where necessary,
Administrations; with each building on foundations defending government programmes.
laid on by those that preceded it. Where adjustments
are necessary, we must effect them, without fear or Where any deployee, irrespective of level, would
favour. The democratic state has the abiding respon- have committed wrongs or mistakes, including fraud
sibility to, now, go back to addressing the fundamen- and corruption, during the course of implementing
tal social and economic transformation deferred to it programmes of the Movement, without any of the
during negotiations. responsible supervisory collectives of the Move-
ment drawing his/her attention to such, those col-
Our problem is that we often personalize what are lectives become culpable. They assume collectiveUMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016 U
17
guilt through dereliction of revolutionary duty. This 1(b) represents the overall outcome of such a trajec-
is one of the fundamental elements of the principle tory. This trajectory or model could best be summed
of collective leadership responsibility: ‘Collective Ac- up as socio-economic egalitarianism.
colades’, where excellence obtains; and, ‘Collective
Guilt’, where dereliction of duty occurred. This re- The 53rd National Conference, held in Mangaung in
inforces revolutionary discipline and deepens under- December, 2012, resolved that during this Second
standing of the essence of the principle of collective Phase of the National Democratic Revolution the
leadership responsibility, which is part of our political Movement must embark on a radical socio-econom-
culture. ic transformation. In this regard, the Conference ad-
opted the National Development Plan (NDP) as the
country’s over-arching vision, and the New Growth
E. What is to be done: Path (NGP), as the key strategy to drive jobs. Dur-
BEYOND MERE SYMBOLISM, FORMAL- ing his State of the Nation Address in February, 2013,
ISM AND BUREAUCRATISM President JG Zuma made an announcement that
We need a different socio-economic transformation Government had decided to explore Exceptions to
the 1913 Cut-off date for lodgment of claims to land,
trajectory; the type which should have constituted to accommodate descendants of the Khoi and San
the baseline, or, non-negotiable, during the nego- people, address historical landmarks and heritage
tiations; and, we need a revolutionary and patriotic sites [providing evidence of where the indigenous peoples
Army to defend every gain made in pursuit of the of this part of the African Continent had resided, before
goal of the national democratic revolution. The latter they were forcefully removed through wars of colonial dis-
would require a serious review of the decision to do possession, that took place long before 1913].
away with compulsory military conscription. FigureU UMRABULO NUMBER 42 | 2016
The outcome of this Exceptions process, which a deliberate, purposeful and controlled ‘construc-
should avail more land and landed resources to the tion’ of an alternative socio-economic and political
currently landless and productive resources-hun- order; one that is EGALITARIAN and REDISTRIBU-
gry majority, coupled with other government pro- TIVE in essence, as aptly and clearly defined in the
grammes, such as the Nine-Point Plan, which the Freedom Charter by our political forebears at the
President unveiled during his 2015 State of the Na- Congress of the People held at Kliptown, Soweto, in
tion Address, in addition to the modest gains made June,1955; and, articulated and elaborated into vari-
since 1994, as depicted in the Area Marked E in Fig- ous other documents during our time – such as the
ure 1(a) above, should lead to the attainment of the Ready To Govern document, the Reconstruction
75%/25% split in ownership, control and access to and Development Programme (RDP), Through
productive and other national assets and resources, The Eye Of A Needle: Choosing The Best Cadres
as indicated by Areas B and A, respectively, in Figure To Lead Social Transformation?, the Constitution
1(b). By all intents and purposes, this is by far a very of the Republic and the National Development
long haul. THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES! Plan (NDP). In addition to these, there are the core
values of the ANC.
In his book ‘Comparative Economic Systems’, Greg-
ory Grossman makes the following observations These six documents, plus the values of the ANC,
about what he refers to as the Special Case of Cuba: should constitute our Movement’s Seven Impera-
The values emphasised in Cu- tives. Each and everyone,
ba’s ideology are those of (a) particularly those who are
social and economic egalitari- earmarked for deployment
anism; (b) of placing the soci- People should not be deployed in leadership organs and
ety and the collective above structures of the Move-
the individual; and, (c) of un- and, or, employed in strategic ment, at all levels; and,
those who put themselves
selfishness on the part of the
individual in his everyday rela-
positions in the state and the up for deployment and
tions, especially at work. Movement, unless they pass employment in strategic
18 a) Social egalitarianism state organs, in addition to
means minimizing the dif- through... [the Eye of a possessing personal integ-
rity and moral rectitude
ferences in social worth
between groups of the
Needle] test. and the professional skills
and experience required by
population: persons with
the job, must pass through
different occupations and
these Imperatives, to en-
levels of skills and training;
sure that the national democratic revolution is not
rural and urban dwellers; men and women; and,
aborted, even by default. These Seven Imperatives
black and white.
should constitute ‘THE EYE OF A NEEDLE’ through
b) Economic egalitarianism refers to a relatively egal- which all should pass. Of course, these should apply
itarian wage and income structure. This means to members of the Movement and those who share
eschewing a structure of wages and salaries that its vision of a united, non-racial, non-sexist and demo-
relied heavily on different material (monetary) cratic society.
rewards.
c) “Unselfishness”, as expressed above, is self-ex- People should not be deployed and, or, employed in
planatory! It poses a major challenge to the South strategic positions in the state and the Movement, un-
African environment, where egalitarian ideas are less they pass through this test. Those who might fall
expressed in song and slogan, with no express short must be sent to the ANC Political School for
indication of how such ideals would be pursued further training and development. And, all these cad-
in real life practice. The problem is that the cur- res and leaders, irrespective of levels, should attend
rent dominant line of sight or benchmark is capi- the ANC’s Political School once a year, not just for
tal, in general, and monopoly capital, in particular. sharpening their ideological and political wares, but
Benchmarking on this kind of model makes it for them to evaluate the effectiveness or otherwise
neigh impossible to live and practise “unselfish- of these Seven Imperatives, having tested them on the
ness”, as a key value. ground. Where adjustments are deemed necessary, in
any of them, they should be effected.
We, thus, need to, simultaneously, embark upon a de-
liberate, purposeful and controlled ‘destruction’ or These are the ‘destruction’ and ‘construction’ tools of
‘break-down’ of the CST LEGACY; and, embark upon our own creation; the nexus that should hold theYou can also read
