Men's antiviolence activism
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Men’s antiviolence activism
The case of two men’s networks in contemporary Italy and Spain
Krizia Nardini
Introduction work. In other words, the challenges posed
by the crisis (in economy and of masculin-
Both in contemporary Spain and Italy there ity) can help to locate margins for cultural
are major socio-economic issues at play, in critique and opportunities for creativity. In
which men’s roles are to be problematised some cases these conditions for change are
for two main reasons: the increase in gen- picked up (especially by activists) and space is
der-based violence enacted by men (violen- made for the affirmative negotiation of prac-
za maschile in Italy and violencia machista tices, roles and relations. In other cases, op-
in Spain); and the current reconfigurations portunities for change are simply ignored, as
of men’s positions in society due to the eco- ‘crisis,’ in line with neoliberal success-orient-
nomic crisis, as the high unemployment rates ed (masculinist) discourses, is perceived only
among men challenge the primacy of the in terms of loss, uncertainty and failure. As
male breadwinner role. Moreover, the recent a result of the latter, masculinity and men’s
rise of feminist, anti-racist and queer politics, practices (and in general power relations) re-
in connection with other social movements, main unproblematised, institutionally and
calls into question the ways in which gender politically, leaving them unchallenged and
relations of power intersect with the current unchanged, or even give rise to discourses of
economic system on a national, European male victimization and male chauvinism that
and global level. While on the one hand the fuel anti-feminist, xenophobic and national-
centrality of white heteronormative mascu- ist positions. From the perspective of those
linity is b
eing challenged, renewed neo-liber- actors interested in social equality, two inter-
al hopes of global economy on the other hand related questions appear: how, on the one
merge with multicultural anxieties and reaf- hand, to make visible and problematise men’s
firm the dominance of a ‘transnational busi- practices, while on the other hand turning
ness masculinity’ (Connell & Wood, 2005; the here and now of the crisis into an oppor-
Connell, 2012). tunity for socio-cultural reconfigurations in
This situation lends urgency to rethinking masculinities? (Ciccone, 2009). These are the
how normative attitudes towards gender re- background questions that support men’s ac-
lations and masculinity can be engaged with tivism for gender equality in Italy and Spain.
or challenged in policy-making, research and So formulated, these questions can be under-
activism. As they lose their normative cen- stood to operate on the spectrum of mascu-
trality men, and especially white middle- linity politics.
class heterosexual men, can find themselves Masculinity politics as defined within
‘a bit disoriented,’ as one Spanish interviewee the critical studies of men and masculinities
explained when I asked him the reasons for (CSMM) research field (Hearn, 2002; Kim-
his involvement in a profeminist men’s net- mel, Hearn & Connell, 2003; Ruspini, Hearn,
2013, nr. 4 ● Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 41
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Foto: Krizia Nardini
Pease & Pringle, 2011) interrogates men and (Kimmel & Mossmiller, 1992; Pease, 1997),
masculinities issues by looking at men as and particularly the ways in which it is tak-
gendered subjects, namely as actors of gen- ing shape in contemporary Italy and Spain.
der (in)justices as well as subjects of social
change. In Connell’s words, masculinity pol- The M-word into focus
itics includes ‘those mobilizations and strug-
gles where the meaning of masculine gender is Within masculinity politics and CSMM the
at issue, and, with it, men’s positions in gen- term ‘profeminism’ has generated interesting
der relations’ (Connell, 1995; p. 205). The rise debates regarding labeling processes, differ-
of men’s movements, as a response to femi- ent feminist or pro-feminist identifications
nist, gay and lesbian movements of the 1970s, and their political positions (see Flood, 2009;
has been thoroughly studied by Flood (1998; Holmgren & Hearn, 2009). Albeit the ‘pro-
2003; 2007; 2009) who considers it a ‘contra- feminist’ question central to my research on
dictory phenomenon’ (1998, p. 68) because male activists for gender justice in Italy and
it encompasses ‘liberationists, profeminist, Spain, I will focus here on the antiviolence
spiritual, mythopoietic, and men’s rights and force of men’s mobilisations. In this article
father’s rights – with differing agendas, em- I use profeminist masculinity politics to re-
phases and understandings’ (ibidem). Differ- fer to the general antisexist socio-political
ences and overlaps in political positionings awareness and mobilization for gender jus-
among various strands of men’s movements tice, performed by men, that involve men and
in the US have been analysed by Messner boys in the making of gender equality.
(1997). The object of study in this article Profeminist mobilization can take the
is specifically profeminist men’s activism shape of individual activism, informal men’s
42 Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies ● 2013, nr. 4
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groups, non-profit organizations and less- bates, discussion groups, demonstrations
structured networks of contacts. Since the and conference presentations. Sometimes I
1970s, antisexist men’s activism has been took part in these formal meetings and in-
growing in the Anglo-Saxon contexts and formal gatherings. So far, I have conducted
in Scandinavia, collaborating with women’s more than twenty semistructured in-depth
movements and focussing mainly on com- interviews and carried out long conversa-
bating male violence against women. Indeed, tions with the members of both networks (a
the primary expression of profeminist poli- few interviews have been conducted through
tics is men’s collective engagement against Skype). The aim of this article is to present
male violence, and for this reason research the activity of MP and AHIGE in relation to
into men’s mobilizations refers to it as ‘antivi- their commitment to eradicating male vio-
olence activism’ (Flood, 2003). Some notable lence against women. Interview extracts and
examples of international networks are the key documents published by the networks
White Ribbon Campaign in Canada; the Eu- form the basis for my analysis of how these
ropean Profeminist Men’s Network; the US- networks approach questions of masculinity,
based National Organization of Men Against men’s practices and gender-based violence,
Sexism (NOMAS); the Latin-American Net- and how they develop strategies of action.
work of Masculinities, emerging networks in
Africa and the global network MenEngage. Speaking out as (antiviolence) men
In Europe, national organizations include
Man for Change in United Kingdom; Men for Maschile Plurale is a network of men’s
Equality in Sweden; Männer Gegen Männer- groups that started from an informal group-
Gewalt from Germany; Men for Equality in practice among men during the mid-80s and
Poland, and many other groups. in 2007 became a national association based
When it comes to Italy and Spain, there in Rome. The goal of creating a national as-
are currently two main profeminist asso- sociation was to improve the structure of the
ciations contributing to raising antiviolence network and to be able to collectively estab-
awareness among men: Maschile Plurale lish fruitful dialogue with other antiviolence
(MP, Rome, 2006) and Asociación de Hom- organizations, with feminist associations as
bres por la Igualdad de Género (AHIGE, well as with local municipalities. MP groups
Malaga, 2001). Like other profeminist orga- are now located in Bari, Rome, Livorno, Vi-
nizations of this kind, both MP and AHIGE areggio, Florence, Bologna, Milano, Torino,
started from men’s willingness to take action Pinerolo and Verona. The network of MP
against the phenomenon of male violence counts an average of ten-fifteen members per
against women, and their antiviolence com- group. Some men are individually connected
mitment constitutes the core of their goals. to MP network despite not being officially
The article presented here is based on re- members; others do take part at MP’s initia-
search I have conducted among the members tives sporadically. Participation is generally
of the networks MP and AHIGE between fluctuating in numbers. While some of MP
2010 and 2013, during various fieldwork visits groups are established as local NGO’s, oth-
to Rome, Turin and Barcelona, Sabadell and ers work in a less institutionalised manner.
Sant Boi. During these periods I practiced In general, the network-like structure of MP
participant observation within the networks’ and its reliance on local communities, allows
public activities and initiatives including de- it to include more flexibility in positionings
2013, nr. 4 ● Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 43
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class, white men, aged between 35-60, and
have a previous experience in volunteer work
and public engagement of various kinds (so-
cial, political, religious-catholic). Most of
these men are highly educated and hold uni-
versity degrees. They work in primary and
secondary education, social work, academia,
local governments, NGOs and hospitals. Re-
cently, membership also has come to include
young fathers, university students involved
in gender-research, gender-aware young me-
dia-activists. Their motivations range from
personal/affective reasons to the desire for
social change. As has been noted (Kaufman,
Foto: Krizia Nardini 2001; Flood, 2003), taking action against gen-
der-based violence is often the first step for
men to engage with profeminist activism and
and difference within. On the other hand, become more gender-aware.
this prevents the association from operat- Both MP and AHIGE networks grew out
ing in a more structured way on the national of the activity of small men’s groups (in Rome
level. The general lack of attention on gender and in Malaga), created in order to speak up
issues from mainstream politics and media and share, among men, ideas and problems
further complicates MP’s goals of establish- in opposition to normative masculinity. The
ing national visibility and receiving funding initial trigger that brought men together was
for projects. the urgency of discussing dominant mascu-
The Spanish Asociación de Hombres por la linity in the light of the widespread phenom-
Igualdad de Género was created from local enon of male violence against women. Speak-
men’s group in the area of Malaga and became ing up, as men among other men, was in both
a national NGO in 2001, now collecting a to- cases the primary motivation for raising
tal of hundred memberships connected with critical questions and expressing their mas-
delegations locally based in Andalucía, Ma- culinity politics, as is reflected in AHIGE’s
drid, Comunidad Valenciana, Islas Baleares, presentation statement:
Catalonia, Castilla-La Mancha, Rioja, Can- In the beginning of 2001, in Malaga (Spain),
tabria, Murcia, Castilla León, Extremadura we gathered for the first time in a group
and Bask Countries. AHIGE is is structured with one aim: speaking. Exchanging ideas,
as a regular NGO, with a rather pyramidal ways of thinking and feeling about our-
organization made up of members, executive selves helped us reflect upon the implica-
board, research coordination, presidency and tions of being men in our times. We had
treasury. AHIGE is well connected with re- many questions and very few answers:
gional institutions, so as to receive attention What is it like and what does it mean to be a
from media, and from the gender equality man today? Why are men this way? To what
administrations in local governments. extent does the traditional model of mas-
The vast majority of participants in both culinity determine us? Why do we relate to
MP and AHIGE are heterosexual, middle- our partners, sons and daughters, with our
44 Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies ● 2013, nr. 4
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f athers and mothers in the way we do? Why sessuata]. This group practice is dedicated to
do we have this sexuality? Why do we have sharing men’s experiences, desires and dis-
this relation with power and social status? comforts while digging into the personal-po-
Why violence? What are we doing in respect litical scripts affecting men’s gendered lives.
of all this? (AHIGE, n.d.2; emphasis and Through adopting and readapting the Ital-
translation mine). ian feminist method of speaking by ‘starting
from oneself’ [a partire da sé], members of
In the case of MP, the forerunner Stefano MP developed a practice of situating them-
Ciccone published the book Essere maschi. selves ‘as men’ in order to make masculin-
Fra potere e libertá in 2009, in which he ity visible, and of questioning the centrality
reflects on the group practice of speaking and the universality attributed to the all-too-
among men: neutral Man [Neutro Maschile] (see Nardini,
The choice to speak-up as men has not 2011). The process of coming to terms with
meant the voluntary commitment toward the gendered character of men’s practices
the affirmation of a ‘gender-guilt’, but rather and with the history of normative masculin-
it represented the opportunity to open up a ity is also defined as ‘exploring male sexual
room for freedom within our speaking-our- difference’ [situarsi nella differenza – al mas-
selves-as-men as well as within our conflict- chile], because they agree that:
ing experiences with the norms and modes what became visible, what was expressed,
of relationships no longer meaningful to us has been the difference thought by women;
(Ciccone, 2009, p. 17; emphasis mine). masculine experience has remained unspo-
ken, confused with the normative patriar-
Discussing male violence went hand-in-hand chal system and its historical representation
with men’s processes of gender-awareness, that denies and hides its partiality (Ciccone,
and their antiviolence activism expanded 2009, p. 10; emphasis mine).
alongside their efforts to promote the critical
reconfiguration of men’s practices. Indeed, in The urgency of speaking as men returns in
the group men face each other’s willingness MP’s antiviolence approach. In the autumn
and commitment to contribute to the erad- of 2006 members of the MP network wrote
ication of violence in gender relations. This their first public statement, which was pub-
process, in both approaches, entails a thor- lished in national left-oriented newspapers:
ough rethinking of normative masculinity. La violenza contro le donne ci riguarda: pren-
diamo la parola come uomini (MP, 2006).
MP: violence concerns us, let’s speak up as Denouncing the widespread phenomenon of
men violence against women, the text was in fact a
call for raising a collective gender-awareness
Inspired by Italian traditions of sexual dif- among men, and it was MP’s first occasion
ference feminism (AA.VV., 1987) and by the to make a national statement as a men’s net-
practice of consciousness-raising (Milan work after many years of internal group ac-
Women Bookstore Collective, 1990), mem- tivism. This call invited everyone, and men in
bers of MP gather in groups in order to give particular, to see violence as part of gendered
voice to their experiences ‘as men’ [come uo- practices of masculinity: the slogan, repeat-
mini], namely generating their partial sexed- ed in the title, goes: violence against women
gendered perspective [prospettiva parziale e concerns us: let’s speak out as men. Gather-
2013, nr. 4 ● Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 45
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ing the signatures of a thousand men, the call under the umbrella term of ‘violenza mas-
was considered a success within MP network chile’ [male violence] so as to emphasise
in terms of visibility and collective aware- its embeddedness in discourses of norma-
ness. Then, in the spring 2007 MP became tive masculinity. This approach formulates
a national association. The same call was re- an important counter-discourse to Italian
launched in 2009, establishing the slogan as mainstream approaches to such phenomena.
MP’s antiviolence motto. The 2009 version of The current mainstream tendency in Ital-
the call became the foundational text of MP, ian media, cultural and political discourses
and contains two messages: that because vio- is to discuss violence against women, despite
lence against women is perpetrated by men its frequency, as an accidental effect of pas-
it is a men’s problem; and that this problem sion-crime, jealousy-impulse or inexplicable
originates from discourses and practices of madness when the violence is committed by
normative masculinity. In the letter Da uomo white Italian men. When violence is perpe-
a uomo [From man to man], published in No- trated by non-white Italian men, then it is
vember 2009, we can find a clear example of framed as a safety issue, very often discur-
this perspective: sively linked to racist and anti-immigration
When I hear of husbands beating to death arguments. Contrary to this mainstream
or locking their wives at home, when I hear framework, by talking about male violence
of boyfriends who kill their girlfriends out as something that concerns men as men, MP
of jealousy, of men who abuse or sexually aims to uncover the structural and transver-
harass women in public places I don’t think sal power dynamics that legitimate violence,
‘they are mentally ill, drunk or perhaps the ones that contribute to its frequency, and
migrants!’, I don’t say ‘she was asking for it!’. that are related to normative masculinity
[Instead I think:] All this concerns me, con- and gender relations. Accordingly, as Ales-
cerns us (MP, 2009; emphasis mine). sio Miceli has claimed in his reflection on the
MP national meeting on antiviolence com-
And, reading further in the same document, mitment (Bologna, 2012) entitled Le parole
the relation of violence to masculinity be- non bastano [Words are not enough]: ‘The
comes even more evident: main problem remains how to make this po-
When I observe the mockery, the con- litical debate explode within the whole soci-
tempt and the discrimination that precede ety, so as to change the dominant culture of
violence against lesbians and gays I don’t masculinity underpinning violence’ (Miceli,
think: ‘they can do as they like, as long as 2012; emphasis and translation mine).
they do it in private’. I know it concerns me, Within MP’s approach to male violence, a
concerns us: I am familiar with that mock- central role is given to deconstructing nor-
ery and contempt since I was a child: they mative male heterosexuality and how it has
function as a threat for those who don’t been socially defined. In the document from
behave as a man (ibidem; emphasis in the 2006 phenomena of male violence against
original). women are presented as ‘extreme expressions
of male sexuality and prevarication’ (MP,
Accordingly, among the members of MP it 2006). Resonating radical feminist claims,
became common to problematise the phe- MP considers the realm of sexuality to be at
nomena of gender-based violence, homo- the core of power relations, the field in which
phobic violence and violence against women gender relations are ultimately negotiated.
46 Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies ● 2013, nr. 4
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MP members declare that: ‘the female body relations of love, sex, care, fatherhood and
is negated through violence. The female body friendship ‘beyond the normative reaffirma-
is humiliated and considered as a mere object tion of virility and power’ (MP, 2009) and to
of exchange, as recent sexual scandals of pow- turn them into more engaging and enriching
erful men demonstrate’ (ibidem). This reflec- experiences (see the publication edited by
tion has been at the heart of MP rethinking Deiana & Greco, 2012).
of heterosexual male imaginary, prostitution In March 2013 MP organized another
and sexual politics, as emerged from MP na- meeting entitled Mio fratello è figlio unico.
tional meetings entitled Quell’oscuro soggetto Cosa cambia se cambiano i desideri degli
di desiderio. Immaginario sessuale maschile uomini? [My brother is an only child. What
e domanda di prostituzione [That obscure changes if men’s desires change?] (Rome,
subject of desire. Male sexual imaginary and 2013) which was dedicated to affirmative-
prostitution] (Turin, 2010) and Il cav. che res- ly discuss profeminist men’s desired social
ta in noi. La crisi della politica come questio- transformation and the conflicts emerging
ne maschile [The Berlusconi within us. Po- with other social actors (including institu-
litical crisis as masculinity issue] (Bologna, tions) that do not share similar concerns. As
2011). The content of both meetings were also MP neither receives large visibility nor con-
inspired by the Italian political situation, as siderable funding, it remains very difficult
MP decided to tackle the problematic knot to create antiviolence projects beyond the
of heteronormative masculinity/money/sex/ voluntary efforts of individual activists and
power (see Nardini, 2013). small groups. The question posed as the title
In this antiviolence approach, men are of the meeting remains open: the work of MP
stimulated to interrogate their own experi- is a constant challenge, an ongoing journey
ences ‘as men’ in order to explore the ways grounded into individual reflection pointing
in which these are rooted within dominant out that ‘I am a man and I see male violence
sexist discourses and practices that legiti- around me. I can also see, however, the desire
mate material and symbolic violence. In this for change of many men. I choose to face that
respect, MP’s antiviolence call from 2006 violence and to listen to that desire of change’
states that, in times of ‘social changes, crisis (MP, 2009; emphasis and translation mine).
of patriarchy and women’s empowerment,’
what men need is AHIGE: silence makes us complicit, let’s
a new capability of reflection, self-con- speak up against violence
sciousness, in-depth research of the dynam-
ics underpinning their sexuality and on the The activist and institutional engagements of
character their relations with women and AHIGE operate under the general framework
other men’ (MP, 2006; emphasis mine). of gender equality feminism. The activities
organized by AHIGE fall into social policies
MP’s approach includes asking if and to what of prevention of gender-based violence and,
extent men’s erotic experiences are impover- affirmatively, are aimed towards ‘includ-
ished by the dominant monolithic model of ing men in building gender equality’. The
sexual performance and male heterosexual historical and political feminist tradition of
desire. In order to answer this last question, Igualdad de genero [gender equality] is cur-
MP members find it crucial to rethink their rently the paradigm most often used in re-
embodied practices within their personal thinking masculinities and discussing men’s
2013, nr. 4 ● Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 47
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practices among Spanish men. Although against women occur, are legitimated and si-
sexual difference and queer feminisms also lenced. In alliance with feminist struggles for
inform current cultural criticisms, the tra- gender justice, with LGBT movements and
dition of equality feminism allows men’s in conversation with different masculini-
organizations such as AHIGE to develop a ties, AHIGE’s motto affirms that el enemigo
critical discourse from men’s locations and común es el machismo [the common enemy
to be ‘included’ in gender equality political is machismo]. Given these conceptual and
agendas, so as to interact with local govern- societal premises, we can understand why,
ments and to receive funding for projects on among AHIGE members, violence is referred
nuevas masculinidades [new masculinities] to as violencia machista.
and against violencia machista [masculinist Every October and November, in prepara-
violence]. tion for the International Day for the Elim-
AHIGE’s antiviolence approach is rooted ination of Violence against Women (25th
within its members’ perspectives on gender November), AHIGE’s delegations organise
equality and society. The foundational text public demonstrations to denounce violence
of AHIGE in this respect is Por una ugual- against women, create gender-awareness and
dad inclusiva. La prospectiva integral de gé- gain visibility within local communities. As
nero (AHIGE, n.d.1). It expresses AHIGE po- is stated in AHIGE’s Manifesto Declaración
sitioning in terms of gender relations and is de Barcelona (AHIGE, 2011) signed on oc-
grounded in AHIGE’s acknowledgement of casion of the Ibero-American Conference
patriarchal society in which: on Masculinity and Equality (CIME, Barce-
For men, the assigned gender identity lona, October 2011), AHIGE establishes Oc-
entitled us of a privileged position. This tober 21st as the anniversary of men’s first
situation generated a model of dominant antiviolence demonstration (rueda de hom-
masculinity, which we call patriarchal, bres) organized on this day in Sevilla in 2006.
heterocentric or hegemonic, based on val- Under the project Vivamos sin violencia. El
ues such as domination, invulnerability, silencio nos hace cómplices [Let’s live without
competition, rivalry and imposition. In violence. Silence makes us complicit], estab-
this model, personal interiority is devalued lished in 2007, AHIGE continues to develop
and the outside world, the socio-political, its antiviolence initiatives, aimed towards
is overvalued. (AHIGE, n.d.1; translation speaking up and breaking the silence on vio-
mine). lencia machista. Through raising awareness
of gender-based violence, men are stimulated
This model of masculinity, according to to question practices of machismo in general
AHIGE members, is the norm that sustains and to stop behaving in complicity with it on
sexist practices within what they call cul- a personal level. Combating violence, next to
tura machista. In such a culture, normative speaking up, also involves a commitment to
masculinity is ‘based on superiority, disaf- preventing violent practices and stimulating
fection, repression of affectivity, the imposi- positive changes in society. From the first
tion of strength, competition and violence, principle of Prospectiva integral de género’s
which dehumanizes and impoverishes men is:
while it oppresses women’ (ibidem). Machis- we work in our daily life for equality be-
mo is thus seen as the cultural framework in tween women and men, researching the
which gender-based violence and violence causes which, on a personal and social level,
48 Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies ● 2013, nr. 4
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contribute to inequalities. We believe that tarian men]. Examples of practices emerging
social changes become impossible when under the umbrella of ‘new masculinities’ in-
their supporters forget about personal clude: developing profeminist critical stand-
transformation (AHIGE, n.d.1). points on society; supporting gender equal-
ity; speaking up against violencia machista
This aim is closely connected to AHIGE’s and committing to its eradication; engaging
antiviolence strategy, because, as one inter- in equal and non-violent love and sexual re-
viewee explains: lationships; adopting caring and active father
Our antiviolence approach is not intended roles; contributing to domestic work (cor-
to accuse men, risking reactions like ‘I am responsalibilidad); combating homophobia
not the bad guy, this [violence] does not and transphobia; practicing more affection-
concern me’. We want to go beyond the ate friendships among (heterosexual) men;
mere denunciation of violence by men. We and exploring emotions and corporeality.
want to stimulate men in questioning their However, shifting machismo does not
practices, and asking: in which ways is this come without a price. Deconstructing domi-
violence also about myself? (Juanjo, Octo- nant practices and doing profeminist ac-
ber 2012) tivism, as some AHIGE members have de-
scribes, involves becoming: ‘non-hegemonic,
According to AHIGE, a very important strat- […] minoritarian masculinities’ (Bernat, No-
egy is to make men aware of what they can vember 2012). Some of those that call them-
gain when moving towards a more egalitar- selves igalitarios recognise a loss in social
ian masculinity. AHIGE’s other motto is status (especially among other men) and a
in fact ganamos con el cambio [we benefit loss of attractiveness in the eyes of women.
from change], since normative masculin- For this reason, AHIGE members find it im-
ity, in their perspective, also impoverishes portant to create positive role models in or-
men’s experiences. ‘We search for alterna- der to make egalitarian masculinities more
tives to this model of masculinity, alterna- popular and ‘attractive’. This brings AHIGE
tives grounded in men’s development of soli- activists even closer together in fighting
darity, empathy, peace , love and joy, starting against machismo, and motivates their so-
from the positive expression of our emotion’ cio-pedagogical aims.
(AHGIE, n.d.1). Examples of positive alterna- As part of its antiviolence commit-
tives in masculinities can trigger men to get ment, AHIGE aims a lot of its attention to-
involved in taking action for gender equality wards prevention: by activating workshops
and against machismo. Affirmatively, AHIGE and other courses (talleres), debates and
stimulates alternative men’s practices to ma- roundtables (jornadas), secondary-school
chismo and tries to involve men in taking an programmes with boys and creating local
active role in more egalitarian practices in men’s groups (grupos de reflection). Includ-
the family, with their partners and friends, in ed within AHIGE’s strategy of prevention of
academia, education, the workplace etc. violence, instead of explicitly blaming men
In contrast to MP, within AHIGE new for violencia machista (and creating a dis-
practices and models of masculinities are tancing-effect in men’s reactions), members
clearly defined: breaking with machismo, of AHIGE agree on digging into the condi-
new masculinities are those directed to- tions underpinning gendered violence. They
wards becoming hombres igalitarios [egali- uncover, with the help of feminist activism
2013, nr. 4 ● Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 49
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Foto: Krizia Nardini
and research, culturally situated normative men’s analfabetismo emocional [emotional
practices and their interactions with discur- illiteracy] and organizes educational work-
sive configurations of dominant masculinity. shops based on exploring men’s emotional
Then, on a personal level, a question is raised: and corporeal expressions. Within AHIGE,
‘where does violence come from?’ Some an- thus, one strategic answer against violen-
swers are found in men’s gendered frustra- cia machista consists in offering courses
tions with the constant threats of effeminacy. and workshops designed for boys and men
These frustrations originate in for instance: to find/boost their inteligencia emocional
the limited emotional expression granted [emotional intelligence] and conciencia cor-
to men (men don’t show vulnerability, boys poral [bodily awareness] as well as a mutual
don’t cry); the disciplining of men’s bodi- communication between the two. To make
ly experiences (boys do not hug or comfort the life of boys and men richer, more egali-
each other, boys have to be strong ‘against tarian and happier, these educational group
the world’); and difficulties to communicate practices create the space for thinking and
their feelings (verbally and corporeally). In performing something ‘new’, something
my conversations with some interviewees, a that hopefully triggers a critical negotiation
common answer when asked ‘why do men of one’s embodied practices. A different and
use violence?’ was: ‘because men are afraid’. more fulfilling embodied and sensorial ex-
When I asked, then ‘afraid of what?’ the an- perience is stimulated and, from this experi-
swer I received was ‘men are afraid of show- ence, according to AHIGE new masculinities
ing vulnerabilities and of not knowing how (egalitarian, non-violent) should follow.
to deal with their own emotional reactions’ Taking the lived experience of men’s em-
(Juanjo, October 2012). bodiment as a central element in the rethink-
Accordingly, AHIGE denounces the so- ing of masculinities leads AHIGE to argue
cial construction (inherent to machismo) of for reinventing various domains where men’s
50 Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies ● 2013, nr. 4
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corporeal and affective relations are at stake. For profeminist antiviolence activists
Transformation in men’s practices is evoked thinking about themselves as sex/gendered is
with AHIGE’s motto: Cada hombre es una a very important (new) step towards adopt-
revolución interior pendiente [every man is ing a gender perspective. Acknowledging
a personal-revolution to come]. To what ex- the social construction of normative mascu-
tent and in which conditions these transfor- linity among men is pivotal for making vis-
mations are occurring in men’s practices are ible its relations to men’s practices that lead
questions to explore in future empirical re- to violence. Because ‘cultural constructions
searches. of masculinity inform men’s use of physical
and sexual violence against women,’ as Flood
Conclusion writes (2003, p. 462), it is evident that ‘pro-
found changes in men’s lives, gendered pow-
As I could observe in my analysis, both MP’s er relations and the social construction of
and AHIGE’s antiviolence approaches spring masculinity are necessary if violence against
from the urgency of rethinking masculinity women is to be eliminated’ (ibidem). Coming
in its normative manifestations. By direct- to terms with the gendering of masculinities
ing attention to ‘male violence’ both orga- collectively among men, including the pos-
nizations call into question the dominant sibility of change and violence prevention,
configuration of masculinity in relation to constitutes both the premise and the final
violent discourses and practices against goal of MP’s and AHIGE’s antiviolence activ-
women, ethnic others and sexual minorities. ism.
In the Italian context of antiviolence activ- Both AHIGE and MP deploy various
ism men discuss violenza maschile and in strategies (theoretical and practical) through
Spain violencia machista, both thus discuss which alternatives for thinking about and
masculinity in its association with violence. experiencing masculinity can be explored.
MP emphasises the author of violence (nor- Men’s gender awareness at the personal level
mally invisible in public discourse) by stating is often combined with the acknowledgement
that as a man, male violence does concern me of patriarchal heteronormative patterns that
[come uomo, la violenza maschile mi riguar- affect men’s lives negatively. A crucial point
da]. The choice for the term violencia ma- in the project of eradicating gender-based
chista expresses AHIGE’s specific approach violence performed by men is to show what
of prospectiva integral in which gender-based men can gain by pushing the boundaries of
violence is understood as part of patriarchal normative masculinity and to explore alter-
heteronormative set of violences (includ- native ways of being men. Both perspectives
ing violence against women, against LGBTQ address the limitations of men’s experiences
people, against men who do not conform to in terms of bodily and emotional life, trying
dominant masculinity etc.). In both cases to uncover socio-cultural processes that en-
it is possible to see that MP’s and AHIGE’s gender men and masculinity in opposition to
approaches have generated critical under- femininity and emotionality.
standing of socio-cultural norms affect- The affirmative emphasis on activating
ing masculinities in each context, and have changes in masculinities emerges both in
raised awareness that these norms should be MP and AHIGE’s approaches (i.e., desiderio
changed to prevent violence. di cambiamento and ganamos con el cam-
bio). In both cases, interestingly, reconfigur-
2013, nr. 4 ● Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 51
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