Reference Groups, Mob Mentality, and Bystander Intervention: A Sociological Analysis of the Lara Logan - Amazon S3
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Sociological Forum, Vol. 26, No. 4, December 2011
DOI: 10.1111/j.1573-7861.2011.01284.x
Reference Groups, Mob Mentality, and Bystander
Intervention: A Sociological Analysis of the Lara Logan
Case1
Elaine Replogle2
Despite that it involves mobs, bystanders, and political theater—three classic concepts in social
psychology—academics have neglected analyzing the Lara Logan sexual assault case through these
lenses. I explore how the case has been discussed in the media and suggest that analysis of the mob
and bystanders has been, oddly, lacking. I argue that the best reference group to use when discussing
this case is not other journalists or even other women who have survived assaults, but is instead
enemy women who have survived politically motivated wartime gang sexual assaults. Most observers
have overlooked the relevant reference group due to focusing on the traits of the victim, rather than
on the context of the event itself. I argue that the case conforms to important dimensions: (1) the
sociological norm that gang violence involves premeditation, (2) an agreement of values among per-
petrators, and (3) that the violence itself lacked cultural and social legitimacy. Logan was likely
targeted because she was a ‘‘stranger’’; she was saved, in part, for the same reason. The case illus-
trates known patterns of mob mentalities and bystander intervention, yet it is unlike most cases of
both nonwartime gender violence and violence against journalists.
KEY WORDS: gender; media; mobs; politics; reference groups; violence.
INTRODUCTION
Initially, precious little official public information existed about the Feb-
ruary 11, 2011 sexual assault on CBS foreign news correspondent Lara Logan.
Still, the case inspired a flood of articles and blog posts. Some of these blamed
the victim (for her beauty, career choice, attire, or mere presence). Others
blamed Arab culture or Islam. Still others blamed the media for placing
journalists in harm’s way or simply saw the attack as another indicator of per-
vasive gender violence. Due to the abundance of opinions about the case, the
easiest sociological analysis is the one focused on reactions to it—what they
1
Editor’s Note: This article is part of a special section in this issue entitled ‘‘Sociological Opin-
ions on Contemporary Issues and Events.’’ For other entries in the section, see Best (2011),
Etzioni (2011), and Larson and Porpora (2011).
2
Department of Sociology, 1291 University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon; email: replogle@
uoregon.edu.
796
2011 Eastern Sociological SocietyA Sociological Analysis of the Lara Logan Case 797
tell us about religious and cultural biases or the pervasive tendency to blame
victims. Yet sociologists can also look at the case itself through the lenses
of reference groups, mob mentality, and bystander intervention. These three
concepts are clearly inherent in the story itself, yet have been only cursorily
examined in coverage so far.
On February 15, 2011, CBS released the following information about
Logan’s assault.
On February 11, 2011, the night that Egypt’s President Mubarak stepped down, Logan
was swept up by a mob of roughly 200 men, separated from her crew and endured a
‘‘brutal and sustained sexual assault and beating,’’ lasting roughly 30 minutes. She was
rescued by Egyptian women and approximately 20 Egyptian soldiers. She returned to
the US the next day and recuperated in a hospital. (CBS News, 2011a)
In both an April 27, 2011 New York Times article and a May 1, 2011 60
Minutes interview, Logan gave considerably more detail about her ordeal. She
also confirmed rumors that the crowd had chanted anti-Semitic and anti-
Israeli slurs during her attack and that it was only when she fell into the lap
of—and was embraced by—a woman covered in a chador, did she suspect she
might have a chance of surviving ‘‘because then it wasn’t just about me
anymore. It was about their women ….’’3
These accounts of the assault—even without knowledge of exactly who
the mob was or who the women were who surrounded her at the end—are suf-
ficient to allow for a sociological analysis of a case that has, to date, primarily
been treated either as an event ‘‘typical’’ of the Middle East or as one so
unique as to be almost immune to sociological analysis. Neither is true.
Other Analyses Thus Far
Analyses of the case have discussed the region’s culture and religion, the
dangers inherent in journalism, and the pervasiveness of all types of gender
violence. None of the analyses in the mainstream media have included an
accompanying serious analysis of the mob and bystanders, a fact that renders
them incomplete as explanations for the attack itself.
Blaming the Culture and the Religion
The general argument in these articles is that Arabs and Muslims have
such low respect for women (Western women in particular) that something
like Logan’s assault was bound to happen, especially in a time of social uphea-
val. The writers of such posts go to great lengths to show stories of similar
assaults at the hands of Arab or Muslim men and cite either Koranic passages
or Sharia law as explanations for why such things happen. These people feel
3
Quotes from the 60 Minutes interview, May 1, 2011.798 Replogle
that Logan’s case is just like other atrocities that happen in the Middle East; in
their minds, what happened to her does not happen in the United States or is
not committed by U.S. men. It is rather inconvenient for them that gang rapes
do happen here, even among bystanders, and definitely by U.S. men, as
evidenced, for instance, by the alleged Jamie Leigh Jones KBR ⁄ Halliburton
gang rape in Iraq by U.S. contractors, the Puerto Rico festival gang assaults
in New York City in 2000, or those at the 1999 Woodstock anniversary
celebration.
Blaming the Media
CBS sent a pretty blonde female reporter into a war zone?! Never mind
that Logan has 19 years’ experience covering wars or that she has won numer-
ous broadcasting awards; writers of these posts accuse CBS (and other
networks) of unnecessarily risking reporters’ lives. To them, the blame for
Logan’s assault lies at the feet of her employers. Still others blame the media
for a different reason: they say CBS’s four-day ‘‘delay’’ of information indi-
cates that CBS intended to hide the story in order to whitewash the revolution
and not expose the ugly underbelly of Egyptian (or, more broadly, Islamic)
society (e.g., Cohen, 2011b; Graham, 2011; West, 2011); that in doing this
they would protect Logan’s identity and this story would never see the light of
day (e.g., Cohen, 2011b). This media criticism indirectly advocates the blame-
the-culture and blame-the-religion arguments for her assault.
It’s All About Gender
These writers essentially held that sexual harassment and assault are
everywhere and thus all women, at all times, are potential victims (Doucette,
2011; Hauser, 2011; Schall, 2011). Such analyses lump together disparate sto-
ries—of military attacks, assaults on journalists, child rape, and street harass-
ment—and make it seem as if Logan’s case is not unique, but just another
data point of universal and abhorrent misogyny. To a certain extent, this is
true, but there are key reasons to stop short of saying her case is ‘‘just like’’
most cases of violence against women.
Rather quickly, the arguments blaming the attack on Arab culture, Islam,
the media, or Logan herself were soundly criticized (see, e.g., Shephard, 2011;
Walsh, 2011; Williams, 2011). The comparison of Logan’s case to all other
cases of gender violence has, however, remained largely unchallenged. It is
understandable that she may identify with other women who have endured
similar crimes (as they clearly do with her, as evidenced by comments left on
articles, blogs, and social media sites such as Facebook and Twitter). Yet her
case is not like ‘‘all other’’ cases of violence against women. What are the
reference groups we sociologists should use when thinking about her case?A Sociological Analysis of the Lara Logan Case 799
REFERENCE GROUPS
Mona Eltahawy, a columnist and speaker on Arab and Muslim issues,
appeared on CNN on February 17, 2011, just two days after the CBS
statement was issued, to discuss sexual harassment in Egypt, in particular to
publicize the findings of a 2008 study conducted by the Egyptian Center for
Women’s Rights (ECWR) (CBS News, 2011b; Kearl, 2011; Lally, 2011; Topol,
2011). The Washington Post, slate.com, and the BBC were among the many
news outlets that also covered this study. The suggestion in all these articles
was that of course Logan was assaulted because sexual harassment is so com-
mon in Egypt to begin with. Indeed, that study found that 98% of foreign
women and 83% of Egyptian women had experienced sexual harassment in
Egypt; 62% of Egyptian men admitted to sexually harassing women and 53%
of Egyptian men blamed women for ‘‘bringing it on’’ (Shoukry et al., 2008).
Though an article by Richard Leiby (Leiby, 2011) in the Washington Post
described other mob assaults on women in Egypt, those were accounts of
vicious groping, but not of serious injuries. ‘‘Egyptian women,’’ Leiby wrote,
‘‘say they grow up expecting to be fondled publicly by men with impunity.’’
Other sources also confirm the prevalence of sexual violence in Egypt, particu-
larly during uprisings, and often at the hands of government-hired thugs (see,
e.g., Amnesty International, 2011; harassmap.org, 2011; Hart, 2011; Hiel,
2005; Johnson, 2011; Schemm, 2005; Torchia and El Deeb, 2011; Williams,
2005). Yet, in none of these other reports is a gang rape mentioned. Is it just
that gang rape cases are not reported—a fact that would be consistent with a
culture that greatly stigmatizes rape? While this is a possibility, there is also
the possibility that Logan’s experience is atypical of ‘‘everyday’’ Egyptian sex-
ual harassment, as well as atypical of harassment usually inflicted on protest-
ers by government-hired thugs. The degree of violence that Logan experienced
goes beyond what has been publicly documented. It is therefore inaccurate to
say that Logan’s case is ‘‘just like’’ most cases of sexual violence in Egypt, at
least it appears unlike known cases.
If both women who have sustained assault (of any kind, anywhere) and
women in Egypt who have sustained less severe forms of gang violence are
not the right reference groups to use when thinking of Logan’s case, what are?
Assaults on journalists are one logical reference group. However, the details of
Logan’s assault make it more similar to assaults on foreign women during
times of war than to most assaults on journalists. The Committee to Protect
Journalists has uncovered only three other cases of gang sexual violence
against journalists (Wolfe, 2011b); despite that many journalists are now com-
ing forward to report stories of sexual harassment, violence, and threats (some
quite extensive), Logan’s case stands out for its relative rarity among known
cases of violence against journalists. The comparison to other journalists may,
from a sociological point of view, be too narrow a reference group, for there
are too few similar cases. Instead, two other reference groups that seem more
appropriate, considering Logan’s career as a foreign news correspondent and800 Replogle
the details she gave of the assault itself, are those of soldiers of either gender
and female victims of wartime assaults.
Soldiers, particularly those captured by the enemy, surely know the hell
of surviving violence directed at you for a political reason. The fact that the
crowd shouted ‘‘Jew Jew’’ during Logan’s attack makes it interpretable as a
politically-motivated assault. Thus, it is quite different from that of most
women who have also experienced rape and assault. It certainly makes it dif-
ferent from the appalling ‘‘everyday’’ harassment that Egyptian women and
foreign tourists described in ECWR’s 2008 study.
It is absolutely reasonable to suspect that Logan’s attack may have been
directed at her, in part, for political reasons. Given the anti-Semitic shouts by
the mob assaulting her and her detainment just a week prior (about which she
said on the Charlie Rose show that she and her team had been accused of
being spies), it is a rather measured guess that she may have been targeted.
The Most Relevant Reference Group: Female Survivors of Wartime Sexual
Violence
Logan’s case fits with well-known patterns of women—particularly
‘‘enemy’’ women—being targeted for severe sexual assaults during times of
war and conflict (Cohen, 2011a; Leatherman, 2011). For example, stories of
rape and assault were widely reported during the wars in Rwanda, the former
Yugoslavia, Darfur, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sri Lanka, Sierra
Leone, the Ivory Coast, Pakistan, and Liberia. Libya is currently being blamed
for using sexual assault—including gang assaults—as an intimidation tactic.
Sexual assault is also common in South Africa (Logan’s home country). The
U.S. military has been accused not only of raping women in their own mili-
tary, but also of raping women in countries in which they work. U.S. soldiers
raped women in Vietnam and in Korea. George Patton reportedly said that
rape was just ‘‘unquestionably expected’’ during World War II.
Many consider rape (particularly of ‘‘enemy’’ women) to be simply part
of war. The relevance to Logan’s case is this: the accounts of wartime sexual
assaults are timeless and know no geographic, national, religious, or ethnic
limits. This reality also includes rapes of men, as evidenced in an April 3, 2011
Newsweek article describing the until-now largely hidden reality of gang sexual
violence against both women and men in the U.S. military (Ellison, 2011).
Logan’s assault is not typical of Arab culture or Islam or even of assaults
on journalists. It is typical of events that happen during war. Of particular rele-
vance is the sad fact that public rape, as sociologist Victoria Canning has
argued, is common in times of conflict; Logan’s assault in Tahrir Square was
certainly public. Since, as Canning has also pointed out, the number of survi-
vors of such assaults runs well into the millions (Canning, 2010), other women
who have experienced public assaults during wartime are easily the most
appropriate reference group to use when discussing Logan’s case. Logan’s caseA Sociological Analysis of the Lara Logan Case 801
is more like those that happen during wartime, but it is not ‘‘just like’’ those
that happen during date rapes, stranger assaults and rapes, street harassment,
or domestic violence. Nor is it really ‘‘just like’’ most reports of journalists’
mistreatment.
MOB MENTALITY
Although the term ‘‘mob’’ was, for obvious reasons, widely used in arti-
cles about Logan, the sociological concept mob mentality was used only in
one article about the case: Foster Kamer (2011), in his Esquire article about
Nir Rosen (the former NYU scholar who issued offensive Tweets about
Logan’s attack), argued that the concept applied equally to the mob Logan
encountered as to the mob that Rosen found on Twitter. Among official news
of the event, a Washington Post article described the ‘‘crush of the mob’’ and
the CBS statement mentioned a ‘‘mob of 200, whipped into a frenzy.’’ Curi-
ously, in none of the official news or in blogs that I read was a mob mentality
actually discussed in a truly sociological way.
Ironic because the story is perfect for such an analysis.
Unquestionably, some sort of mob mentality is at work whenever multiple
perpetrators pursue one victim. All sociologists know that the social psycho-
logical explanation is straightforward: it is cognitively easier to act grossly
inappropriately if others (particularly if there are many others) are doing the
same. Such behavior becomes even more cognitively comfortable if there is
some sort of public pronouncement for doing so: the anti-Semitic and anti-
Israeli slurs being shouted at Logan during the attack would have given the
perpetrators their own form of rationale for action as well as the bystanders
their own reason for not intervening.
Canning (2010) has convincingly argued that when an individual person
decides to harm or maim another, we can rather easily see that person as devi-
ant, yet when a group decides to do so we cannot so easily dismiss them all as
psychopaths. Group assaults do tell us something about underlying social,
political, or cultural beliefs in a society. While the severity of Logan’s assault
is not ‘‘typical’’ of the Middle East or of Islam, it does tell us much about
gender imbalance in Egypt and the widely perceived ‘‘dangers’’ of (perceived)
Jews, journalists, or spies in that society, at least particularly in the final days
of Mubarak’s regime.
It is beyond the scope of this article to discuss Egypt’s long-standing dis-
agreements with Israel. It is enough to say that an Egyptian mob who believes
they have isolated a Jewish Israeli journalist would likely think they have
plenty of historic justification for retribution. The clear presence of a mob
mentality that presumed a right to ‘‘punish’’ goes a long way to make other
explanations for the attack—Islam, Arab culture, Logan’s appearance, even
the inherent danger of war reporting—less convincing as sufficient explana-
tions for the attack itself. Putting Logan’s case in this context makes it easily802 Replogle
fit a well-known pattern of mob violence during times of social upheaval in all
societies and thus makes it appear (sadly) less unique or culturally specific
than originally reported. But it does not make it equivalent to all types of
cases of violence against women or against journalists.
Not that that is any consolation.
BYSTANDER INTERVENTION
Implicitly, we know many people saw the attack and did nothing. Yet, in
none of the official reports were bystanders mentioned. The classic article on
bystander effect, by Latane and Darley (1969), referenced the Kitty Genovese
murder case, where reputedly 38 New Yorkers simply watched as Genovese
was beaten and murdered. While the story of the Genovese bystanders was
later discredited, it spawned a series of experiments that led to a theory of
bystander intervention.
When Do People Intervene?
Latane and Darley showed people intervene when they first notice the
event, correctly interpret that there is a problem, assume personal responsibil-
ity, feel competent to help, and then help. In a crowd the size of the one in
Tahrir Square (reputedly hundreds of thousands), there would have been
many people who did not even notice Logan’s attack. Perhaps the majority
who did were unwilling to assume responsibility or felt incompetent to do so.
A 2008 study by Levine and Crowther (2008) showed that increasing group
size can both encourage and inhibit helping behavior, and that when people
are seen as strangers, increased group size usually—but not always—inhibits
helping. Given the size of the mob immediately around Logan (reportedly
200–300), the size of the overall crowd, the brutality, and the fact that Logan
was a ‘‘stranger’’ in Egypt, what is remarkable is not that many did not inter-
vene but that some did.
Indeed, even without a crowd and without a clear indication of ‘‘stran-
ger,’’ there are times when people witness events where they could rather easily
intervene and yet they do not. One of the most infamous is that of the 1993
London murder of two-year-old James Bulger by two 10-year-old boys. Soci-
ologists were made to ask: Why did 37 adults who saw the boys together (in
many cases with the baby crying and his head bleeding) not intervene? The
quick answer, according to Levine (1999), is that nearly all assumed the boys
were brothers; people will often not intervene if they think the group they are
witnessing is a family unit. This underscores our culture’s—probably most
Western cultures’—primacy on privacy within the family. Although many
often assume people are less likely to intervene in cases involving strangers,
that is not always true. For example, Shotland and Straw’s 1976 study showedA Sociological Analysis of the Lara Logan Case 803
that a stranger in a crowd is more likely to be identified as needing assistance
than is someone receiving an assault at the hands of people perceived to be
family.
Despite that Logan was likely targeted because she was a ‘‘stranger,’’ she
was likely, in part, saved for the same reason. The Egyptian soldiers and
women who saved Logan likely felt compelled to do so not only due to pres-
sure from Logan’s crew and security, but because the violence lacked cultural
and social legitimacy that might have been granted had it been soldiers attack-
ing enemy combatants or even a man hitting his wife or a parent striking a
child. In addition, the fact that so many Egyptian women have experienced
sexual harassment may have increased their likelihood of seeing her as one of
them. In sociological terms, they likely converted Logan from the far category
of ‘‘stranger’’ to the near one of ‘‘sister.’’ As Logan herself said, once she was
surrounded by those women, the attack wasn’t just about her anymore, it was
also about ‘‘[the Egyptian] women.’’4 From a social psychology perspective,
the othering the mob engaged in during the assault was harder to maintain
once it risked harm to their own.
Perhaps the most fortuitous moment in Logan’s life was literally when
she fell into the lap of a stranger.
CONCLUSION
Mob mentality and bystander intervention are strong explanations for
Logan’s assault and rescue, making it possible to analyze sociologically what
has been largely discussed in three inaccurate ways: one, as an event attribut-
able only to a particular culture and religion; two, as a unique, unusual event;
or three, as just another instance of violence against women. All these posi-
tions are unnecessarily extreme; her case is (sadly) not unusual, particularly
during times of social upheaval in any country or culture, but is also different
from most instances of violence against women and ⁄ or against journalists.
Careful attention to well-documented patterns of mob-fueled gender violence
in times of social upheaval reminds us that it is the context of an event that
should define the reference group, rather than the individual traits of the
victim.
Our most poignant stories of mob violence and bystander ambivalence
take place in urban settings; Logan’s assault and Bulgar and Genovese’s mur-
ders show this. There is a paradox here between public space and strangers:
the public space provides perpetrators like Logan’s mob with both a stage and
an audience, which likely serve as an incentive rather than as a usual deterrent
for such deviance. Logan’s experience also reminds us that journalists in war
zones do not occupy the ideal-type neutral ‘‘middle ground’’ but are instead
often seen as the enemy or the ‘‘other,’’ making them particularly vulnerable
4
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