For the Psychological Practice with Boys and Men - APA GUIDELINES AUGUST 2018
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APA GUIDELINES
for the Psychological Practice
with Boys and Men
AUGUST 2018
APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men IAcknowledgements Guidelines for Psychological Practice for Boys and Men was developed by several groups of individuals beginning in 2005 and continuing with updates and revisions through 2018. The final draft was compiled and updated by Fredric Rabinowitz, Matt Englar-Carlson, Ryon McDermott, Christopher Liang, and Matthew Kridel, with assistance from Christopher Kilmartin, Ronald Levant, Mark Kiselica, Nathan Booth, Nicholas Borgogna, and April Berry. Guidelines recommendations and selected literature were determined with the assistance and expertise of several scholars: Michael Addis, Larry Beer, Matt Englar- Carlson, Sam Cochran, lore m. dickey, William B. Elder, Anderson J. Franklin, Glenn Good, Michele Harway, Denise Hines, Andy Horne, Anthony Isacco, Chris Kilmartin, Mark Kiselica, Ron Levant, Christopher Liang, William Liu, David Lisak, James Mahalik, Ryon McDermott, Michael Mobley, Roberta Nutt, James O’Neil, Wizdom Powell, Fredric Rabinowitz, Aaron Rochlen, Jonathan Schwartz, Andrew Smiler, Warren Spielberg, Mark Stevens, Stephen Wester, and Joel Wong. The authors gratefully acknowledge the APA staff support for several years under the leadership of Ron Palomares. Copyright © 2018 by the American Psychological Association. This material may be reproduced and distributed without permission provided that acknowledgment is given to the American Psychological Association. This material may not be reprinted, translated, or distributed electronically without prior permission in writing from the publisher. For permission, contact APA, Rights and Permissions, 750 First Street, NE, Washington, DC 20002-4242. This document was approved by the APA Council of Representatives over the course of its meeting August 2018, and is set to expire in approximately 2028. It is available online at http://www.apa.org/about/policy/psychological-practice-boys-men-guidelines.pdf. Suggested Citation American Psychological Association, Boys and Men Guidelines Group. (2018). APA guidelines for psychological practice with boys and men. Retrieved from http://www.apa.org/about/policy/psychological-practice-boys-men-guidelines.pdf II APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men
APA GUIDELINES for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men AUGUST 2018
INTRODUCTION
Boys and men are diverse with respect to their race, ethnicity, culture, migration status,
age, socioeconomic status, ability status, sexual orientation, gender identity, and religious
affiliation. Each of these social identities contributes uniquely and in intersecting ways to
shape how men experience and perform their masculinities, which in turn contribute to
relational, psychological, and behavioral health outcomes in both positive and negative
ways (e.g., Arellano-Morales, Liang, Ruiz, & Rios-Oropeza, 2015; Kiselica, Benton-Wright,
& Englar-Carlson, 2016). Although boys and men, as a group, tend to hold privilege and
power based on gender, they also demonstrate disproportionate rates of receiving harsh
discipline (e.g., suspension and expulsion), academic challenges (e.g., dropping out of
high school, particularly among African American and Latino boys), mental health issues
(e.g., completed suicide), physical health problems (e.g., cardiovascular problems), public
health concerns (e.g., violence, substance abuse, incarceration, and early mortality), and
a wide variety of other quality-of-life issues (e.g., relational problems, family well-being;
for comprehensive reviews, see Levant & Richmond, 2007; Moore & Stuart, 2005; O’Neil,
2015). Additionally, many men do not seek help when they need it, and many report distinc-
tive barriers to receiving gender-sensitive psychological treatment (Mahalik, Good, Tager,
Levant, & Mackowiak, 2012).
The development of guidelines for psychological practice with boys and men may help
to attend to the barriers that lead to the aforementioned disparities. Indeed, the American
Psychological Association (APA) has developed guidelines for psychologists working with
specific populations such as gay/lesbian/bisexual clients (2012), racial and ethnic minori-
ty clients (2017a), older adults (2014), transgender and gender-non-conforming persons
(2015a), and girls and women (2007). The APA also has developed guidelines for psycho-
logical practice in health care delivery systems (2013a), forensic psychology (2013b), and
psychological evaluation in child protection matters (2013c). These guidelines serve to (a)
improve service delivery among populations, (b) stimulate public policy initiatives, and (c)
provide professional guidance based on advances in the field. Accordingly, the present doc-
ument offers guidelines for psychological practice with boys and men.
APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men 1Purpose and Scope Definitions
Professional Practice Guidelines are statements that suggest or GENDER
recommend specific professional behavior, endeavor, or conduct
Gender refers to psychological, social, and cultural experiences
for psychologists (APA, 2015b). Guidelines differ from standards
and characteristics associated with the social statuses of girls and
in that standards are mandatory and may be accompanied by an
women or boys and men, whereas sex refers to biological aspects
enforcement mechanism. Thus, guidelines are aspirational in
of being male or female. Gender includes assumptions, social
intent, and they are intended to facilitate the continued systematic
beliefs, norms, and stereotypes about the behavior, cognitions, and
development of the profession to help assure a high level of profes-
emotions of males and females (Pleck, 1981, 1995). Gender norms
sional practice by psychologists (APA, 2015b). Guidelines may be
and stereotypes also vary within and between groups associated
superseded by federal or state laws, and APA (2015b) distinguish-
with other dimensions of diversity such as ethnicity, sexual orien-
es between clinical practice guidelines and Professional Practice
tation (McDermott et al., 2017), ability (Griffith & Thorpe, 2016),
Guidelines, noting that the former provides specific recommenda-
socioeconomic class (Liu, 2017; Liu, Colbow, & Rice, 2016), and
tions about clinical interventions whereas the latter are “designed
race (Hammond, Fleming, & Villa-Torres, 2016; McDermott et al.,
to guide psychologists in practice with regards to particular roles,
2017). Although gender and sex can be seen as overlapping and
populations, or settings and provide them with the current scholar-
fluid categories with multiple meanings (Marecek, 2002), this doc-
ly literature … representing [and] reflect consensus within the field”
ument uses the term gender to refer primarily to the social expe-
(p. 823). Additionally, as noted by APA (2015b), guidelines “may
riences, expectations, and consequences associated with being a
not be applicable to every professional and clinical situation” (p.
boy or man.
824). Thus, these guidelines are not definitive and are designed to
respect the decision-making judgment of individual professional
CISGENDER
psychologists. In addition, consistent with the recommendations
and procedures outlined by APA (2015b), these guidelines will need Cisgender is used to refer to people whose sex assigned at birth
to be periodically reviewed and updated at least every 8 to 10 years, is aligned with their gender identity (Green, 2006; Serano, 2006).
from the year of acceptance by the APA Council of Representatives, These guidelines address conflict that cisgender, transgender, and
to take into account advances in research, changes in practice, and gender-nonconforming individuals may experience due to societal
the effects of changing contemporary social forces and context. expectations regarding gender roles (Butler, 1990).
Hence, readers are advised to check the current status of these
guidelines to ensure that they are still in effect and have not been GENDER BIAS
superseded by subsequent revisions. The term gender bias refers to beliefs and attitudes that involve
The present document articulates guidelines that enhance stereotypes or preconceived ideas about the roles, abilities, and
gender- and culture-sensitive psychological practice with boys and characteristics of males and females that may contain significant
men from diverse backgrounds in the United States. These guide- distortions and inaccuracies. Psychologists have an ethical obliga-
lines provide general recommendations for psychologists who seek tion to recognize and confront these biases (APA, 2010).
to increase their awareness, knowledge, and skills in psychological
practice with boys and men. The beneficiaries of these guidelines GENDER ROLE STRAIN
include all consumers of psychological practice including clients,
students, supervisees, research participants, consultees, and other Gender role strain is a psychological situation in which gender role
health professionals. Although the guidelines and supporting lit- demands have negative consequences on the individual or others
erature place substantial emphasis on psychotherapy practice, (for reviews, see Pleck, 1981, 1995). The negative effects of gender
the general guidelines are applicable to all psychological practice role strain are mental and physical health problems for the individ-
(e.g., individual, couples and family work, group work, psycho-ed- ual and within relationships (O’Neil, 2008, 2013; Pleck, 1995). Boys
ucational programming, consultation, prevention, teaching, career and men experience gender role strain when they (a) deviate from
counseling) across multiple helping professions (e.g., nursing, or violate gender role norms of masculinity, (b) try to meet or fail to
social work, counseling, school counseling, psychiatry). Rather than meet norms of masculinity, (c) experience discrepancies between
offering a comprehensive review of content relevant to all areas of real and ideal self-concepts based on gender role stereotypes, (d)
practice, this document provides examples of empirical and con- personally devalue, restrict, or violate themselves, (e) experience
ceptual literature that support the need for practice guidelines with personal devaluations, restrictions, or violations from others, and/
boys and men. We encourage institutions, agencies, departments, or (f) personally devalue, restrict, or violate others because of gen-
and/or individuals to discuss ways in which these guidelines may der role stereotypes (Pleck, 1995).
be applied to their own settings and relevant activities.
MASCULINITY IDEOLOGY
Masculinity ideology is a set of descriptive, prescriptive, and pro-
scriptive of cognitions about boys and men (Levant & Richmond,
2007; Pleck, Sonenstein, & Ku, 1994). Although there are differ-
ences in masculinity ideologies, there is a particular constellation
2 APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Menof standards that have held sway over large segments of the pop- Need for Professional Practice Guidelines for
ulation, including: anti-femininity, achievement, eschewal of the
Boys and Men
appearance of weakness, and adventure, risk, and violence. These
have been collectively referred to as traditional masculinity ideol-
Boys and men have historically been the focus of psychological
ogy (Levant & Richmond, 2007). Additionally, acknowledging the
research and practice as a normative referent for behavior rather
plurality of and social constructionist perspective of masculini-
than as gendered human beings (O’Neil & Renzulli, 2013; Smiler,
ty, the term masculinities is being used with increasing frequency
2004). In the past 30 years, researchers and theorists have placed
(Wong & Wester, 2016).
greater emphasis on ecological and sociological factors influenc-
ing the psychology of boys and men, culminating in what has been
GENDER ROLE CONFLICT
termed the New Psychology of Men (Levant & Pollack, 1995). For
Gender role conflict (GRC) is defined as problems resulting from instance, socialization for conforming to traditional masculinity ide-
adherence to “rigid, sexist, or restrictive gender roles, learned ology has been shown to limit males’ psychological development,
during socialization, that result in personal restriction, devalua- constrain their behavior, result in gender role strain and gender role
tion, or violation of others or self” (O’Neil, 1990, p. 25). GRC is the conflict (Pleck, 1981, 1995; O’Neil, 2008; O’Neil & Renzulli, 2013),
most widely studied aspect of masculine gender role strain, and and negatively influence mental health (e.g., O’Neil, 2008, 2013,
researchers have demonstrated that men experience conflict relat- 2015) and physical health (Courtenay, 2011; Gough & Robertson,
ed to four domains of the male gender role: success, power, and 2017). Indeed, boys and men are overrepresented in a variety of
competition (a disproportionate emphasis on personal achieve- psychological and social problems. For example, boys are dispro-
ment and control or being in positions of power); restrictive emo- portionately represented among schoolchildren with learning dif-
tionality (discomfort expressing and experiencing vulnerable emo- ficulties (e.g., lower standardized test scores) and behavior prob-
tions); restrictive affectionate behavior between men (discomfort lems (e.g., bullying, school suspensions, aggression; Biederman
expressing care and affectionate touching of other men); and con- et al., 2005; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2015).
flict between work and family relations (distress due to balancing Likewise, men are overrepresented in prisons, are more likely than
school or work with the demands of raising a family; see O’Neil, women to commit violent crimes, and are at greatest risk of being a
2008, 2013, 2015 for reviews). victim of violent crime (e.g., homicide, aggravated assault; Federal
Bureau of Investigation, 2015).
OPPRESSION Despite these problems, many boys and men do not receive
the help they need (Addis & Mahalik, 2003; Hammer, Vogel, &
Oppression includes discrimination against and/or systematic
Heimerdinger-Edwards, 2013; Knopf, Park, & Maulye, 2008).
denial of resources to members of groups who are identified as
Research suggests that socialization practices that teach boys from
inferior or less deserving than others. Oppression is most frequent-
an early age to be self-reliant, strong, and to minimize and manage
ly experienced by individuals with marginalized social identities; is
their problems on their own (Pollack, 1995) yield adult men who
manifested in both blatant and subtle discrimination in areas such
are less willing to seek mental health treatment (Addis & Mahalik,
as racism, ageism, sexism, classism, and heterosexism; and results
2003; Wong, Ho, Wang, & Miller, 2017). Further complicating
in limited access to social power (Robinson, 2012; Worell & Remer,
their ability to receive help, many men report experiencing gender
2003).
bias in therapy (Mahalik et al., 2012), which may impact diagnosis
and treatment (Cochran & Rabinowitz, 2000). For instance, sev-
PRIVILEGE
eral studies have identified that men, despite being 4 times more
Privilege refers to unearned sources of social status, power, and likely than women to die of suicide worldwide (DeLeo et al., 2013),
institutionalized advantage experienced by individuals by virtue of are less likely to be diagnosed with internalizing disorders such as
their culturally valued and dominant social identities (e.g., White, depression, in part because internalizing disorders do not conform
Christian, male, and middle/upper class; McIntosh, 2008). to traditional gender role stereotypes about men’s emotionality
(for a review, see Addis, 2008). Instead, because of socialized ten-
PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICE dencies to externalize emotional distress, boys and men may be
Psychological practice includes activities related to all applied more likely to be diagnosed with externalizing disorders (e.g., con-
areas of psychology, such as clinical, counseling, and school psy- duct disorder and substance use disorders) (Cochran & Rabinowitz,
chological practice; supervision and training; consultation; teach- 2000). Indeed, therapists’ gender role stereotypes about boys’
ing and pedagogy; research; scholarly writing; administration; lead- externalizing behaviors may explain why boys are dispropor-
ership; and social policy (APA, 2010). tionately diagnosed with ADHD compared to girls (Bruchmüller,
Margaf, & Schneider, 2012). Other investigations have identified
GENDER-SENSITIVE systemic gender bias toward adult men in psychotherapy (Mahalik
et al., 2012) and in other helping services such as domestic abuse
A gender-sensitive treatment, prevention program, or other psy- shelters (Douglas & Hines, 2011). Broader societal factors, such as
chological intervention has been adjusted or manipulated to poten- the stigma of seeking psychological help, also negatively impact
tially be more effective or appropriate for men based on the extant men’s help-seeking behaviors and the subsequent delivery of psy-
literature.
APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men 3chological services (Hammer et al., 2013; Mackenzie, Gekoski, &
Knox, 2006; Mahalik et al., 2012).
In addition to specific mental health concerns and help-seek-
ing behaviors, a combination of biological, social, and economic fac-
tors may have unique consequences for men’s physical health and
well-being. For most leading causes of death in the United States
and in every age group, boys and men have higher death rates than
girls and women (Courtenay, 2011; Gough & Robertson, 2017). For
example, despite men having greater socioeconomic advantages
than women in every ethnic group, the age-adjusted death rate has
been found to be at least 40% higher for men than women (Hoyart
& Xu, 2012). Sex differences in risk-taking are largely responsible
for this discrepancy, but all of these problems can be exacerbated
by social identity statuses such as race, ethnicity, sexual orienta-
tion, or social class (Courtenay, 2011).
In summary, contemporary studies indicate that the phys-
ical and mental health concerns of boys and men are associated
with complex and diverse economic, biological, developmental,
psychological, and sociocultural factors. Many of these factors
also intersect with men’s multiple identities (Gallardo & McNeill,
2009; Liang, Salcedo, & Miller, 2011; Schwing, Wong, & Fann, 2013;
Shields, 2008), indicating that understanding how boys and men
experience masculinity is an important cultural competency. The
psychology of men, however, is rarely taught at either undergrad-
uate or graduate levels (O’Neil & Renzulli, 2013), including multi-
cultural counseling courses (for a review, see Liu, 2005). Research
further suggests that having adequate knowledge of men’s gender
role socialization has important implications for psychological
practice with boys (Bruchmüller et al., 2012) and men (Mahalik et
al., 2012). Therefore, compelling evidence exists supporting the
need for guidelines for psychologists who provide services to boys
and men. In the sections to follow, specific guidelines and addition-
al rationale are presented.
4 APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and MenGuidelines for
Psychological Practice
with Boys and Men
APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men 5GUIDELINE 1 heterosexual, cisgender, able-bodied, and context (Diamond & Butterworth, 2008;
Psychologists strive to recognize privileged (Liu, 2005). Moreover, the ideal, Nagoshi & Brzuzy, 2010; Vegter, 2013).
dominant masculinity is generally unat- Although the cultural and societal
that masculinities are constructed
tainable for most men (Pleck, 1995). Men pressures to endorse, conform to, and
based on social, cultural, and
who depart from this narrow masculine perform dominant masculinity are con-
contextual norms. conception by any dimension of diversi- siderable, men still have agency and can
ty (e.g., race, sexual orientation, gender part from dominant ideals (Iwamoto &
Rationale identity, and gender expression) may find Liu, 2009). Men not meeting dominant
Clinician awareness of one’s stereotypes themselves negotiating between adopt- expectations often create their own com-
and biases against boys and men is a ing dominant ideals that exclude them or munities within which they develop cultur-
critical dimension of multicultural com- being stereotyped or marginalized (Liang, al standards, norms, and values that may
petence (Liu, 2005; Mahalik et al., 2012). Rivera, Nathwani, Dang, & Douroux, 2010; depart from dominant masculinity. For
Understanding the socially constructed Liang et al., 2011; Schwing et al., 2013). instance, in racial and ethnic, youth, or gay
nature of masculinity and how it affects When trying to understand the communities, boys and men may develop
boys and men, as well as psychologists, complex role of masculinity in the lives forms of resistance in action and attitudes
also is an important cultural competency of diverse boys and men, it is critical to that challenge the expectations of domi-
(Levant & Silverstein, 2005; Liu, 2005; acknowledge that gender is a non-binary nant masculinity, such as that of the “cool
Mellinger & Liu, 2006; Sue & Sue, 2012). It construct that is distinct from, although pose” of African American men (Majors &
is common to use the term “masculinities” interrelated to, sexual orientation (APA, Billson, 1993) or the engagement of John
rather than “masculinity” to acknowledge 2015a). Heteronormative assumptions Henryism (e.g., working harder) behaviors
the various conceptions of masculine gen- often falsely conflate sexual and masculine identified among African American adult
der roles associated with an intersection identity for men (Shields, 2008), as well men (Matthews, Hammond, Nuru-Jeter,
of multiple identities (e.g., rural, work- as disregard sexual attraction and gender Cole-Lewis, & Melvin, 2013). Although
ing-class, adult, White masculinities may role adherence for those who identify as such adaptations challenge hegemonic
take a different form than urban, teenage, a sexual minority, transgender, or gender masculinity, they often carry with them
Mexican American masculinities; Kimmel nonconforming (APA, 2015a; Nagoshi, significant problems of their own. For
& Messner, 2012). Certain forms of mas- Brzuzy, & Terrell, 2012). Expression of example, despite evidence indicating that
culinities are more socially central and romantic or sexual attraction might pres- African American men engage in John
associated with authority, social power, ent gay, bisexual, transgender, and gender Henryism (Matthews et al., 2013), the
and influence (Connell & Messerschmidt, nonconforming individuals with gender long-term effects of these behaviors may
2005). In Western culture, the dominant role–related conflict that is, in part, born be detrimental to health and well-being
ideal of masculinity has moved from an from violations of heteronormative gender (McEwen, 2004). Further, despite ethnic
upper-class aristocratic image to a more role ideals (Schwartzberg & Rosenberg, minority boys and men’s engagement in
rugged and self-sufficient ideal (Kimmel, 1998), and potentially alienate sexual- and positive behaviors, they may be stereo-
2012). Thus, traditional masculinity ideolo- gender-minority men from a complete typed and subject to labeling by educa-
gy can be viewed as the dominant (referred male identity (Wester & Vogel, 2012). This tors, law enforcement, and mental health
to as “hegemonic”) form of masculinity may ostracize some gay, bisexual, trans- professionals as aggressive or hypermas-
that strongly influences what members of gender, and gender-nonconforming indi- culine. For instance, Goff, Jackson, Di
a culture take to be normative. viduals from an inherent sense of male Leone, Culotta, and DiTomasso (2014)
Prescriptions and proscriptions for identity (APA, 2015), leading to feeling demonstrated how African American boys
behaviors that either align with or contra- pressured to adopt dominant masculine are more likely to be perceived as older,
dict the dominant ideal of masculinity are roles to reduce feelings of minority stress less innocent, more responsible for their
not linear, uniform, or without resistance (Green, 2005; Skidmore, Linsenmeier, & actions, and being more appropriate tar-
(Pleck, 1995). Many men are socialized Bailey, 2006). Additionally, some sexu- gets for police violence. Thus, while most
by friends (e.g., mimicking behaviors and al and gender minority individuals do not men experience pressures to conform to
interests), family (e.g., imitating parent wish to label their gender identity and hegemonic masculinity, some men, par-
and sibling behaviors), peers (e.g., con- do not feel masculine behaviors are an ticularly those from marginalized groups,
forming to group social norms to avoid essential component of male gender iden- may be targets of gendered, racial, and
ostracism), and society (e.g., adhering to tity (Bockting, Benner, & Coleman, 2009). heterosexist stereotypes (Vaughns &
media portrayals of gender conformity) to For these individuals, masculinity may be Spielberg, 2014).
adopt traditional masculine ideals, behav- conceptualized as a set of characteristics
iors, and attitudes. Yet for some men, this that fall on a spectrum and are expressed Application
dominant ideology of masculinity has differently from one individual to anoth-
Psychologists are encouraged to expand
inherent conflicts. For instance, dominant er, vary over the course of one’s identity
their knowledge about diverse masculini-
masculinity was historically predicated on development, or may depend on external
ties and to help boys and men, and those
the exclusion of men who were not White, who have contact with them (e.g., parents,
6 APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Menteachers, coaches, religious leaders, and tus, spirituality, immigration status, and Juntunen, 2015) and suicidality (Clements-
other community figures), become aware ability status, and each contributes to a Nolle, Marx, & Katz, 2006). Furthermore,
of how masculinity is defined in the context boy’s basic sense of self and influences policing of masculinity expression in boys
of their life circumstances. Psychologists his behavior as he grows (David, Grace, & by their caregivers tends to be ineffective
aspire to help boys and men over their Ryan, 2006; Wilson, 2006; Vacha-Haase, and emotionally damaging to the child,
lifetimes navigate restrictive definitions of Wester, Christianson, 2010). Gender is one and creates tension in the relationship
masculinity and create their own concepts of the most fundamental of these dimen- (Hill & Menvielle, 2009). Nonetheless,
of what it means to be male, although it sions (for a review, see Banaji & Prentice, throughout childhood, boys may choose
should be emphasized that expression of 1994). Gender identity development to conform to these norms rather than face
masculine gender norms may not be seen begins before birth, shaped by the expec- disapproval. Further, Liu and Concepcion
as essential for those who hold a male tations that parents and other significant (2010) argue that some Asian American
gender identity. For others, masculinity adults have for how a boy should be treated boys and men give in to the pressure to
may function as a means to avoid further and how he should behave (Basow, 2006). conform to hegemonic masculinity stan-
marginalization (Sánchez & Vilain, 2012). Boys (and girls) begin to make distinctions dards by endorsing masculinity that does
Clinicians may explore the importance and between males and females during infancy not represent their preferred identities. In
perceptions of masculinity in minority pop- (Banaji & Prentice, 1994) and increasing- other situations, African American boys
ulations to obtain a better understanding ly assign certain meanings to being male and men who feel they cannot abide by
of gender expression across various inter- based on their gender socialization expe- hegemonic masculinity standards con-
secting identities. Toward that end, psy- riences (David et al., 2006). Over time, a struct standards of their own, which can
chologists strive to understand their own boy’s gender identity becomes crystal- take the form of gang behavior, cool pose,
assumptions of, and countertransference lized and exerts a greater influence on his and unique dress codes (Liang, Molenaar,
reactions toward, boys, men, and mascu- behavior (Banaji & Prentice, 1994). By the & Heard, 2016; Majors & Billson, 1993).
linity (Mahalik et al., 2012). Psychologists time he reaches adulthood, a man will tend Refugee and immigrant boys and men
also can explore what being a man means to demonstrate behaviors as prescribed often have different experiences from boys
with those they serve. Further, psychol- by his ethnicity, culture, and different con- and men born in the United States (Zayas,
ogists may utilize available assessment structions of masculinity. 2015) as their development is shaped by
instruments to help boys and men discover Inconsistent and contradictory mes- traumatic experiences (Brabeck, Lykes, &
the benefits and costs of their gendered sages can make the identity formation Hunter, 2014).
social learning (Mahalik, Talmadge, Locke, process complicated for some popula- Moreover, the painful experiences
& Scott, 2005), such as the Male Role tions of boys and men (Wilson, 2006). For associated with becoming the target of rac-
Attitudes Scale (Pleck et al., 1994), the Male instance, boys and men from racial or eth- ism and inequality can lead some minority
Role Norms Inventory, Short Form (Levant, nic minority backgrounds as well as those males to avoid identifying with their cultur-
Hall, & Rankin, 2013), and the Conformity who are gay, bisexual, transgender, or intel- al heritages (Liu & Concepcion, 2010) and
to Masculine Norms Inventory (Mahalik et lectually, psychiatrically, or physically dis- have been associated with poor psycholog-
al., 2003), as well as measures of gender abled may be the targets of various forms ical and physical health outcomes (Alvarez,
role conflict (O'Neil, Helms, Gable, David, of prejudice and microaggressions (Abbot, Liang, & Neville, 2016). For instance, adult
& Wrightsman, 1986), gender role stress Jepson, & Hastie, 2016; Nadal, 2008) and African American men in the United States
(Eisler & Skidmore, 1987), and normative often experience conflicts between dom- are at greater risk for higher blood pressure,
male alexithymia (Levant et al., 2006). See inant and minority views of masculinity prostate cancer, cardiovascular disease,
Smiler and Epstein (2010) for a review and (Kiselica, Mulé, & Haldeman, 2008; Liu and stroke (Hammond, 2012; Hammond et
critique of these instruments. & Concepcion, 2010). Boys with feminine al., 2016). Indeed, the relationship between
identities or expressions may face espe- racial discrimination and depressive symp-
cially negative reactions to non-normative toms was found to be best explained
gender expressions, including emotional by White, Eurocentric masculine ideals
expressions such as passivity or crying of restrictive emotionality (Hammond,
GUIDELINE 2 (Kane, 2006), and experience strong pres- 2012) and self-reliance (Matthews et al.,
sure to demonstrate and conform to mas- 2013). Among, adult Latino men, Arellano-
Psychologists strive to recognize
culine expressions. Research has demon- Morales and her colleagues (2016) found
that boys and men integrate strated the more boys violate norms of that gender role conflict and life satis-
multiple aspects to their social masculinity, the more verbal and physical faction were inversely associated among
identities across the lifespan. abuse they may face from peers (Kosciw, Latino day laborers who experienced high
Greytak, Giga, Villenas, & Danischewski, levels of racism but not those who report-
Rationale 2016). These experiences may lead to ed lower levels. Regarding Asian American
mental health problems, including depres- men, investigators have identified that
There are multiple dimensions to identi-
sive symptoms (Dank, Lachman, Zweig, & many stereotypes depict them as femi-
ty, including, age, ethnicity, gender, race,
Yahner, 2014), self-injury (dickey, Reisner, & nized, weak, or otherwise unmanly (Wong,
sexual orientation, socioeconomic sta-
APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men 7Horn, & Chen, 2013; Wong, Owen, Tran, Moreover, identity changes impelled by Application
Collins, & Higgins, 2012). Such gendered aging may interact with any of the afore-
Psychologists strive to understand the
racism may have a unique effect on Asian mentioned sources of identity such as race,
important role of identity formation to the
men’s self-views. For instance, in samples ethnicity, and sexual orientation (Vacha-
psychological well-being of boys and men
of Asian American men, researchers iden- Haase et al., 2010). Other experiences
(Basow, 2006) and attempt to help them
tified that perpetual foreigner racism-re- common to many men across the lifespan,
recognize and integrate all aspects of their
lated stress and a desire to appear more such as serving in the military, can also
identities (David et al., 2006; Liang et al.,
“American” predicted unique variance in have significant impacts on men’s iden-
2010; Liu & Concepcion, 2010) throughout
maladaptive drive for muscularity atti- tities from young adulthood through old
the lifespan. For example, as men’s career
tudes beyond the internalization of an ath- age (Leppma et al., 2016). Indeed, an older
identities shift throughout their lives (Liu,
letic-muscular ideal (Cheng, McDermott, man’s military service and combat experi-
Englar-Carlson, & Minichiello, 2012), psy-
Wong, & La, 2016). In terms of immigra- ence may be relevant to his overall well-be-
chologists could benefit from understand-
tion status, the vast majority of unaccom- ing, as well as have a negative impact on
ing and applying general knowledge about
panied minors subsequently apprehended health-related changes with age (Wilmoth,
adult development and aging (APA, 2014)
by border patrol agents are male (Byne & London, & Parker, 2010). Likewise, transi-
when working with older adults negotiating
Miller, 2012). Young men are often escap- tion to retirement can be especially import-
role transitions from employed to unem-
ing unrelenting and escalating violence ant for older adults who strongly identified
ployed (whether by planned retirement
from their country of origin (Carlson & with their work and career. Indeed, retire-
or involuntary unemployment) (James,
Gallagher, 2015), and these experiences ment (and other job changes) may be
Matz-Costa, & Smyer, 2016). Working
often re-shuffle the emotional, behavioral, associated with a loss or power and/or
toward such goals may be especially chal-
and relational dynamics of these individ- privilege. For example, research demon-
lenging with aging, multiracial, multiethnic,
uals and their families (Gonzalez, 2011; strates increased morbidity and mortality
and sexual and gender minority males (i.e.,
Jimenez-Castellanos & Gonzalez, 2012; risks post-retirement, including suicide,
gay, bisexual, and transgender) who tend
Suarez-Orozco, Yoshikawa, Teramishi, & and suggests the potential benefits of
to experience more complicated identi-
Suarez-Orozco, 2011). preventative interventions for some men
ty-related conflicts (Nadal, 2008). Thus,
Boys and men who are members of facing retirement (Bamia, Trichopoulou,
psychologists are encouraged to under-
more than one minority group may have & Trichopoulos, 2008; Brockman, Müller,
stand the special developmental, educa-
an especially difficult time resolving identi- & Helmert, 2009). Sexual and gender
tional, career, mental health, and social
ty-related conflicts. For example, gay boys minority persons adhering to rigid mascu-
needs of sexual and gender minority, racial
and men of color may experience racism linity ideologies may have a more difficult
and ethnic minority, boys and men across
in the LGBT community, while also experi- time transitioning into older age, since
socioeconomic status, and multiethnic and
encing homophobia/heterosexism in their an array of factors influence socialized
multiracial boys and men. Providers may
racial/ethnic community and may choose gender roles at this developmental stage.
need to initiate a discussion about topics
to turn on and off certain aspects of their For example, as older sexual and gender
related to social and emotional support
identities as they move between different minority individuals leave the workforce,
systems given that social isolation is often
cultural contexts (Nadal, 2008). Similarly, they face significant concerns about inde-
identified as an issue for sexual minority
multiethnic and multiracial boys and men pendence and financial resources (dickey
and transgender and gender-nonconform-
may feel pressure from their families to & Bower, 2017; Witten & Eyler, 2015), and
ing individuals (Porter et al., 2016).
embrace one portion of their identities are more likely than cisgender, hetero-
Psychologists look to understand the
while experiencing demands from peers to sexual men to live alone and report lack
impact of military service over the lifespan
accentuate different ones. These types of of social support (Witten & Eyler, 2015).
of men. Military veterans represent a broad
vacillations can result in identity confusion Finally, adherence to rigid masculinity
range of intersecting identities (National
and contribute to the development of men- norms for aging gay, bisexual, transgender,
Center for Veterans Analysis and Statistics,
tal health problems (Nadal, 2008). and gender-nonconforming persons has
2014), and veterans themselves are a
As men grow into old age, they take been correlated with higher incidents of
distinct cultural group with a wide range
on different roles and challenges that often self-destructive behaviors (e.g., substance
of experiences based on military branch,
impel a re-examination of gender expec- use, unprotected sex), physical and men-
time and place of service, and occupation
tations. Given that work roles may change tal health problems (e.g., depression, sui-
(National Center for PTSD, 2014; Sherman,
through retirement, family roles may cide, neglecting medical needs), and fears
Larsen, Borden, & Brown, 2015). In addi-
change through grand parenting status of not being able to express their male
tion to understanding military culture, hier-
or loss of a spouse, and health problems identity due to dementia or being misgen-
archy, and reintegration issues, psycholo-
often arise, internal conflicts can ensue, dered after death (Courtenay, 2000; Oliffe,
gists strive to recognize the connections
especially for men who base their identi- 2007; Porter et al., 2016; Sánchez, 2016;
between military service, masculinities,
ties on being a financial provider, having Westwood & Price 2016).
and common mental health concerns such
physical strength and stamina, or function-
as post-traumatic stress disorder, traumat-
ing well sexually (Kilmartin & Smiler, 2015).
ic brain injury, substance-related disorders,
8 APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Mendepression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation, and skills necessary to effectively work GUIDELINE 3
as well as psychological help-seeking with multicultural issues with boys and Psychologists understand the
(Leppma et al., 2016; Jakupcak, Primack, & men (Liu, 2005) and with aging men impact of power, privilege, and
Solimeo, 2017). (Vacha-Haase et al., 2010).
sexism on the development of boys
Psychologists strive to understand Psychologists strive to become aware
that some racial and ethnic minority boys of and eradicate any biases they have and men and on their relationships
and men may not have had opportunities toward boys and men from historically with others.
to learn about specific aspects of their marginalized groups (Kiselica et al., 2008;
family’s heritage. Therefore, acquiring Liu & Concepcion, 2010) and to recognize Rationale
knowledge about their previously unac- value conflicts they may have with their Although privilege has not applied to all
knowledged group(s) may offer oppor- service recipients (Nadal, 2008). These boys and men in equal measure, in the
tunities to discover additional aspects of biases may manifest in use of heterosexist aggregate, males experience a greater
their identities or dispel negative and/or assumptions (e.g., asking a male client if he degree of social and economic power than
unrealistic images that society has pro- has a wife without knowing his sexual ori- girls and women in a patriarchal society
moted about those reference groups (Liu entation) or values (e.g., encouraging a gay (Flood & Pease, 2005). However, men
& Concepcion, 2010). Psychologists also man to act less “flamboyantly”) (Nadal, who benefit from their social power are
strive to reduce and counter the damaging 2008). While attempting to understand, also confined by system-level policies and
effects of microaggressions by teaching respect, and affirm how masculinity is practices as well as individual-level psy-
boys and men from historically margin- defined in different cultures, psychologists chological resources necessary to main-
alized backgrounds skills to cope with also try to avoid within-group stereotyping tain male privilege (Mankowski & Maton,
racism, homophobia, biphobia, transpho- of individuals by helping them to distin- 2010). Thus, male privilege often comes
bia, ageism, ableism, and other forms of guish what they believe to be desirable and with a cost in the form of adherence to sex-
discrimination (Liu & Concepcion, 2010; undesirable masculine traits and to under- ist ideologies designed to maintain male
Nadal, 2008; Reel & Bucciere, 2010; stand the reasons upon which they base power that also restrict men’s ability to
Vacha-Haase et al., 2010), and by working these beliefs (Liu & Concepcion, 2010). function adaptively (Liu, 2005).
with families, schools, and communities to Psychologists also strive to work to Sexism exists as a byproduct, rein-
provide supportive environments for these address the unique relational needs of gay, forcer, and justification of male privilege.
populations. bisexual, and transgender boys within the Although the majority of young men may
Psychologists working with boys and family and peer context. Parents and care- not identify with explicit sexist beliefs
men strive to become educated about the givers of sexual and gender minority chil- (McDermott & Schwartz, 2013), for
history and cultural practices of diverse dren, particularly fathers and male care- some men, sexism may become deeply
identities; to understand how these practic- givers, may benefit from education about engrained in their construction of mascu-
es relate to racial, ethnic, and cultural iden- the psychology of masculinities, including linity (O’Neil, 2015). For instance, most
tities; to have awareness of how masculini- a range of masculine expression, intersec- boys are taught from an early age that
ty is conceptualized in these groups; and to tional identity factors, and the role of social they will suffer negative consequences for
communicate this understanding and inte- power in maintaining traditional notions of violating masculine role norms (Reigeluth
grate it into meaningful therapeutic inter- masculinity. Additionally, understanding & Addis, 2016). The impact of such sex-
actions, such as participating in cultural the likely involvement of genetic factors ism extends from boyhood into adulthood,
ceremonies and becoming integrated into in the development of gender identity has sometimes influencing critical identity-for-
their clients’ respective communities (Liu, been especially effective in reducing trans- mative processes such as career choices
2005). Such practices include a transfor- phobia in men (Knafo, Iervolino, & Plomin, (Fouad, Whiston, & Feldwisch, 2016) and
mation of traditional approaches to those 2005). These biological factors may be thus contributing to gender imbalances in
that may be more culturally congruent especially helpful for individuals with reli- female- or male-dominated professions.
with their clients’ backgrounds (Cervantes, gious affiliation and conservative social Growing up in a patriarchal society may
2014; Liu & Concepcion, 2010). Effective and political views, who may equate mas- also contribute to important public health
practice also involves learning about the culinity with heterosexuality (Elischberger, concerns such as gender-based violence.
impact of racism and homophobia on the Glazier, Hill, & Verduzco-Baker, 2016). Indeed, early socialization experiences
behavior and mental health of boys and in childhood, such as being repeatedly
men (Helms, Jernigan, & Mascher, 2005), shamed for expressing vulnerable emo-
including how prejudicial assumptions and tions, can have lasting influence into adult-
expectations can negatively alter their gen- hood in ways that shape their intimate
uine talents, performances, and identities relationships (Pollack, 1995). For example,
(Purdie-Vaughns, Stelle, Davies, Ditlmann, several controlled experiments have found
& Crosby, 2008; Vaughns & Spielberg, that adult men who endorse sexist male
2014). Overall, psychologists are encour- role norms are likely to aggress against
aged to attain the attitudes, knowledge, male and female participants who vio-
APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men 9late those norms (e.g., Parrott, Zeichner, In addition to increasing the possi- skills and to tap into their personal and
& Hoover, 2006; Reidy, Shirk, Sloan, & bility of engaging in violence, men who collective resilience in addressing these
Zeichner, 2009). Men who rigidly adhere accept sexist constructions of masculinity difficult experiences (dickey, Singh, Chang,
to sexist, patriarchal masculine norms also are often restricted by codes of conduct & Rehrig, 2017).
tend to endorse and commit higher levels that inhibit their ability to be emotionally Men who understand their privilege
of intimate partner and sexual violence vulnerable and form deep connections in and power may be less apt to rely on power,
toward women (Kilmartin & McDermott, adult relationships. For instance, although control, and violence in their relationships
2015). Feminist scholars have argued that the isolating effects of these beliefs likely (McDermott, Schwartz, & Trevathan-
some men use violence and control in rela- depend on a variety of social and ecolog- Minnis, 2012; Schwartz, Magee, Griffin, &
tionships as a way of maintaining sexist ical contexts (Addis, Mansfield, & Syzdek, Dupuis, 2004). Research suggests that
beliefs and dominance over women (e.g., 2010), numerous studies have provided helping men understand the negative con-
the Duluth Model; Pence & Paymar, 1993). evidence that endorsement of sexist male sequences of sexism for themselves and
Researchers in the psychology of men roles is related to men’s fear of intimacy their relationships with others reduces
and masculinity have identified that inse- and discomfort with physical affection endorsement of sexist attitudes (Becker
curities stemming from early childhood with other men (for a review, see O’Neil, & Swim, 2012). Psychologists can help cli-
experiences (such as attachment insecuri- 2015). In a marital context, husbands’ mas- ents develop awareness of systems that
ties) are linked to adherence to traditional culine gender role conflict has been posi- assume cisgender masculinity expression
masculinity ideology (Schwartz, Waldo, & tively associated with their wives’ depres- is the expected norm, and identify how
Higgins, 2004). Research also suggests sion (Breiding, Windle, & Smith, 2008), they have been harmed by discrimination
that insecurely attached men not only rig- and several studies have found negative against those who are gender nonconform-
idly adhere to sexist gender role ideology, relationships between traditional, sexist ing. Given the connections between sex-
but that they may act on those schemas in masculinities and intimate relationship ism and other forms of prejudice, psychol-
ways that promote or justify intimate part- well-being (O’Neil, 2008, 2015; Moore & ogists may find it useful to link oppressions
ner violence (Mahalik, Aldarondo, Gilbert- Stuart, 2005). Traditional masculinity ide- as a pedagogical strategy, especially when
Gokhale, & Shore, 2005; McDermott & ologies have also been linked to parenting working with boys and men in groups.
Lopez, 2013). concerns, including work-family conflicts Psychologists working with boys and men
An analysis of masculine norms (Fouad et al., 2016). may model gender-egalitarian attitudes
may shed light on the context of violence and behaviors; modeling non-sexist con-
against gender and sexually diverse peo- Application structions of masculinity may be especially
ple, as spaces where this discrimination important. For instance, researchers have
When working with boys and men, psy-
occurs are often marked by traditional found that men tend to overestimate the
chologists can address issues of privilege
masculinity (Leone & Parrot, 2015). An degree to which other men hold sexist
and power related to sexism in a devel-
integral aspect of traditional masculinity beliefs, and that developing awareness
opmentally appropriate way to help them
is the social power awarded to conformity of this discrepancy reduces sexist beliefs
obtain the knowledge, attitudes, and skills
to masculine norms, while aberrant gen- (Kilmartin et al., 2008). To further help
to be effective allies and potentially live
dered behavior is punished through gender accomplish this goal, psychologists are
less restrictive lives. Male privilege tends
policing. Sexual minority and transgender encouraged to explore their perceptions
to be invisible to men, yet they can become
and gender-nonconforming persons may of boys and men and to understand that,
aware of it through a variety of means, such
be seen as transgressing traditional mas- although not all boys and men hold sexist
as education (Kilmartin, Addis, Mahalik,
culine roles and eschewing stereotypes ideologies, these beliefs are ingrained in
& O’Neil, 2013) and personal experience
of binary gender categories. For instance, the culture at large.
(O’Neil, 2015; O’Neil, Egan, Owen, & Murry,
transgender women may be perceived as
1993). Indeed, awareness of privilege and
men who are “pretending” or “dressing
the harmful impacts of beliefs and behav-
up,” while transgender men may be seen
iors that maintain patriarchal power have
as “not real men” (Salamon, 2009). These
been shown to reduce sexist attitudes in
harmful perceptions are validated through GUIDELINE 4
men (Becker & Swim, 2012) and have been
court systems that enshrine “trans panic” Psychologists strive to develop
linked to participation in social justice
defenses for hate crimes against trans- a comprehensive understanding
activities (e.g., White, 2006). When work-
gender women (Smith & Kimmel, 2005).
ing with gender-diverse survivors of sys- of the factors that influence the
Research has carefully detailed the role of
temic gender oppression, it is important to interpersonal relationships of boys
masculinity in aggression (both verbal and
assess for experiences of trauma and bar- and men.
physical) against those who do not con-
riers that are enforced in ways that either
form to strict gender narratives, leading to
favor cisgender masculinity or assume a Rationale
violent and often fatal hate crimes against
binary identity (Richmond, Burnes, Singh,
transgender and gender-nonconforming Throughout the lifespan, males experi-
& Ferrara, 2017). Providers are encouraged
people (Kelley & Gruenewald, 2014). ence many developmental changes and
to help clients to develop self-advocacy
10 APA | Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Menchallenges pertaining to intimacy, sex, and as a brother (Baumeister & Sommer, 1997; & Moon, 2009; Lorenzo-Blanco, Unger,
emotions, beginning with the universal task Cross & Madson, 1997; Way, 2011). Thus, Baezconde-Garbanati, Ritt-Olson, & Soto,
of forming intimate attachments with oth- boys and men are capable of forming close 2012; Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, &
ers. Although there is tremendous social attachments with others, and this capaci- Szapocznik, 2010).
and cultural diversity inherent in parenting ty for bonding continues into adulthood in Providing an affirmative and caring
approaches, some boys are socialized from same-sex and cross-sex friendships (Way, environment where clients can explore
an early age to avoid intimacy and deep 2011) and romantic attachments (Carver, the intersecting influence of masculinities
connections with others (Pollack, 1995; Joyner & Udry, 2003; Smiler, 2013). These and race, sexual orientation, and class on
Way, 2011), potentially leading to serious relationships enhance the emotional and behavior is significant to resolving mental
relational difficulties later in life (O’Neil, physical well-being and social adjustment health difficulties for sexual and gender
2015). Indeed, several studies have iden- of boys and men throughout the lifespan minorities (Pelletier & Tschurtz, 2012).
tified connections between adult attach- (Smiler & Heasley, 2016; Vaillant, 2012). Effective clinical care may benefit from
ment insecurity and men’s adherence to It is important to note that gay, bisex- examination of the client’s and clinician’s
traditional masculinity ideologies (Mahalik ual, and transgender boys and men are also own binary notions of gender identity
et al., 2005; McDermott & Lopez, 2013; likely to enjoy strong, healthy bonds with as tied to biology, as well as developing
Schwartz et al., 2004). family members and peers during their insight into how to avoid pathologizing
Additionally, traditional masculini- early years, but they regularly experience clinical language (Carroll & Gilroy, 2002;
ty ideology encourages men to adopt an numerous, stressful relationship challeng- Singh, Boyd, & Whitman, 2010).
approach to sexuality that emphasizes es as they grow older. Family bonds can be Psychologists strive to use a variety
promiscuity and other aspects of risky strained, and in some cases shattered, fol- of methods to promote the development
sexual behavior, such as not learning a lowing disclosure of non-heteronormative of male-to-male relationships. Toward
partner’s sexual history or engaging in sex or transgender identity. For example, indi- addressing this goal, psychologists recog-
without protection from pregnancy or dis- viduals who adhere to traditional masculine nize and challenge socialization pressures
ease transmission (Kimmel, 2008; Pleck, gender roles hold more negative attitudes on boys and men to be hypercompetitive
Sonenstein, & Ku, 2004; Smiler, 2013). toward transgender and gender-noncon- and hyper aggressive with one another
Indeed, heterosexual men’s adherence to forming persons (Tebbe & Moradi, 2012), to help boys and men develop healthy
traditional, sexist aspects of masculini- while affirming families are associated same-sex friendships. Interactive all-male
ty has been connected to sexual assault with superior mental health outcomes for groups, (Levant, 1996; Mortola, Hiton, &
perpetration (Flood, 2015; Kimmel, 2008; transgender and gender-nonconforming Grant, 2007), self-help books (Garfield,
for a review, see McDermott, Kilmartin, persons (Olson, Durwood, DeMeules, & 2015 Smiler, 2016), and educational videos
McKelvey, & Kridel, 2015), as well as McLaughlin, 2016; Ryan, Russell, Huebner, (Hurt & Gordon, 2007; Katz & Earp, 2013)
decreased condom use and increased Diaz, & Sánchez, 2010). may be helpful or utilized. Psychologists
casual “hook-up” sex (Flood, 2008; Pleck also strive to create psychoeducational
et al., 2004; Smiler, 2013). Application classes and workshops designed to pro-
In addition to influencing sexual rela- mote gender empathy, respectful behavior,
Psychologists strive to promote healthy
tionships, traditional masculinity ideology and communication skills that enhance
intimate relationships in boys and men,
discourages men from being intimate with cross-sex friendships, and to raise aware-
where healthy relationships are defined
others and is the primary reason men tend ness about, and solutions for, problemat-
and characterized by respect, emotion-
to have fewer close friends than women ic behaviors such as sexual harassment
al intimacy and sharing, and mutuality
(Keddie, 2003; Klein, 2006); this is partic- that deter cross-sex friendships (Wilson,
(Garfield, 2015; Smiler, 2016; Way, 2011).
ularly evident in all-male peer groups (Way, 2006). Psychologists can discuss with
Recognizing the primacy of early human
2011). Because of the pressure to conform boys and men the messages they have
attachments, psychologists attempt to
to traditional masculinity ideology, some received about withholding affection from
help parents form close bonds with their
men shy away from directly expressing other males to help them understand how
sons through teaching parents about the
their vulnerable feelings and prefer build- components of traditional masculinity
developmental needs of boys, to respond
ing connection through physical activities, such as emotional stoicism, homophobia,
to boys in a nurturing manner, and to
talking about external matters (e.g., sports, not showing vulnerability, self-reliance,
foster a healthy separation and individu-
politics, work), engaging in “good-natured and competitiveness might deter them
ation process with their sons (Lombardi,
ribbing,” exchanging jokes, and seeking and from forming close relationships with
2012). Further, psychologists recognize
offering practical advice with their male male peers (Brooks, 1998; Smiler, 2016). In
how issues of language acquisition, fam-
friends (Garfield, 2015; Kiselica, Englar- that vein, psychologists strive to develop
ily intergenerational conflict, conflictual
Carlson, Horne & Fisher, 2008; Pollack, in boys and men a greater understanding
values between culture of origin and the
1998; Way, 2011). However, the majority of the diverse and healthy ways that they
United States, and differences in accul-
of boys and men indicate that they have can demonstrate their masculinities in
turation compared with parents and
close male friends with whom they share relationships.
elders may be present for first-genera-
secrets, are emotionally intimate, and view
tion boys and men (Kim, Chen, Li, Huang,
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