Muslim Sardinia in Mediterranean Context
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Paper presented at: ATINER (Athens Institute for Education and Research), 4th Annual International Conference
on Mediterranean Studies, 20-23 April 2011, Athens. c Francesca Lai
Muslim Sardinia in Mediterranean Context
Francesca Lai
Post-Doc Scholar - Dipartimento di Scienze Archeologiche e Storico-Artistiche
Università degli Studi di Cagliari
Abstract
During the Seventh and the Eighth century A.D., a new cultural and polit-
ical presence began to expand in the Mediterranean. The Muslim Empire
extended his influence to many lands, from the Middle East to the West,
then continues in North Africa and ended its march in Europe. Sometimes,
the transitions between different ages entail a complex analysis of facts and
historical dynamics. If a study concerning the Late Antiquity and the Dark
Age, is geographically limited (e.g. only to the West or to the East Mediter-
ranean sea) or is restricted to an analysis of only one of cultural aspects (e.g.
Christians Romanized or Muslim World), it is known that it is highly influ-
enced by fields of sectorial studies: the final result is a lack of a far-reaching
perspective. In addition, many ideal barriers between East and West do not
correspond with historic reality: they belong to preconceived and stereotyped
categories. On the other side, the course of history shows that interactions
between cultures are the main instrument for the development of Countries
and communities. Following the common history, we can observe as insular
areas from Western Mediterranean bring a rich research field. Sardinia, for
example, was a part of geographical environment of the new Muslim Em-
pire. At the beginning, Arabs tried to expand their territory: when this
action failed, they created bases in the island, especially where major cities
and harbours were located. New settlements constituted a useful bridge for
commercial trades and migration fluxes with North Africa. The Arabs were
interested in occupancy of other insular areas (Malta, Sicilia, Pantelleria,
Crete, Cyprus, Rhodes). In this case, evidences connected to Arab and Mus-
lim culture, should be included in a ’pan-Mediterranean’ context that would
include West and East in a common history.
Research is supported by Regione Autonoma della Sardegna (POR Sardegna and FSE 2007-2013, L.R.
7/2007 ‘Promozione della ricerca scientifica e dell’innovazione tecnologica in Sardegna’).. . .1
Introduction aim was to gain control of the harbours and
sea, especially in a first step, aiming to a pos-
The aim of this paper is to find out sible extension to the closer areas.
the thread of history that connects some Such as Sardinia, also the other islands of
Mediterranean areas in a common destiny. the Mediterranean attended the landing of
The chronological focus of this communica- the Arabs in their coasts. We will exam-
tion is the rise of the Arabs and the constitu- ine these events in detail, proposing to ex-
tion of its Empire. In fact, this event changed tract common elements into different con-
the balance of the Mediterranean thalassoc- texts, useful to draw conclusions about the
racy. The Muslims carried out strategic ac- conditions of employment (and possible ap-
tions: sometimes doing a conquest and an propriation) of the Arab peregrine commu-
occupation strictu sensu, sometimes consti- nity in the different islands1 .
tute reprisals, limited by a territorial expan-
sion. The characters and boundaries of this
fragmented history are not clearly defined, al-
West Mediterranean
though recently they have acquired its own
dignity: in any case, it means to discuss
about of a very complex period, characterized Malta The traditional date of the Muslim
by a plurality of political entities, ranging conquest of Malta is 870, with the landing
from the almost eternal Byzantine Empire to of Ibn Khadadsha and the appropriation of
the nascent Muslim Empire, already deeply Aghlabides2 . The lack of information about
split in the Eighth Century inside. Follow- Islamic Malta has long been discussed. The
ing the idea of the famous historian Ferdi- void of history does not follow the numerous
nand Braudel (1998), when people consider evidences about the contact with the Arabs
Mediterranean people should keep his histor- on the island, like the language or a signifi-
ical role, recognizing the existence of more cant presence of Arabic toponims3 . In fact,
Mediterranean seas. However, each Mediter- Michele Amari wrote:
ranean contributes to build up a common We know little or nothing abut Arabic age
history. The same people who live in the of Malta4 .
Mediterranean are, in fact, united by com- 1
From this analysis, the island of Sicily will be
mon interests and a common desire to con- excluded. In fact, it was administratively integrated
nect and relate one each other: in this con- into the Fatimid and Aglabide kingdoms and later
text, is not far away our reality, more strictly constituted an independent emirate. As a part of the
modern and cybernetic. In fact, the first re- emirate of Cordoba, Balearic Islands escaped to the
dynamic of intermittent employment that character-
quirement is to establish relationships, bring- ize the island territories analyzed, therefore not will
ing a common sense of belonging. consider into this study.
2
Detaching from traditional historiography, For a general study for Malta in Medieval Ages,
I would contribute with an overview of the before 16th A.D. see Luttrell ed. (1975).
3
This was the report of the historian: ‘There re-
situation in the Middle Ages, when occurred mains no tradition of rule of the Arabs with regard
the expansion of the Arabs and the begin- to institutions and laws: only the language and place
ning of new balance of power in the Mediter- names of villages and announced that here, if this
ranean. The element that is the connection nation did not stay long, certainly there have been
many relations’. Candido (1988, p. 144).
of this thesis isinsularity. The islands were 4
Certainly, the progress of studies and research
used by the Arabs as a basis for their pro- make this sentences less pessimist then Michele
posed expansion of its Empire. In fact, the Amari, in his correspondence with Maltese scholar2
It is noteworthy the conquest of the island Then, after the Muslims got together and did
was supported by the Emir of Sicily. This a census, found that the number of slaves ex-
event explains how the history of Malta af- ceeded that of the free, but they told the
ter the Arab presence was strictly linked at slaves: Fight with us and if you will win
the major Italian island. A funerary epigraph you will be free and things will be yours;
in the Museum of Malta, known as Sciara but if you will stay below the enemy, we will
inscription, gives evidences of the presence be killed together. Once the Rūm arrived
of a member of the H . udayl Arab tribe, like on the battlefield, the Maltese (slaves) at-
the same family group¯known in Pantelle- tacked them as one man and, with the help of
ria5 . According to Al Idrı̄sı̄6 (translation by God, separated them and made great slaugh-
Amari): ter among them. After this event, the slaves
One hundred miles from Pantelleria, and free men were united and grew in power
straight to the east, lies the island of Gandosc so that the Rum they never attacked more.
(Gozzo), that has a safe harbour. From Gan- Al H. awqāl (10th) and Al H. imyarı̄ (14th)
dosc to a small island, that names Camuna, describe Malta like a desert region, and the
or Comuna (lacking the number of miles): second writer specified that the island was
east of this is Malita, big island provided of a inhabited by Byzantines8 .
safe harbour that opens to the east (Sciark, The ability of Muslims in Malta in the
o Marsa Sciark, that is Marsa Scialuk, the production of clocks and hourglasses, told
harbour of east). In this island there is a the same Kazwı̄nı̄, is a reference to the re-
city. It is rich in pastures, sheeps, fruits and lations with Sicily. We know about the con-
honey. The terminal point of Sicely closer to struction of an hourglass in Palermo wanted
Malta is named Ak..r..nta and the distance by the King Roger II. A trilingual inscrip-
from this part is 80 miles. tion (Latin, Greek and Arabic) commem-
Another writer, geograph and astronomer, orated this event: today the epigraph is
Kazwı̄nı̄, was the author, in the 13th A.D. of located in the Norman Palace, near the
‘Athār-el-bilād’. In this book, he describes Palatine Chapel. In the same occasion,
the¯ episode of the fight between the Islamic Kazwı̄nı̄ reported that a poet, who named
people of Malta and the Byzantines7 : Ibn Ramād.ān, composed some verses in
Malta, island close to Spain, has cities, vil- which he told about his island. This com-
lages, trees and fruits. The Rūm attacked position was built hoping to obtain the grace
after 440 (1048 A.D.). During this battle, by the Norman Prince Roger and to be repa-
they offered an agreement provided that the triated.
islanders give them the material and women. The archaeological evidence of communi-
Francesco Crispi. The review of this materials is pro- ties living on the island (or local elements
vided by Candido (1988, p. 138). Hereafter we quote that absorbed Islamic culture) consists of
the words of Amari in English translation. some grave with Kufic inscriptions, found
5
The Maltese inscription, founded in the region near the village of Medina9 , coins and some
of Gozzo is dated on 569/1154 A.D.: Amari (1971,
p. 218, XXXII) and remember a women, Majmūna. potteries whose technique is connected to
The second one, which the provenience is Pantelleria,
8
is referred by a man, Alı̄, of the same tribe. The Luttrel 1987, p. 138. This implies, in the opinion
epitaph was bought by Sicilians and now is in the of Brincat (1995, p. 32) that at the time of writing
museum of Palermo: Amari (1971, p. 230) the island was still Muslim.
6 9
Candido (1988, p. 141). The inscription of Majmuna, the same mentioned
7
Translation from the text edited only in Arabic short before, is one of the best preserved find of Arab
and comments in Candido (1988, p. 159). period (Trump 1993, p. 154).3
North African productions10 . The Arabs set- Bon), directed to Iqlibiya and the places
tlement in the island came after a large empty nearby. After being signed, they went to Cos-
space documentary. In fact, recent anthropic sura, an island between Sicily and Africa that
indicators and evidence building in Tag Silt was, at that time, inhabited’.
site is linked to the presence of the Christian Cossyra/Corcyra was in fact the Latin
monks, that represents one of few evidence name, whose memory persists even in the
before the arrive of Muslims. Arab sources. Abulfeda, geographer, de-
Some archaeological finds from Xara, in scribes it:
Medinas region, are dated on the end of 10th ‘At the entrance to the Gulf is the island
and the beginning of 11th A.D. Moreover, of Coussera, located in front of Sicely13 ’.
two amphorae can be attribute of a North According to Michele Amari, Pantelleria
African production; consequently it is pos- had been an organization even more detailed
sible to argue an importation from Islamic than Malta. He says in fact:
areas, corresponding to the actual Tunisia.
In addition, a seal mentioning Niketas, drun- ‘I was surprised that some of the thirteenth
garius and archontes of Malta, was founded century Arab geographers talked about the
in Tunis. This find proves that the island Muslim inhabitants of Pantelleria under the
should become an important crossroad in Christian domination and its own laws, but
West Mediterranean between Byzantines and makes no mention of the same case in Malta.
Arabs11 . This proves that at that time Pantelleria was
The influence of the language and the Ara- populated and much richer.’
bic writing is one of the major indicators of
the Muslim presence in the island. The Arab
influence could be extended until thirteenth Sardinia In Sardinia, the first campaigns
Century, since the island was conquered by date back to the beginning of the 8th A.D. It
the Normans: in fact, the language seems to is still uncertain the attribution of the raid of
have been deeply established also after the 703 A.D. because of the controversial identifi-
conquest by Normans and today also there cation of the name Salsalah/Silsilah, that the
are still significant traces in the spoken lan- interpretation of Michele Amari14 attributed
guage and place’s names. to the island of Sardinia. In spite of this argu-
ment, in more recent times the interpretation
seems to be not supported by the feedback
Pantelleria (Cossura) As a result of its of the sources, as Giovanna Stasolla rightly
proximity to the African coast, likely the is- pointed out15 . The incursions were repeated
land was used by the Arabs to flee the ad- from 707 to 710 A.D. under the Umayyad
vancing Muslim. According the geograph Al general, Mūsa ibn Nus.ayr: the island was at-
Bakri12 : tacked and the cities were looted. For several
‘At the time of the invasion of North years, the Arabs will not re off the Sardinian
Africa by Abd-Allah ibn Sad ibn Sarh, the coast until 735, when ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn al-
Rūm Cherik gathered in the peninsula (Cape H. abh.ab landed on the island again. This mil-
itary action was repeated in 737, then in 752
10
Trump (1993, p. 23). the expedition was led by Abd al-Rahman al
11
A focus of the archaeology of Malta: Bruno Cu-
13
tajar (2002, p. 113). Géographie d’Abulféda (1848, p. 176).
12 14
Translation of Al Bakrı̄ from De Slane (1965, p. Amari (1880/1981, pp. 273-274).
15
97). Stasolla (2002, p. 80; p. 87).4
Fihrı̄, a direct descendant of the master now chaeological and other material evidence (in-
raised to the glory of holiness: Uqba, the au- scriptions, coins, seals), concentrated mostly
thor of an important campaign of conquest in in coastal areas or immediately neighbour-
North Africa. Ibn Idharı̄ reports that, from ing (Cagliari, Assemini, maybe Quartucciu
this moment: near Piscina Nuxedda, Cabras in Capo San
Marco, Porto Torres, Olbia/Fausania17 . This
the island was never molested by Muslims could be understood to imply the establish-
and Christians could live peacefully. ment of Muslim communities, although an
important component could be considered
The Pseudo Methodius source refers about migration movements and contacts from An-
Muslim raids in the city of Olbia: the au- dalusian Spain18 .
thor described as a city overlooking Rome,
shortly after the mid-seventh century (662-
663 A.D.)16 . According to the version
East Mediterranean
of Pseudo-Methodius, the expedition left
Gigthis in the Gulf of Gabés, in Tunisia, just
south of the Roman Tacape. At this time the Crete and the Aegean seas The occu-
organization of the coastal territory of the fu- pation of Crete dates from the 9th A.D.,
ture Ifrı̄qiya was not completed, as happened although some Muslim raids happened in
19
in Egypt. In fact, as a result of the arrange- 7th and 8th too . According to the
ment of the Egyptian fleet in the arsenals Arabic sources (Al Baladhurı̄, Yaqūt, Al
were organized the raids in the eastern part of T.abari, Al Kindı̄) and Eastern Christian
Mediterranean against Cyprus and Rhodes. sources (George Hamartolos and a continua-
The years around the 660 A.D. was charac- tion of his work, the hagiograph Symeon the
terized by the expedition of the Arab gen- Metaphrast then Genesius and Michael the
eral Uqba in Byzacium and Proconsularis. Syrian) the chronology of the first conquest
The itinerary of Uqba seems to have been in of Crete fluctuates between 821-823 and 830
20
the internal part of this regions, avoiding the A.D. . The writers link the event with the
costal regions. This was a strategy that sug- initiative of a group of rebel conquerors from
gested running through sure routes, already Spain (emirate of Al-Andalus). They were
known in the previous campaigns (Ibn Sa’d, captured and kidnapped in Alexandria, from
Muhawiya). which, once released, they turned to the is-
21
It is not unlikely that, according to prior land . Anyway, this is a version from a part
chronology attributed to the efforts of the 17
It is known as harbour. Certainly it was used by
Arab fleet sent from Alexandria, the city of the Arabs after VII A.D. according Amucano (2007),
Olbia can be identified with that of Lycia in as recently has been pointed out by Spanu (2008, p.
357-358).
Asia Minor. The region concerned, however, 18
On archaeological evidence relating to the Arabs
the arrival of the Arabs in their mid-VII cen- in Sardinia: Pinna (2010). On the Arab presence in
tury AD. This location would be in line with Sardinia, seen against the Tyrrhenian and Italy: Del
contemporary events and politics linked to Lungo (2000).
19
Christides (1984, pp. 88-89).
the epic Battle of the Masts of 655 A.D., oc- 20
Christides (1984, pp. 85-86) divided the sources
curred just off the coast of Lycia. by year into three categories: group I, 821-823; group
In addition to written sources, the presence II, 825-826; group III, 828-830; group IV, 827-828;
of Muslims living in Sardinia thanks to ar- group V, 829-845.
21
Brooks (1913, pp. 431-432); Setton (1954, p.
16
As proposed by Kaegi (2000) and Kaegi (2001). 311); Miles (1964, p. 5).5
of Arabic sources whereas Byzantine ver- were still, indeed, the island of Euboea. In
sion include a different account: Andalusians 904 Naxos, Paros and other islands of the Cy-
could came from Spain directed in Aegean, clades had been visited by the Arabs, coming
and most probably in Crete and only in a back from the sack of Thessalonica; other pil-
second moment they stop in Egypt, laying lage were at Samos and Lemnos, while the
over, before, in North Africa22 . attack failed to Proconneso in the Sea of
As far as Christides is concerned (1984, p. Marmora failed. Shortly before, in the west-
86), the luck of Arabs was a consequence of a ern Aegean coast, they made a raid to Mount
crisis in Byzantine Empire, related to the re- Athos and the islands situated in front of it:
volt of Thomas the Slave, that allowed an op- in 866 the Arabs seem to have established a
erating space in Aegean seas: after this event semi-permanent base on the island of Neon,
probably the raids were repeated, which ex- in Chalkidiki.
plains different dates attribute to the island After the conquest of Crete, around 827-
conquest by literature. 829, a Byzantine fleet was defeated not far
Once established in a part of the island, from the island of Thasos. After this ac-
the Arabs could attack other islands and to tion probably it was done the sack of Mount
extend control over the surrounding area. Athos, whereas it remains uncertain the Arab
Relations between Byzantium and the occupation of Athens between 896 and 902.
Arabs are documented by an episode of 879 In this context, Crete was always the lo-
A.D. when Niketas Ooryphas, drungarius, gistics center for Muslims attacks in Aegean
send a fleet against the Arabs of Crete, which seas. There was any forced conversion to Is-
at that time were operating around the coast lam in spite of comments of many modern
of the Peloponnese and Gulf of Corinth23 . scholars. Nevertheless the Islamization of the
Shortly before, in 861, a fleet of sixty African inhabitants had been reserved only for pa-
vessels invaded southern Italy and took pris- gans and not covers all the people.
oners and also Kephalonia Zakyntos. In Christians and Jewish were respected, al-
this context there is subsequent action by though a small part of these became slaves.
the Byzantine commander Niketas Ooryphas, In addition, archaeological evidences, like the
under the reign of Basil I24 . church of Saint Titos in Gortyna, that never
The material evidence shows the presence was destroyed, shows the atmosphere of tol-
of Arabs around the Gulf of Crete Nauplia. erance between different religions. Moreover,
Thus, even in the writings of St. Peter of the small church of San Nicholas, built at
Argos lifes (927 A.D.), we read about the the end of 8th and the beginning of 9th,
continuous attacks of the Arabs from Crete, during the Arab occupation, is a sign of in-
who harass the coasts of Argolid and Ar- tegration with Christian population, if they
cadia, as well as around the southern Pelo- didnt destroy the religious public buildings,
ponnese. Byzantine sources report that a but rather they continue to operate in these
fleet of 30 galleys, Uthman, the Emir of Tar- areas. Despite this, there are few information
sus (Cilicia), attacked the fortress of Khalkis, about the Cretan hierarchy. This fact do not
and was defeated. According to Miles (1964) implies the disappearance of the Christian
the Arabs never attacked the island and they bishops: in fact some names are known25 .
22 The Muslim occupation was concentrated
Christides (1984, p. 83).
23
Corinth is mentioned with reference to the Hosios on the south of Crete: Chandax (al-
Lukas monastery: Miles (1964, p. 5).
24 25
Gibb (1958, p. 312). Christides (1984, pp. 110-113).6
Khandaq) was established as capital of Emi- cording Al Tabari and Theophanes, in 648,
rate. However, this city will not keep a lot of the general Muhawiya Abdallah b. Qays at-
news, despite the amount of information pro- tacked Cyprus: the Arabs landed in Constan-
vided by the Byzantine sources about attacks tia/Salamis. An inscription of 649 A.D., re-
of the Agareni on the Aegean Sea. The emi- cently discovered in Soloi, confirms this Arab
rate continued his life for at least a century, expedition29 . A second raid was in 653-
as the family tree traced by Miles (1964). 654 A.D.30 , just before the crucial Battle of
The coinage shows the existence of an inde- the Masts (Dhāt al-S.āwari) of 654-655 that
pendent political Center, economic strengths opened for the Arabs important passages in
and commercial power. Therefore the pres- the Eastern Mediterranean. It is noteworthy
ence of silver coins and gold, not only copper, that the second time the landed was again
testifies the presence of a cash flow not only in Constantia/Salamis. Otherwise archaeo-
aimed at small trades26 . On the other hand, logical analysis shows a renewal of an ad-
Gortyna held the role of the Byzantine capi- joined building of the Christian basilica in
tal in the period of Arab conquest. 655 A.D., burned few years before. The occu-
Several place’s names (such as Sarakina, pancy extended to the city of Kition, which
tou Sarakinou) remain to witness the pres- was not conquered in first attack. Further-
ence of Arab and treasures collected after the more also Amathus was conquered, but con-
Byzantine conquest (961 A.D. by the Byzan- tinued its life and was not abandoned after
tine emperor Nikephoros Phocas), and dis- the first raid. As far as archaeologists re-
persed by the merchants in the same period ported, the same happened also to the city of
of the Crusades testify to the prosperity of Salamis/Constantia, although the cities that
Arabic27 Crete. received the heaviest treatment by the Arabs
The archaeological materials and inscrip- were Paphos and Laphitos.
tions, both found in Athens and in the penin- In addition, the presence of findings
sula of Halkidiki, dated around the ninth- demonstrates that imports of pottery con-
tenth century, as evidenced by Miles (1964), tinue since 9th A.D. from Constantinople.
makes the idea of extending the sphere of A part of inhabitants moved to inlands, but
Arab influence in the Aegean and Greece this reaction does not correspond to a cre-
and the presence of permanent colonies of ation of new rural settlements. However, the
Arab Muslims, like, perhaps, of craftsmen city of Nicosia, in the interior part of the is-
and merchants living in Athens. A large pres- land, gained the rule of the major populated
ence of stylistic motifs inspired by the callig- centre in this period, although the Muslim
raphy (kufic) and Islamic art in general, show administrative center was established in Pa-
even better, the scope of Arab influence in phos. According to the Arabic sources, espe-
these regions. cially Al Baladhurı̄, this city was populated
Cyprus. The island was conquered under by Arab immigrants established there, along-
the Umayyad Caliphate, after the defeat of side of the locals inhabitants31 . The ceno-
the naval battle that took place involved the taph of Hala Sultan Tekke in Larnaka is a
Byzantines against the Arab enemy, imme-
diately after the capture of Constantinople. Cyprus see recent work of Christides (2006).
The Programme of raids was repeated28 . Ac- 29
Christides (2006, p. 11)
30
Boswort (1996, p. 157); Christides (2006, p. 21).
26 31
Miles (1964, p. 14) Concerning Paphos, the Arab policy of immigra-
27
Miles (1964, p. 17). tion does not correspond to a massive escape of pre-
28
Gibb (1958, p. 222). For the Islamic period in vious population. Christides (2006, pp. 29-30).7
sign of devotion to the early saints of Islam Muhawiya, Yazid I ordered the newly-built
at the time of this raids32 . An important fortresses to be destroyed and the settlers
mark of the Arab presence was the treaty evacuated: this fact is placed by al-T.abarı̄
concluded by Arabs and Byzantine to def- in 673 A.D. is probable to assume, however,
inite sphere of influence. According to re- that the occupation had to be extended for
cent study of Christides (2006), there was not well over seven years, since only in 674 the
a repartition of duties and competence one Arabs would have attacked an island near
each other, but a general law, allowing them Istanbul, called Arwād and probably identi-
live in the same land. The concept of ‘con- fiable by a recent reading, with the islet of
dominia’ or no-man’s land, which produces Arados33 . It remains only an impression, not
a lot of confusion in the past historiography, supported by other data, the fact that the
could not be applied in this case: Cyprus, like Arab occupation there was at least until the
the other tributary independent states, was eighth century, when the Byzantine sources
not protected by the Moslem state against of Theophanes and Constantine Porphyro-
aggression by third powers, but it acquired genitus tell the story about the sale of the
security from attacks on the part of Moslem Colossus of Rhodes to the merchants Jews of
state. Edessa was pure invention (Conrad 1992).
In fact, the treaty stipulated between Jus- Conclusions
tinian II and Abd Al Malik was for a lim-
ited time, not indefinitely: according to
Costantinus Porphirogenitus, the Arabs re-
ceived taxes, but they do not have under pos- A common Mediterranean: an
session the island. overview In spite of different approaches
of the Arabs is important to focus on
the problem of the islamization in these
areas. Basically, as far as I am concerned,
Rhodes This island was another goal of the
the approach of this fragmented history
Arabs. According Boswort (1996, p. 157),
contributes to write a common view of the
the first Muslim raid seems to go back to
Mediterranean.
653, under the patronage of the caliph Uth-
man and the governor of Egypt Muhawiya. Although military actions in the Mediter-
The indirect accounts offered by Arab histo- ranean island were carry out in different
rians (Baladhurı̄, al-T.abarı̄) are a transmis- times, there is a common goal pursued by
sion of the events chronologically closer to the Arabs. This is the opportunity to ex-
them, describe a prosperous Rhodes, fruitful pand its presence with their culture and reli-
and fertile, until, at the time of Muhawiya, gion. The people who embraced the Muslim
was granted to the Arabs landed in Rhodes, Empire take definitely an advantage. They
to remain there for seven years. During this fixed stable centres, sometimes planting arti-
period, the settlers built fortresses to pro- san workshops and establishing a network of
tect themselves from possible attacks and in- local and overseas businesses. These actions
cursions of the enemy Byzantine. At the made secure the Arab presence in strate-
end of seven years, the governor succeeded gic areas of the Mediterranean. In spite of
the belief provided by popular imagination
32
For the legend of Um H. arām who arrive with her
33
husband Ubāda ibn al-S.āmit during the expedition of For related bibliography and critical review see
649 A. D. see Christides (2006, pp. 61-63). Boswort (1996, p. 159).8
and sometimes supported by the historiogra- (1993) Moriscos. Echi della presenza e
phy, these actions had not the characteristic della cultura islamica in Sardegna: catalogo.
of savage races. The presence of coins, as Cagliari: Pinacoteca Nazionale di Cagliari.
in Cyprus and Sardinia, testify to the eco-
nomic vitality, but also with the presence of Amari, M. (1880/1981). Biblioteca Arabo-
an administrative or cultural structure34 , of- Sicula, ristampa anastatica delledizione di
ten cohabiting with different administrative Torino 1880-1881, vol. I, Sala Bolognese:
contexts (eg. the Byzantines and then held Forni.
in Sardinia, or in some part of Byzantine
Crete). Urbanisation is another indicator of Amari, M. (1879). Le epigrafi arabe di Si-
the Arab presence in the insular territories. cilia. Trascritte, tradotte e illustrate. 2nd
The creation of new cities, often conveyed ed. Gabrieli F. (ed.) [1971]. Palermo: Virzì.
by the Greek or Latin experience, according
Amucano, M.A (2007). Indagini to-
to Carver (1996), constitutes an element of
pografiche sulla fortificazione dell’isola di
transition from Late Antiquity to the Middle
Molara (Olbia). Proposta di datazione
Ages. Moreover, it suggests that not existed
ed ipotesi di inserimento ne lquadro della
any breakdown between Muslim and Chris-
strategia antiaraba successiva al “sacco di
tian world.
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