THE ASSAM TRIBUNE ANALYSIS DATE - 18 MARCH 2021 - For Preliminary and Mains examination As per new Pattern of APSC Also useful for UPSC and other ...
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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE ANALYSIS
DATE – 18 MARCH 2021
For Preliminary and Mains examination
As per new Pattern of APSC
(Also useful for UPSC and other State level government examinations)
Answers of MCQs of 17-03-2021 1. C 2. D 3. B 4. A 5. A MCQs of 18-03-2021 Q1. Name the place from where Chandrayaan-1 was launched? A. Satish Dhawan Space Centre, Sriharikota B. ISRO Satellite Centre, Bangaluru C. Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre, Thiruvananthapuram D. Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre, Thiruvananthapuram Q2. What will be the India's second mission to the Moon by ISRO? A. Chandrayaan-2 B. Chandrayaan-3 C. Chandrayaan-1 D. None of the above Q3. The National Highway connecting Nagaon to Dimapur through Karbi Anglong district is- A. NH 37 B. NH 36 C. NH 39
D. NH 40
Q4. The first editor of Jonaki
A. Hemchandra Goswami
B. Chandra Kumar Agarwala
C. Lakshminath Bezboruah
D. Padmanath Gohai Baruah
Q5. Karengar Ligiri was written by
A. Bishnu Prasad Rabha
B. Lakshmi Nath Bezboruah
C. Jyotiprasad Agarwalla
D. Padmanath Gohai BaruahCONTENTS 1. No decision on nationwide NRC yet (GS 2 – Polity and Governance) 2. Envisaged for a year, Chandrayaan-2 orbiter likely to last for 7 years (GS 3 – Science and Technology) 3. IOC, Israeli firm form JV to manufacture metal-air batteries for EVs (GS 3 – Science and Technology) 4. 41 candidates in 1st phase face criminal cases (GS 5 – Electoral Reforms related) EDITORIALS 1. Constitutionalizing a coalition (GS 2 – Polity and Governance) 2. Not feasible (GS 3 – Privatization) 3. Meghalaya mining ban (GS 5 – Environment related issue) 4. Orunodoi: A long misunderstood publication (GS 5 – History)
NEWS ARTICLES
No decision on nationwide NRC yet
The Centre on Wednesday said it has not taken any decision on the nationwide roll-out of the National
Register of Citizens (NRC).
Union Minister of State for Home Nityanand Rai was replying to a question in the Rajya Sabha on whether
the Central government had any plans to implement the NRC throughout the country. “Till now, the
government has not taken any decision to prepare the National Register of Indian Citizens at the national
level,” Rai said in a written reply.
The NRC was updated in Assam under the supervision of the Supreme Court. When the final NRC was
published on August 31, 2019, a total of 19.06 lakh people were excluded out of the total 3,30,27,661
applicants, which created ripples across India.
Replying to another question, Rai said there is no provision of detention centres under the Citizenship Act,
1955 and the National Register of Indian Citizens.
He said the Supreme Court on February 28, 2012 had directed that foreign nationals who completed their
sentence shall be released from jail immediately and be kept in an appropriate place with restricted
movement pending their deportation or repatriation. – PTI
Envisaged for a year, Chandrayaan-2 orbiter likely to last for 7 years
The life of the orbiter of Chandrayaan-2 was initially envisaged for a year but the Indian Space Research
Organisation (ISRO) expects it to last for seven years, Union minister Jitendra Singh said on Wednesday.
In a written response to a question in the Lok Sabha on India’s second lunar mission, Jitendra Singh, the
Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office, said Chandrayaan-2 was a highly complex mission to
develop and demonstrate the key technologies for end-to-end lunar mission capability, including soft-
landing and roving on the lunar surface. The mission comprised an orbiter, lander and rover. Planned to land on the South Pole of the Moon, Chandrayaan-2 was launched on July 22, 2019. However,
the lander Vikram hard-landed on September 7, 2019, crashing India’s dream to become the first nation
to successfully land on the lunar surface in its maiden attempt.
“But for achieving soft landing at the intended spot, the other objectives of the mission have been
significantly attained. So much so, that against an initially envisaged one-year life of orbiter, we expect it
to be serving for seven years,” Singh said.
The mission has accomplished the objective of expanding lunar scientific knowledge through detailed
study of topography, mineralogy, surface chemical composition, thermo-physical characteristics and
tenuous lunar atmosphere leading to a better understanding of the origin and evolution of the moon, it
added.
In August last year, Singh had announced that Chandrayaan-2 orbiter has captured the images of craters
on the Moon. They were christened ‘Sarabhai crater’ after Vikram Sarabhai, father of the Indian space
programme.
The Sarabhai Crater captured in 3D images shows that it has a depth of around 1.7 kilometres, taken from
its raised rim, and the slope of crater walls is in between 25 to 35 degree. These findings will help space
scientists to understand further the process on the lunar region filled with lava, Singh had said.
ISRO’s missions are known to have an enhanced life than what is earlier envisaged. The planned life span
of Mars Orbiter Mission (Mangalyaan) after its insertion into the Mars orbit on September 24, 2014 was
six months and it was to complete on March 24, 2015. However, the MOM is still functioning and sending
pictures. – PTI
IOC, Israeli firm form JV to manufacture metal-air batteries for EVs
State-owned Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) and Israeli battery developer Phinergy today formalised a joint
venture to manufacture ultra-lightweight metal-air batteries for electric vehicles (EVs), a venture that got
its first customers in Maruti Suzuki and Ashok Leyland.
The equal joint venture will replace lithium with aluminum to make batteries that will charge faster and
give a longer run.
This will “help overcome most of the challenges facing EVs including range anxiety,” IOC Chairman SM
Vaidya said.
“Al-air technology will help us overcome most of the current challenges for e-vehicles and address most of
the potential customers’ pain-points, including range anxiety, higher cost of purchase, and safety issues. “This technology will also boost India’s existing aluminum industry and help the nation become self-reliant
in the energy field and promote the ‘Make in India’ drive,” he said.
IOC had in February last year acquired a minority stake in Phinergy Ltd. Now they have formed a joint
venture, IOC Phinergy Pvt Ltd, which will manufacture aluminum-air systems using mostly recycled
aluminum.
At a virtual event marking the event, Maruti Suzuki and Ashok Leyland signed a letter of intent (LoI) with
the newly incorporated JV.
Founded in 2008, Phinergy develops an assortment of zero-emission batteries including aluminum-air and
zinc-air batteries designed to offer power sources for electric cars.
The IOC and Phinergy joint venture will set up a factory in India to manufacture aluminum-air batteries for
electric vehicles and stationary applications.
Aluminum is naturally available in India and its extraction and recycling technologies are also very well
established.
Speaking on occasion, Oil Minister Dharmendra Pradhan said the joint venture will help India in its journey
towards clean, sustainable, affordable, safe and long-lasting energy options and facilitate much faster
adoption of e-vehicles in the country.
The minister said that based on domestically available aluminum, the joint venture plans to manufacture
aluminum-air systems in the country, which will provide a boost to ‘Make in India’.
Minister of Energy of Israel, Yuval Steinitz, lauded the initiative, saying that this is indicative of increasingly
close cooperation between the two countries.
Oil Secretary Tarun Kapoor said India’s energy demand is going to increase at a faster pace compared to
the world, and the country is looking for a breakthrough in storage technology-batteries that are compact,
cheaper, lighter and have higher energy density.
He described today’s initiative as pathbreaking. – PTI
41 candidates in 1st phase face criminal cases
Forty one candidates contesting in the first phase of Assembly elections in Assam have declared criminal
cases against them. As per a report prepared by the National Election Watch and Association forDemocratic Reforms (ADR), 34 candidates contesting election in the first phase have declared serious
criminal cases against them.
The ADR analysed 259 of the 264 candidates in the fray. Affidavits of five candidates could not be
analysed due to incomplete or unclear affidavits uploaded in the Election Commission website.
A party-wise analysis of the candidates shows that among the major political parties, 10 of the 43
Congress nominees, eight of the 41 Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) nominees, three of the 39 BJP candidates
and one candidate each from NCP, AGP and SUCI(C) have declared criminal cases against them in their
self-sworn affidavits.
Three constituencies – Bokakhat, Margherita and Biswanath Chariali – have been marked as ‘red alert
constituencies’, where three or more contesting candidates have declared criminal cases against them.
According to the report, five candidates have declared cases related to crime against women. While one
candidate has declared cases related to rape, two candidates have cases related to murder, and four
others have declared cases related to attempt to murder.
The directions of the Supreme Court have had no effect on the political parties in selection of candidates
in phase one of the Assam Assembly Elections 2021 as they have again followed their old practice of giving
tickets to around 16 per cent candidates with criminal cases. All major parties contesting in the first phase
have given tickets to eight per cent to 23 per cent candidates who have declared criminal cases against
themselves, the report said.
Meanwhile, AGP has earned the distinction of having highest number of crorepati candidates (90 per
cent). The Congress and BJP both have 72 per cent crorepati candidates, while Assam Jatiya Parishad has
37 per cent such candidates, according to the report.
The average of assets per candidate in the first phase is Rs 1.84 crore. Among major parties, the average
asset per Congress candidate is Rs 3.54 crore, while per BJP nominee it is Rs 3.64 crore. For the AGP and
the AJP, it is Rs 6.71 crore and Rs 1.23 crore, respectively.
The top three candidates with highest declared assets are Naresh Sonowal (AGP) with assets of Rs 33.8
crore, Naba Kumar Doley (BJP) with assets calculated at Rs 25.52 crore and Bharat Narah (Congress) with
assets valued at Rs 21.78 crore.
On the other hand, among the candidates with lowest assets are Anupam Chetia (SUCI) with assets worth
Rs 15,000, Simon Tanti (Independent) with assets calculated at Rs 16,300 and Suresh Bhumij (AJP) with
total assets of Rs 24,755.
The candidates with high liabilities are Bhaskarjyoti Barua (Congress) with a liability of Rs 6.45 crore,
Naren Sonowal (AGP) with a liability of Rs 5.94 crore and Biswajit Phukan (BJP) with a liability of Rs 5.84
crore. Meanwhile, 97 (37 per cent) candidates have declared their educational qualification to be between fifth
and twelfth standard, while 157 (61 per cent) candidates have declared having an educational
qualification of graduate and above.
EDITORIALS
Constitutionalizing a coalition
If the regional forces want a space in India’s centralized electoral democracy, then they must bring their
innovative DNA into coalition politics. Constitutional pre-commitment is a potential antidote to horse-
trading that is the sad reality of government formation in India. It is also a vote gatherer as a picture of
stability for coalitions.
Contrary to cultural stereotypes, the history of the people of Assam is a history of innovation. The
ingenuous reclaiming of marshlands, the Paik system, and pragmatic alliances between communities
transforming into sustained relationships laid the foundations of the community.
Blending of indigenous beliefs, Tai-Ahom traditions, Vaishnavite Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, and cultural
practices yielded an enduring multi-cultural heritage. Despite ethnic strife, Assam continues as an
exemplar of multicultural life in India. This innovative Assamese trait of pragmatically and rationally
responding to challenges needs marshalling to thrive in Indian electoral politics.
The fresh regional upsurge in Assam today faces a twin political challenge: seat-sharing pre-elections, and
government formation post elections. These are familiar but beleaguering challenges. Ordinarily, seat-
sharing precedes government formation and thus is thought to be more pressing. But it is government
formation that is the end game. A view of the end game can wisely inform other strategies, including seat-
sharing.
It is a grandma’s tale in coalition politics that coalitions may agree on seat-sharing and win elections but
fail to form government. This is especially true when a powerful opponent with superior financial and
coercive power can divide coalitions easily. Is there a strategy apart from interest gratification that canprevent coalition splitting? Are there principles that coalition members can agree to, before elections, for
government formation?
Having a picture of a pre-electoral commitment for government formation has several benefits. First, it
gives voters the impression that the coalition is confident and stable as it is far-sighted. This addresses the
primary fear related to coalitions: that they will collapse soon and put the state in a political crisis, a vote-
losing logic. This is often the fear that strong parties stoke in the minds of voters.
Ram Vilas Paswan’s mid-90s cry of able government and not stable government is but a half-truth. Voters
want both able and stable government. Stability is important as then one can forget about elections for
five years and get on with life.
Second, a principle of government formation will form the background against which negotiations will
take place post-election. A coalition will not be rudderless. It is an antidote to purely selfish interests
taking over discussions about government formation. The effect a principle has is primarily psychological.
Coalition partners will feel bound by their previous commitment.
They also know that their electorate is watching. Those who breakaway lose legitimacy, as they appear to
have no fidelity to a specific promise. Ordinarily, the election manifesto is the only such public pre-
election commitment. But unlike a manifesto that is idealistic, a government formation principle is
practical and simple. Such a public commitment has more chance of being obeyed. You can fool people on
ideals, but not on specific principles about the highest stake involved.
The third benefit of a principle is that it can tackle the question: Who is your CM candidate? Single leader-
dominated parties such as the BJP answer the question in two ways: X is our CM candidate who is
subservient to the PM. They have two personalities to rely on.
They profit from the certainty of leadership. Coalitions cannot do that having multiple leaders. They can
however say: we have a neutral, rational, democratic, and specific principle that will ensure that the most
popular leaders will lead the government. But what is such a principle?
The answer lies in the idea of ‘constitutional pre-commitment’: just as all governments in India are bound
by the Constitution, a coalition politics will in addition be bound by a government formation pre-
commitment. The pre-commitment along with the manifesto is constitutional in nature – the grammar of
politics – that the coalition will speak. It will be their basic terms of agreement. In addition to the
manifesto, it will lay out the basis of the coalition.
The specific principle stemming from constitutional pre-commitment is a kind of ‘blinded equity’. It
requires preparing two independent lists. The first is a pre-election ‘list of posts’ that lists all the posts in
government in an order of priority: 1) CM; 2) Home; 3) Finance, etc. The second post-election ‘list of
parties’ will rank the coalition partners in the order of vote share. The party with the highest vote-share will have post 1 or a group of posts, say group 1 consisting of posts
1-3. The second largest vote-share will get you post 2 or group 2 and so forth. Complications can be solved
by cyclical appointments: the cycle changes according to the number of parties.
If there are 4 parties, then the cycle is repeated after every 4 posts or group of posts. The lists only need
to have the most important posts. Once the leaders of the parties are slotted in the most important
positions, the other posts will self-determine through internal discussions.
The virtues of this arrangement are that first, it is fair because it is unbiased and goes by the democratic
principle. Greater number of votes (performance) will get you the higher ministries.
Second, it is binding because parties will be held accountable for their own word, nothing else.
Third, it leverages time because interest-based government formation negotiations can only be pre-
empted by a principle that is agreed to in advance. Left to a later time, horse-trading and selfish
bargaining will become the rule.
Fourth, exceptions are possible because specific persons can be unanimously declared as CM candidate,
etc. What is inviolable is that the coalition will not violate their constitutional pre-commitment. Number
of seats won should not figure in the arrangement as coalition parties may have given up seats for various
pragmatic reasons. The seat-sharing logic will be distinct from the government formation logic.
If the regional forces want a space in India’s centralized electoral democracy, then they must bring their
innovative DNA into coalition politics. Constitutional pre-commitment is a potential antidote to horse-
trading that is the sad reality of government formation in India. It is also a vote gatherer as a picture of
stability for coalitions.
Not feasible
If India, after independence, had adopted the mixed economy concept, it had been because the need was
felt to balance social welfare along with development. In particular Indira Gandhi had given the public
sector concept a boost by nationalizing major private sector banks.
However, the public sector experiment had failed at the broader level, with units due to inbuilt
drawbacks failing to become profitable and bleeding the nation’s economy. An airline like Air India, which
was used by Indian politicians and bureaucrats as their private domain, has been a salient example of all
that bedevils the public sector. Public sector enterprises do not fit in with the fiscal philosophy of a right wing party like the BJP, which is
essentially pro-corporate in its ideology. In fact, if segments of society like the farming community
harbour deep suspicions of the intentions of the BJP, it is primarily due to this pro-corporate image.
It is also an open secret that the NDA Government has identified 18 strategic sectors, including banking,
insurance, steel, fertilizer, petroleum and defence equipment, where it will retain only a limited presence,
thereby exiting non-strategic sectors through privatization or strategic disinvestment. It has made
strategic disinvestments in Bharat Aluminium Company (BALCO) and Hindustan Zinc (to Sterlite
Industries), Indian Petrochemicals Corporation Limited (to Reliance Industries) and VSNL (to the Tata
group).
In fact, the NDA, so far, has sold off public sector assets worth more than Rs 2 lakh crore. It has handed
over the operation of public sector assets to private sector players – for instance, the Adani Group has
been given rights to operate six airports – Lucknow, Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Mangalore, Trivandrum and
Guwahati.
In order to facilitate privatization, the Government has repealed what it deems to be ‘obsolete and
redundant laws,’ which would do away with the need to seek parliamentary approval. Thus the assertion
of Railways Minister Piyush Goyal that the Indian Railways will never be privatized and that it was a
property of every Indian and will remain so has to be viewed in its context.
It must be noted that the Indian Railways is a behemoth, being the largest railway system under a single
management in Asia and the second largest in the world. Privatization of the entire system is not
practically feasible since no Indian corporate entity has the resources to manage such a gargantuan
organization.
It may also be noted that, in the same breath, Goyal had added that private investment should be
encouraged in the Railways for more efficient functioning, and that the country can progress towards high
growth and create more employment opportunities only when the public and private sectors work
together.
The tacit implication, therefore, is that while the Railways will not be wholly privatised, the corporate
sector would in the future be given slices of the Railways pie!Meghalaya mining ban
After nearly eight years, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) has disposed of the proceedings relating to the
ban on unscientific and unregulated mining in Meghalaya. The NGT’s observations that include a number
of recommendations including those for restoration of the natural environment are a scathing indictment
on the State Government’s deplorable role on a wide gamut of issues.
Coal mining was banned in Meghalaya by NGT on April 17, 2014 and several committees were set up to
ensure that illegal mining – known as rat-hole mining – did not take place and environmental damages
reversed. In July 2019, the Supreme Court, following an appeal by the State Government, lifted the ban on
mining subject to compliance to the Mines and Mineral (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957 and
formulating a mining plan.
Regrettably, little has been done by the State Government to honour the Supreme Court mandate. The
NGT has further directed that ownership of the task of compliance of the SC judgment should be taken
over by the State authorities, to be overseen by an oversight committee.
The State Government has been asked not only to prevent unscientific and unregulated mining but also to
effectively restore the environment, rehabilitate the victims besides scientific handling of illegally mined
coal. Even incidents of crime centring on coal mining is to be dealt with by the OC which will submit
periodical reports to various authorities.
Illegal coal mining in Meghalaya has been a thriving business perpetuate with the blessings of powerful
vested interest coteries that also involve influential politicians. The prevalence of such unscientific coal
mining has over the years caused irreparable harm to the region’s natural environment and unless this is
checked with a firm hand, things will turn catastrophic in the days ahead.
As these mines are continuously flouting all environment protection laws including environmental
discharges, life-giving rivers, cropland and overall biodiversity in the region are bearing its brunt. Then,
scant regard is paid to workers’ safety in this highly-hazardous activity, as testified to by the recurring
accidental fatalities.
That the government authorities continue to look the other way to the rat-hole mining should be evident
from the fact that there is no data available on the extent of the mining and nobody knows how many
rate hole or box mines are there in the State. The media has been focusing extensively on the issue as have been a few daring activists risking their lives
but the authorities look totally unperturbed. Lawlessness and growing crimes in and around mining areas
have been the discernible fallout.
As rat-hole mining labourers are largely an unorganized lot with immigrants figuring in substantial
numbers, there is a lack of formal documentation and hence workplace fatalities and injuries are often
understated. Now, the onus is on the Meghalaya Government to put a complete stop on all the illegalities
and take effective measures for preservation of the natural environment of the biodiversity-rich scenic
State.
Orunodoi: A long misunderstood publication
The first Assamese newspaper-cum-magazine, the Orunodoi, published by the Baptist Mission at Sivasagar
from January 1846 was more an institute for imparting knowledge than an ordinary paper for general
news. The enterprise was taken up by the Christian Missionaries sent by the American Baptist Mission to
Assam.
It was at a time when the literacy rate in Assam was too low and reading habits among the people even
lower except in case of the reading materials like the sacred texts. The Orunodoi was declared to be
devoted to ‘religion, science and general intelligence’. Information or news at that time of low literacy in
the mid-19th century could be understood only in the sense of gossip or hearsay.
Also the traditional literati of the time could hardly think of religion being tagged to science and
information or intelligence. Bringing out a newspaper to spread scientific knowledge and ideas,
information of facts or daily events and incidents was, therefore, a daring venture. But even then a paper
of this nature was possible because of the backing of a Christian Mission of the West.
However, this advantage of financial backing became at the same time its disadvantage in getting
unstinted support of the local people for whom it was intended. The local people who were by and large
Hindus regarded anything Christian as taboo. Its declared aim of spreading secular knowledge was also
taken for a disguised way of propagation of Christianity.
But with the appearance of a new generation of people with liberal secular education in the Assamese
society from the 20th century, the religio-social dogma was gradually vanishing. When ultimately Assam
had its first university at Guwahati in 1948 with the Department of Assamese where the most eruditescholar Dr Banikanta Kakati as the head, and Dr Birinchi Kumar Barua, a famous scholar of Oriental Studies
as the next man beside him, started their work, the orthodox society around saw a new ray of sunrise.
As Dr Kakati and Dr Barua were at their work with their bright junior colleagues Maheswar Neog and
Satyendra Nath Sarma, a proper atmosphere for cultivation of liberal knowledge in Assam began. They
had above them for their inspiration and support the great Orientologist Krishna Kanta Handiqui as the
Vice-Chancellor of the university.
About this time, the government of new independent India took up a project for the study and promotion
of the modern Indian languages in association with the State governments. The Assam Government while
accepting the project gave the responsibility of executing it to Asam Sahitya Sabha, the premier literary
organization of Assam.
The Sabha while accepting the offer sought help from the university’s Assamese Department. Thus the
task of opening the door for study of Assamese language and literature as Modern Indian Language and
Literature fell on Dr Birinchi Kumar Barua, with Dr Banikanta Kakati passing away in 1952.
Barua with his deep and wide knowledge of Pali, Prakrit and Assamese languages, literatures and cultures
traced the origin of modern Assamese literature to the first Christian Assamese newspaper and magazine
combined, the Orunodoi.
To establish his point that it was in the pages of this missionary journal, modern Assamese language and
literature came into existence, he made a selection of the writings from this journal with a plan to add an
introduction to it establishing the fact of its being the first magazine to usher in modernity in thought and
outlook to Assam.
It would also show, inter alia, how it gave a modern form of expression to the Assamese language
through its pages. But before Dr Barua could write out the introduction to his selections which he was to
call Orunodoir Dhal Phat, he died prematurely in 1964.
The task now fell on his able student and follower Dr Maheswar Neog. Dr Neog entrusted the publication
of the work to Asam Sahitya Sabha after adding a long introduction of 84 pages explaining the modern
nature of the work.
But Dr Neog, a fastidious scholar as he was, could not remain satisfied with that only. He worked on it
further, considering the importance of the work in the development of Assamese language and literature.
To explain it broadly and in detail, he wrote a much longer introduction, going to the history of the Baptist
missionaries from their American origin to the Assam Mission of Sivasagar.
He even went to the works of the missionaries of Serampore near Calcutta, headed by William Carey who
also worked for the local language and literature there. Dwelling at full length on all the aspects of their
missionary work, Dr Neog studied the issues of the journal in-depth and showed clearly what an arduoushistoric work they did. He showed through his introduction how this missionary journal turned the
medieval Assamese mind into a modern one by laying emphasis on science and the scientific. He went not
only to their linguistic, literary and journalistic works but also to their personal and family lives which were
adversely affected for their zeal for service to the Assamese language.
The serious blow Rev. Nathan Brown suffered for his heroic work for Assamese language brings him out at
last as a tragic hero. As a result of his long drawn fight along with his fellow missionaries and an English
educated Assamese youth Ananda Ram Dhekial Phukan, an alumnus of Presidency College, Calcutta, he
won the long battle and restored the Assamese language to its proper place of honour in government
offices, courts and schools.
But though a victorious hero in Assam in the fields of language, literature and other matters of the
intellect, his work in the field of religion for which he was sent by the Christian Mission was found
deficient. He was therefore recalled by his home Mission.
Dr Brown regarded this call to him to go back to the home Mission in America not as a reward but as a
punishment at a time when he could have celebrated the victory of the restoration of the Assamese
language from its relegated place of dishonour. He had no intention to leave his place of work in Assam.
Besides his work for the Orunodoi and the Assamese language, he loved this place, its hills and rivers. And
it is here that he lost his wife and daughter. He had for all these no mind to leave this place. But go he
must! And as he was ready to leave, he muttered to himself, as Dr Neog writes, “But my heart will remain
forever here with its language flowing as strongly as the waters of the Brahmaputra.”You can also read
