THE MEN BEHIND THE IRON LADY: MARGARET THATCHER'S CABINET - Model United Nations at Emory III
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THE MEN BEHIND THE
Model United
IRON LADY: MARGARET Nations at Emory III
THATCHER’S CABINETLETTER FROM YOUR COMMITTEE DIRECTOR
Dear Delegates,
As your committee director, I cordially welcome you to MUNE III and cannot wait to
meet each of you in committee. I am a sophomore at Emory with a double major in Applied
Mathematics and Spanish. I am currently a traveling member of Emory International Relations
Associations and have been competing on the MUN circuit since high school. In addition to
MUNE, I staff Chicago International Model United Nations and Ron Clark Academy Model
United Nations every year. Outside of MUN, I serve as Vice President of Fellowship for Alpha
Phi Omega national service fraternity, volunteer at Emory’s Winship Cancer Center and intern
with the Office of Heath Promotion Respect Program for sexual violence prevention and
survivor support. I am also very involved with music at Emory and have been playing percussion
since 4th grade.
Since I first became interested in international relations and politics, I was fascinated by
Margaret Thatcher. Everyone seems to be highly opinionated regarding the Iron Lady, and it
appears that the persona of Margaret Thatcher has contributed greatly to her legacy as a
historical figure. Although my opinion may differ from hers in regards to some issues, Thatcher
has always inspired me with her ability to restore British pride and cultivate a nationalistic spirit.
Thatcher is arguably the most influential leader of Great Britain in the 20th century due to her
ability to create what I deem a “culture of conservatism.”
My best piece of advice is to enter this committee with an open mind. As a staff, our
goal is to create the most authentic experience for you by not only selecting topics relevant to the
first Thatcher ministry, but also by creating a genuine cabinet ambiance. During the weekend, I
will be assuming the role of Prime Minister Thatcher while also acting as your Crisis Director. I
will, at times, be in the room listening, directing debate, presiding over the Cabinet, and
occasionally offering suggestions. Although you may have had a Head of State chair a
committee before, my objective will be to embody the persona of Thatcher and to interact
substantially with the committee beyond simple procedural guidance. Perhaps the best way to
describe my role as Committee Director is an in-room Crisis Director.
I encourage you to briefly abandon your personal political views and immerse yourself in
the “culture of conservatism” embodied by Thatcher’s Cabinet. When given a crisis, you must
focus on creating both a short-term crisis solution and a policy that will serve as conservative
precedent. Although this committee will most definitely not mimic history, the crises will
accurately reflect the political climate of the era and important historical themes will resurface.
Likewise, I expect your policies to reflect conservative political values even though you are free
to deviate from the historical response of Thatcher’s Cabinet.
Advice aside, I have absolute confidence that the delegates in this committee will
astonish me with their creativity and understanding of Thatcherism. I feel as if I will never beable to adjudicate whether Thatcher is to be hated or loved, but this controversy is the very thing that keeps Thatcher on my list of most interesting people. I cannot wait to preside over this committee in my best British accent and share with you my immense fascination with Britain’s Iron Lady. My best of luck goes to you as you ponder policy with the interests of the Conservative party at heart. I challenge each and every one of you to be prepared to defend your policy and examine closely that of others. Strong policies are drafted out of fierce division. As Lady Thatcher once said “love argument, I love debate. I don't expect anyone just to sit there and agree with me, that's not their job.” Sincerely, Lia Benes Committee Director, Margaret Thatcher’s Cabinet lbenes@emory.edu
LETTER FROM YOUR CO-CHAIRS Dear Delegates, Our names are Isabelle Saldana and Anwesha Guha and we will be serving as your Co-Chairs for the crisis committee Margaret Thatcher’s Cabinet in the upcoming 2015 Model United Nations at Emory (MUNE III) Conference. Before you arrive on the first day of committee, we wanted to let you know a little bit about ourselves and our expectations. I’m Isabelle and I am currently a sophomore majoring in Interdisciplinary Studies in Society and Culture—basically a fancy name for making your own field of study outside of established majors. I’m currently working on two projects, one based in creative writing relating to the immigration experience of the Chinese American women in my family and the other being a cross cultural comparison of women’s organizations in India and the United States. I’m pre-law but hope to do some traveling before law school, though I have been lucky enough to travel to China, France, Spain, Italy, and several other countries already. Beginning this summer, I will be spending nine months abroad in China and India as well. Some of the people I will miss the most will be fellow staffers of MUNE and members of the Emory International Relations Association. I have been a part of EIRA/Emory’s Model UN team since my first semester of college and love the amazing people in it so much. I hope that over the course of our time in committee I will be able to engage with you wonderful people and share my love for international relations, travel, and culture. And now turning it over to my lovely co-chair… Now that you’ve met Isabelle, I’d like to introduce myself: hello! I’m Anwesha, and I am currently a freshman. Although my major is undeclared, I am thinking of pursuing two concentrations—English and biostatistics. I am very passionate about writing and analyzing literature, and I am pretty excited about my English major, even though I am not quite sure what concentration I will be working with yet. Also, my second major is biostatistics (basically decided last week), and I am still trying to figure out how to actually work with that. Evidently, I still have quite a bit to work through. Regardless, my majors are a whole different side to my passions regarding the world of international relations. I have also been traveling to various countries around Europe, India, and all across the United States for as long as I can remember, and my love for learning about different cultures and international policies started very young. In high school, I was able to channel this energy into various Model United Nations conferences and by chairing for a school conference. Consequently, I am a part of the Emory International Relations Association, and I hope to be more involved in the organization throughout my years of college. I am very excited and have high hopes for everything this committee will be able to do, and I am sure we will have a blast regardless. While we’re both friendly people that are excited to get to know you, both inside and outside of committee, as your Co-Chairs we must convey certain expectations. An important expectation we have is that you, as a delegate, have an applicable understanding of the parliamentary procedure we have laid out for committee. While we don’t expect you to be experts on every style of parliamentary procedure, we do expect you to have thoroughly reviewed the materials provided regarding parliamentary procedure so that the committee is to be able to run smoothly and effectively. Secondly, be familiar with the substantive material provided in the background
guide. This expectation is there for you more than anyone else—committee will be much more enjoyable if we aren’t constantly waiting for people to figure out what’s going on. Furthermore, because we want to see you conduct as much business as possible, it is imperative that you are prepared and ready to go straight into debate. Lastly, maintain decorum at all times. These things are important to us as Co-Chairs, but should also be important to you if you are truly interested in Model United Nations. On a final note, if you have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact us. We’re very personable, and will work with you to the best of our abilities. We hope you are as excited about MUNE III as we are! Can’t wait to meet you brilliant Cabinet members and best of luck! Best Regards, Isabelle Saldana & Anwesha Guha Co-Chairs, Margaret Thatcher’s Cabinet isabelle.saldana@emory.edu anwesha.guha@emory.edu
TIMELINE
The start date of this committee shall be 4 May 1979, the first day of the First Thatcher Ministry.
All events occurring in history after this date should be considered non-existent. The pace of the
committee will be determined by the speed of this Cabinet in drafting effective policy.
RULES OF CONDUCT IN COMMITTEE
Committee Etiquette
This committee will be a formal committee and thus we expect formal dress. Whenever
delegates are in committee, we expect professional behaviour and that delegates act in character
as a part of the cabinet. Delegates may break character when asking for points of personal
privilege. Delegates may not leave the room when committee is in session, aside from restroom
use. The overall purpose of the Cabinet is to advise Margaret Thatcher, with whom the executive
power rests, and who will also be the committee director. All references to her should be to
“Prime Minister Thatcher.” Delegates will refer to the chair as “Chair.”
Though there are personal differences in the backgrounds, roles, and powers, the overall
goal to advise Prime Minister Thatcher must be executed as a body. As such, all members are
welcome to speak on all topics. This means that, overall, delegates are expected to have a general
knowledge of the topics at hand and should have read the background guide. However, Prime
Minister Thatcher may also rely more heavily on the opinions of relevant members when making
decisions on pertinent areas. These delegates should identify these times and be sure to voice
their opinions. Quick, yet logical, reactions to changes will be highly valued, as will an eloquent
voicing of such responses.Parliamentary Procedure
This committee will operate using crisis documents: directives, press releases,
communiqués, and crisis notes. There will be no resolutions. The default state of debate will be
moderated caucuses, though we will also make use of unmoderated caucuses as needed, for
group discussion and writing. We may also use round-robins, question sessions, and others if the
need arises and the committee requests them. No speakers list will be used in this committee.
During the moderated caucuses, no crosstalk will be tolerated. You may and should, of course,
write during moderated caucuses but pay attention to any procedural votes, as each member must
vote. We should not have to be asking for people to partake in procedural votes more than once.
Standard voting procedure will be used in this committee. In the event that a vote passes
or fails but is not overwhelming, the Prime Minister will have the final say on any action taken.
In these situations, deference will be typically be granted to the majority, but strong arguments
may sway the Prime Minister’s decision. The voting majority will be ½ + 1 for procedural votes
and substantive votes. You may not abstain in procedural votes. You may abstain in substantial
votes, however a directive must have more votes in favour than those against AND those
abstaining in order to pass. The only exception is a ⅔ +1 vote to expel a member from
committee or for other extreme circumstances.
Most aspects of the caucuses can be altered if it will allow the committee to operate more
efficiently. For example, though the committee will begin with moderated caucuses of finite
lengths of time, this could later change to a single constant moderated caucus with an option to
set topics for a finite length of time if needed. Other changes will be made as the chair sees fit.List of Points & Motions
Motion Purpose Interrupt Speaker? Vote
Point of Order Raise a procedural correction to the Yes None
Chair
Point of Information Asks a question or requests clarification Yes None
from the Chair regarding parliamentary
procedure
Point of Personal Expresses personal discomfort to the Yes None
Privilege chair (e.g. temperature, need for water,
etc.)
Point of Inquiry Asks a question, either to the Chair or to No None
another committee members, regarding
a substantial matter (Note: if directed to
another committee member, you will
ask the question to the Chair and the
Chair will direct it to the other member
if it is approved)
Motion to Suspend Suspends the meeting for a break, for No Simple
example in between committee sessions Majority
Motion to Adjourn Ends the meeting for the year; No Simple
appropriate only at the end of the Majority
conference
Motion to Open Debate Opens debate the start of the first No Simple
committee session Majority
Moderated Caucus Creates a finite time for debate No Simple
moderated by the Chair, who will call Majority
on delegates to speak; motion must
specify the total length, individual
speaking times, and topic
Unmoderated Caucus Creates a finite time for free discussion No Simple
and writing without the Chair Majority
moderating; motion must specify length
Introduce a Directive Brings a directive to the floor for debate No Simple
or voting Majority
Introduce an Brings an amendment to a directive on No Simple
Unfriendly Amendment the floor for debate or voting Majority
Motion to Vote Causes the committee to enter voting No Simple
procedure for all amendments and Majority
documents on the floor
Motion to Table a Suspend further debate or consideration No 2/3 Majority
Topic of a topic or directive until a later timeBACKGROUND INFORMATION
Twentieth century British political history can best be described as turbulent. No party
has maintained control of the government for more than 13 years (that of Churchill, Eden, and
Macmillan) and frequently the governing party would switch every election. At the same time, it
is historically difficult for a party to achieve a working majority despite electoral victories.
Conscious of these tendencies, we will begin to examine political history from the 1970 general
election.
The 1970 Conservative Election: A Surprise Victory
Since their election win in 1964 and continuation in 1966, the Labour Party occupied the
government under Prime Minister Harold Wilson. However, by 1969, the previously vast
popularity of the Labour Party has declined, likely due to rising prices and rising unemployment.
In May 1970, the economy experienced a brief recovery and Harold Wilson called a general
election, also hoping to precede the implementation of his government’s unpopular decimal
coinage plan in early 1971. Wilson’s attempt to take advantage of political momentum and
surprise the Conservatives with a premature election expectedly backfired. Pre-electoral polls
also predicted a Labour Party win, predicting a margin of victory of 12.4%. However, the
Conservative Party, under Edward Heath defeated Labour by a 3.4% margin. The Labour Party
lost 76 of its previous 364 seats and the small Liberal Party under Jeremy Thorpe lost half of its
seats. The Conservative Party won 330 seats in Parliament, boasting a majority of 30 seats, and
making Edward Heath the new Prime Minister.Political experts attribute this surprise Conservative victory to a particularly unsettling set
of economic statistics release during polling week as well as the following long-term concerns
under the Labour government: unemployment at its highest since the start of World War II,
rising prices, fear of currency devaluation, and the implementation of the Selective Employment
Tax. Prime Minister Wilson believes that the confident prediction for a Labour victory set forth
by the polls may have led to “complacency” and poor Labour turn-out.
Upon accepting his Premiership, Heath pledged to “restore honesty to government and
integrity to political” and end, what he coins, “six long years of hard labour.” The Conservative
electoral platform included pledges to reduce taxes, curb strikes by strengthening industrial
relations law, and refocus government subsidies on those in true need—the elderly, the poor, and
the sick. The 1970 General Election also represents a significant milestone in the political career
of Margaret Thatcher: her appointment to Heath’s Cabinet as Secretary of State for Education
and Science.
The Political Career of Margaret Thatcher Thus Far & Her Actions as Cabinet Member
Thatcher’s political career began with her candidacy in the 1950 and 1951 general
elections for the safe Labour seat of Dartford. Although she was defeated by Labour candidate
Norman Dodds, she significantly reduced the Labour majority in that constituency and gained
media attention as the youngest and only female candidate. Thatcher passed that bar in 1953,
within a specialisation in taxation. After taking a brief political leave due to maternity, Thatcher
was selected as the candidate for Finchley, a historically Conservative division. After the 1959
election, she was elected as a member of parliament (MP) for the first time. As a “backbench”
member, Thatcher was able to present her private member’s bill (a bill enacted by a member notin the executive branch of government), The Public Bodies Admission to Meetings Act of 1960,
which required local authorities to allow for public and media presence in their meeting.
Thatcher’s maiden speech for this bill is respected as one of the best in British history.
In October 1961, Thatcher was promoted to Parliamentary Undersecretary at the Ministry
of Pensions and National Insurance in the Macmillan Conservative administration. Not only was
she the youngest women in British history to receive a post, but she was also the first freshman
MP to be promoted. During the Labour government that began in 1964, Thatcher worked as a
spokeswoman on Housing and Land and later on the Shadow Treasury committee. Although
Thatcher was proposed as a Shadow Cabinet member, Health discounted Thatcher, perhaps
inciting their long-lasting political rivalry. In 1967, The U.S. Embassy in London chose
Thatcher to participate in the Foreign Leader Program. Throughout the six weeks of the
program, Thatcher met American political figures and visited international institutions.
Although she had not even served in a (shadow) cabinet, the embassy gossip mentioned her as a
future prime minister and the exchange program resulted in increased visibility and political
access for Thatcher.
When a spot vacated, Heath appointed Thatcher to the Shadow Cabinet in late 1967 as
Fuel and Power spokeswoman and later was promoted to Transport and then Education. After
the 1970 Conservative party victory, Thatcher was appointed to the Cabinet as Secretary of State
for Education and Science. Pressured by the administrations overarching spending cuts, Thatcher
was forced to reduce costs for the state education system. Thatcher chose to cut free milk for
primary school children in order to reserve funds for academic resources. The Labour party and
media had branded her “Margaret Thatcher, Milk Snatcher” and this gaffe almost led to her
departure from politics.Heath’s Conservative Government: 1970-1974
Heath’s conservative government was marked by an escalation of tensions between
Britain and North Ireland, economic decline into crisis, and debilitating coal strikes. Shortly
after assuming office, Heath implemented the decimalisation plan constructed by Wilson’s
liberal government. In 1971, Heath enacted the Industrial Relations Act of 1971 that aimed at
better controlling the trade unions. The 1972 Local Government had a series of consequences
for the structure of local government in British. The boundary changes for British counties and
creation of “Metropolitan Counties” surrounding major cities caused significant public outrage.
In the long-term, the most significant action of Heath’s premiership was the United Kingdom’s
official entry into the European Economic Community on 1 January 1973 and maintenance of
the pound as British currency.
The 1970-1974 Conservative Government was faced with the apex of the ethno-
nationalist conflict with North Ireland, colloquially deemed “The Troubles.” The British Army
carried out “Operation Demetrius” on 9-10 August 1971 at the height of The Troubles. 342
people with suspected ties to the Irish republican paramilitaries (the Provisional Irish Republican
Army and Official Irish Republican Army) were arrested and interned without trial. On 30
January 1972, 26 civil rights protestors and uninvolved bystanders were shot by British soldiers
at a civil rights march in Derry, Northern Ireland. Fourteen deaths would result from this
altercation, leading to the name “Bloody Sunday.” On 30 March 1972, Heath dissolved the
Stormont Parliament, the home rule legislature which had governed North Ireland since 1921,
and imposed direct British rule upon Northern Ireland. In July 1972, the Secretary of State for
Northern Ireland, William Whitelaw, held peace talks in London with representatives from the
Provisional Irish Republic Army (IRA). After these talks proved to be unsuccessful, theconservative government pursued a peaceful settlement with the democratic political parties of
the Stormont Parliament. The Sunningdale Agreement of 1973 proposed a power-sharing deal
but was rejected by Unionists and the Ulster Unionist Party, who in response withdrew its MPs
from the Conservative whip. Even after he left office, Heath would be pursued by the IRA for
introducing internment in Northern Ireland. In December 1974, a bomb exploded on the first-
floor balcony of his home in Belgravia, but he was not home at the time and fortunately nobody
was injured.
His economic policy initially proposed deregulation of the economy and indirect instead
of direct taxation. However, the dilemma of stagflation put a wrench in Heath’s economic plan.
He was forced to inflate the economy in 1972 due to rising unemployment (and unpopularity)
and attempted to use wage and price controls to curb the threat of hyperinflation. These wage
controls incited outrage among many industrial community. The most significant adverse result
was the miners’ strikes of 1972. In early 1974, the miners would once again strike and this strike
was the impetus for Heath to call for a “crisis election” in February 1974. The conservative
government established the Three-Day Week, wherein commercial energy users were limited to
three assigned consecutive days of energy consumption week and were prohibited from
extending hours on those days, in order to conserve electricity that was severely limited by the
strike. Essential services, such as hospitals and supermarkets, were permitted to operate
normally. Although the Three-Day Week was not a particularly popular policy, the conservative
government can be credited with preventing a total shutdown with their “energy rations.”
February 1974 & October 1974 General Elections
On 7 February 1974 Heath’s request for the dissolution of Parliament and a general
election were announced. Touting the slogan “Who governs Britain?,” Heath called a generalelection with the hopes of gaining a public mandate in favour of the Conservative government’s
policies in regards to the miners’ strikes. The Sun and the Daily Mirror both deemed the
election of 28 February 1974 a “crisis election” due to the dire economic circumstances and
energy scarcity. The February 1974 election was the first British election during an economic
crisis since the 1931 election during the Great Depression. Throughout February, 25 out of 26
opinion polls showed a considerable Conservative lead and, even on Election Day, many of them
showed a two to five percent lead.
Although the National Union of Mineworkers went on strike again on 10 February 197
the strike was nonviolent and did not distract much of the media spotlight from the issue of
inflation. On 15 February 1974, Retail Price Index statistics were released; the most damaging
indicated in an overall 20% increase in prices as compared to the previous year. On February 21
1974, the Pay Board released a report that disclosed that miners’ pay is significantly less than the
pay of other manufacturing workers. This claim, contrary to data from the National Coal Board,
severely damaged the credibility of the Conservative position in regards to the strikes.
Outspoken Conservative MP Enoch Powell despised the United Kingdom’s entry into the
European Economic Community under Heath and urged even conservative voters to vote against
Health. In his speech only five days before the election, he claimed that the February 1974
general election would be a decision as to where Britain will “"remain a democratic nation ... or
whether it will become one province in a new Europe super-state.”
Heath’s intentions for a public mandate to reject the wage increase demands of the
striking miners eventually backfired. The election resulted in a hung parliament (where no
single party has an absolute majority) in which the Conservative Party had the most individual
votes. However, Labour won slightly more seats due to district boundaries. 318 seats are neededfor a majority in Parliament and the Labour Party won 301, the Conservative Party won 297
seats, and the Liberal Party won 14 seats. Heath tried to form a coalition with the Liberal Party
led by Jeremy Thorpe in order gain a majority but this alliance failed and Heath resigned on 4
March 1974. Harold Wilson took over the premiership from Heath in March with a minority
government but, after the minority government was proven to be largely ineffective and unstable,
the October 1974 general election was held and the Labour Party won a majority of three seats.
Thatcher as Leader of the Opposition
As the Conservative Party lost the February 1974 general election, even the Conservative Party
began to doubt the leadership of Heath. Thatcher was initially supported by the Conservative
1922 Committee comprised of backbench MPs. However, Thatcher slowly gained a reputation
as a pragmatic leader and was viewed by many as a chance to invigorate the Conservative Party.
Thatcher defeated Heath on the first ballot and William Whitelaw, Heath’s favoured successor,
on the second ballot. On 11 February 1975, Thatcher became Leader of the Opposition with
Whitelaw as her deputy. This election marked the final parting of ways for Thatcher and Heath.
Thatcher spent her time as opposition leader meeting the the Institute of Economic Affairs think
tank and learning methods to increase freedom for the private sector by lessening government
involvement and lowering taxes. Thatcher also began to develop international prominence,
meeting with world leaders and issuing statements that would define her foreign policy. Most
significantly, Thatcher had begun to develop a personal friendship with then presidential
candidate Ronald Reagan. Especially at the end of the 1970s, Thatcher and Reagan could have
been described as “ideological soulmates,” sharing a commitment to free market economy,
limited government intervention, low taxes, and a strong national defence. Both Thatcher andReagan rejected the current trend towards nuclear détente and were also determined to defeat the
Soviet Union ideologically.
Thatcher delivered a speech in Kensington Town Hall on 19 January 1976 that would even
further develop her political persona. Thatcher declared, “The Russians are bent on world
dominance, and they are rapidly acquiring the means to become the most powerful imperial
nation the world has seen. The men in the Soviet Politburo do not have to worry about the ebb
and flow of public opinion. They put guns before butter, while we put just about everything
before guns.” The Soviet Defence Ministry propagandist newspaper Krasnaya Zvezda deemed
her the “Iron Lady.” Although intended as an insult, Thatcher was delighted with her new
nickname.
The Labour Government of Wilson and Callaghan: 1974-1979
When the Labour government came to power, the economy was already in a deep
recession. Although the government was able to incite economic growth, this growth came at
the cost of severe inflation. Under the Labour government, inflation increased from about 16%
in late 1974 to over 24% by the end of the 1975. In March 1976, in the wake of these dire
economic conditions, the aging Wilson resigned from office and was replaced by James
Callaghan.
Soon after Callaghan assumed office, Labour lost its slim three seat majority due to
defeats in by-elections, special elections intended to fill vacancies between general elections. As
a result, Labour formed the “Lib-Lab pact” in March 1977. The Lib-Lab pact was a working
agreement between the Labour government and the Liberal Party under the leadership of David
Steel. The Labour government also sought out unofficial alliances with the Ulster Unionist Party
and the Scottish Nationalist Party.However, the flimsiness of the Lib-Lab pact was apparent when it dissolved in September
1978. By that time, inflation was curbed below 10%, economic growth was satisfactory, and
popular opinion indicated a Labour victory. The Liberal Party expected Callaghan to call a
general election due to the desirable political conditions, however he refused to do so and instead
continued as a minority government. If Callaghan hadn’t so staunchly resisted the calls for a
general election, the Labour Party almost definitely would have won another general election,
preventing the Conservative Party takeover in May 1979.
As the Labour government continued into late 1978, Callaghan was faced with soaring
inflation and widespread trade union strikes, fuelled by the pay caps imposed by the Labour
Party on the Trades Union Congress, along with bitter temperatures that further damaged
Britain’s economic situation. This disastrous winter, from late 1978 into early 1979, was termed
the “Winter of Discontent” by the media. Despite their social contract with the public sector
trade unions, the Labour government demanded that pay rises be kept below 5% in an attempt to
control inflation and demonstrate a proper example to the private sector. However, some
employee’s unions had already negotiated larger pay rises with their employers and the enraged
trade union workers struck until February 1979.
The Labour government was largely unable to curb the strikes and the nation was without
essential services such as grave digging and refuse collection for the entire winter. Due to a
strike by National Health Service ancillary workers, hospital entrances were blockaded and many
could only admit emergency workers. It was evident that public support of the Labour Party had
begun to drastically decline as the strikes made day-to-day life inconvenient and, at times, unsafe
for the British citizenry. On top of the crippling strikes, the nation plunged into the coldest
winter since that of 1962-1963 which eliminated some jobs due to safety concerns and reducedretail spending, further damaging the economy. The Winter of Discontent is inarguably the
primary event that led to the vote of no confidence and 1979 general election.
General Election of 1979
The Scotland Act of 1978 provided for the creation of a devolved deliberative assembly
for Scotland. However, an amendment to the Scotland Act required that 40% of the total
electorate vote “Yes” in the referendum or else the Act would be repealed. Although 51.6% of
voters supported the created of a Scottish Assembly, a turnout of 64% meant that only 32.9% of
the electorate voted “Yes” and that the Act would then be repealed. Consequently, the Scottish
National Party MPs raised a motion of no confidence. Aware that the Liberal Party would still
support a motion of no confidence, Margaret Thatcher raised an Opposition motion and the vote
was scheduled for 28 March 1979.
The Labour Government lost the no confidence vote by one vote (311-310) and the
Queen dissolved Parliament on 7 April 1979. This was the first time that a general election had
been forced by the House of Commons since the vote of no confidence lost by Labour Prime
Minister Ramsay MacDonald in 1924. The BBC has declared 28 March 1979 as "one of the
most dramatic nights in Westminster history.”
The General Election of 1979 occurred on 3 May 1979. The Liberal campaign focused
heavily on the dangers of the drastic policies that a Conservative government would implement.
Callaghan famously asked voters, “The question you will have to consider is whether we risk
tearing everything up by the roots.” In contrast, the Conservative campaign pledged to assert
control of the trade unions as well as control inflation. The advertising agency Saatchi & Saatchi
created a highly influential poster with the text “Labour Isn’t Working.” The Conservative Partyunder the leadership of Thatcher defeated the Labour government under Callaghan claiming 339
seats, 21 more seats than required for a majority government. The Conservative Party received
43.9% of the popular vote while the Labour Party and Liberal Party received 36.9% and 13.8%
of the vote respectively. There was a 5.2% swing in the election from Labour to the
Conservatives, one of the largest swings in twentieth century elections, and the Conservative
party would enjoy a 43 seat majority.
As Thatcher arrived at 10 Downing Street on 4 May 1979, she paraphrased the Prayer of Saint
Francis: “Where there is discord, may we bring harmony. Where there is error, may we bring
truth. Where there is doubt, may we bring faith. And where there is despair, may we bring hope.”
She was indeed playing the part of diplomatic and ever-hopeful Prime Minister. Whether she
truly intends to follow this gentle advice remains unclear.
Conservative Manifesto of 1979
The Conservative Manifesto, issued by Thatcher on 11 April 1979, shall provide the flagship
policy for this Cabinet. In times of doubt, this Cabinet should find clarity upon reviewing the
basic principles delineated in this Manifesto. An excerpt appears below:
“THIS ELECTION is about the future of Britain - a great country which seems to have lost its way. It is
a country rich in natural resources, in coal, oil, gas and fertile farmlands. It is rich, too, in human
resources, with professional and managerial skills of the highest calibre, with great industries and
firms whose workers can be the equal of any in the world. We are the inheritors of a long tradition of
parliamentary democracy and the rule of law.
Yet today, this country is faced with its most serious problems since the Second World War. What
has happened to our country, to the values we used to share, to the success and prosperity we once
took for granted?During the industrial strife of last winter, confidence, self-respect, common sense, and even our sense of common humanity were shaken. At times this society seemed on the brink of disintegration. Some of the reasons for our difficulties today are complex and go back many years. Others are more simple and more recent. We do not lay all the blame on the Labour Party: but Labour have been in power for most of the last fifteen years and cannot escape the major responsibility. They have made things worse in three ways. First, by practising the politics of envy and by actively discouraging the creation of wealth, they have set one group against another in an often bitter struggle to gain a larger share of a weak economy. Second, by enlarging the role of the State and diminishing the role of the individual, they have crippled the enterprise and effort on which a prosperous country with improving social services depends. Third, by heaping privilege without responsibility on the trade unions, Labour have given a minority of extremists the power to abuse individual liberties and to thwart Britain's chances of success. One result is that the trade union movement, which sprang from a deep and genuine fellow-feeling for the brotherhood of man, is today more distrusted and feared than ever before. It is not just that Labour have governed Britain badly. They have reached a dead-end. The very nature of their Party now prevents them from governing successfully in a free society and mixed economy. Divided against themselves; devoid of any policies except those which have led to and would worsen our present troubles; bound inescapably by ties of history, political dogma and financial dependence to a single powerful interest group, Labour have demonstrated yet again that they cannot speak and dare not act for the nation as a whole.
Our country's relative decline is not inevitable. We in the Conservative Party think we can reverse
it, not because we think we have all the answers but because we think we have the one answer that
matters most. We want to work with the grain of human nature, helping people to help themselves -
and others. This is the way to restore that self-reliance and self-confidence which are the basis of
personal responsibility and national success.
Attempting to do too much, politicians have failed to do those things which should be done. This has
damaged the country and the authority of government. We must concentrate on what should be the
priorities for any government. They are set out in this manifesto.
Those who look in these pages for lavish promises or detailed commitments on every subject will look
in vain. We may be able to do more in the next five years than we indicate here. We believe we can.
But the Conservative government's first job will be to rebuild our economy and reunite a divided and
disillusioned people.
Our five tasks are:
1. To restore the health of our economic and social life, by controlling inflation and striking a fair
balance between the rights and duties of the trade union movement.
2. To restore incentives so that hard work pays, success is rewarded and genuine new jobs are created
in an expanding economy.
3. To uphold Parliament and the rule of law.
4. To support family life, by helping people to become home-owners, raising the standards of their
children's education, and concentrating welfare services on the effective support of the old, the sick,
the disabled and those who are in real need.
5. To strengthen Britain's defences and work with our allies to protect our interests in an increasingly
threatening world.This is the strategy of the next Conservative government.”
QUESTIONS FOR CONTEMPLATION
The questions below convey the objectives of this committee and should direct your research and
policy drafting:
1) What are some economic initiatives that can be implemented to both control inflation and
decrease unemployment?
2) Should Britain seek to increase manufacturing output or is a transition to a service economy
favourable?
3) How can we reform welfare to ensure that it is available to those only in true need?
4) How should this Cabinet deal with situations of domestic unrest such as industry strikes?
5) How does this Cabinet intend to develop and maintain popular favour? How can we plan ahead
to win the next general election?
6) Which groups in Parliament can we win over to establish a strong conservative coalition? How
can we avoid a vote of no confidence?
7) What vision does this Cabinet have for our relations with the leaders of Northern Ireland?
8) Which other world leaders align with our conservative philosophy? What are ways in which we
can strengthen relations with them and work together to achieve common objectives?
MINISTER PROFILES
William Whitelaw: Deputy Prime Minister and Home Secretary
Born in 1918, William Whitelaw was a powerful politician in the Conservative Party. Before
being appointed Deputy Prime Minister, Whitelaw served in a variety of Conservative Party
Cabinet positions. Under the Heath government, Whitelaw had a run-in with the National United
Mineworkers, which led to his eventual loss of power in the Conservative Party. When Margaret
Thatcher won leadership, she and Whitelaw became close allies.Lord Soames: Lord President of the Council He was born as Christopher Soames. Before serving on Thatcher’s Cabinet, he was appointed governor of Rhodesia (known as Zimbabwe). Soames’ job was primarily to oversee Rhodesia transition to independence. Soames’ background is in military matters - serving Secretary of State for War in 1958. He was also Heath’s Shadow Foreign Secretary in 1965. Thatcher felt that, at times, Soames was weary of her being a female Prime Minister. Lord Hailsham of St Marylebone: Lord Chancellor Born Quintin Hogg, Lord Hailsham received his title from the Heath government, and was often described as “the giant.” Lord Hailsham is the product of both his intellect and a powerful political dynasty. His position had recently been held by his father, and his family had been involved in British politics for generations before. Before serving under Thatcher, Lord Hailsham held a variety of positions in the British Conservative Party, including as a Shadow Minister under Heath. Ian Gilmour: Lord Privy Seal Born in 1926, Gilmour succeeded his father as 3rd Baronet of Gilmour in 1977. Later on, he was appointed as Lord Privy Seal. As Lord Privy Seal, Gilmour was heavily involved in the creation of an independent Rhodesia through the Lancaster House Talks. Gilmour also has experience in matters dealing with Ireland, serving as Shadow Secretary of Ireland in 1974. Sir Geoffrey Howe: Chancellor of the Exchequer Born in 1926, Sir Howe helped develop a lot of the economic policies of the Conservative Party, including in his mini-manifesto following the Conservative Leadership Election of 1975. During this time, he created a mini-manifesto called The Right Approach to the Economy, which was a synthesis of the economic policies of both the Opposition and Thatcher’s Cabinet later on. John Biffen: Chief Secretary to the Treasury Born in 1930, Biffen was a fierce Conservative economist. Under Edward Heath, Biffen largely advocated for fiscal responsibility and limited government. This largely led to his advancements in Conservative Party ranks, as he was quite intelligent in his positions. He also had a run-in with Edward Heath after buckling under pressure to implement Keynesian principles following a recession in Britain. Ironically, this incident led to his promotion to Thatcher’s Cabinet. Lord Carrington: Foreign Secretary
Born Peter Carrington in 1919, he succeeded his father as the 6th Baron Carrington in the 1930’s. Carrington served under a variety of Conservative Party positions, including as Leader of the Opposition and Defence Secretary under Edward Heath. His expertise is in foreign matters, especially in Britain’s involvement in Rhodesia. Peter Walker: Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food Born in 1932, Walker’s most notable position before being appointed into Thatcher’s Cabinet was the youngest Chairman of the Young Conservatives in 1958. He quickly rose through the ranks of the Party’s youth wing, helping him to secure positions in the Conservative Party later on. Walker’s positions largely involved him mitigating environmental concerns in Britain, including cleaning up the Thames after its declaration as “biologically dead” in 1957. Norman St John-Stevas: Minister for the Arts and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Born in 1929, Stevas’ background is primarily in academia, serving as a Professor at King’s College until 1956 and as a Visiting Lecturer at U.C. Santa Barbara until 1959. Stevas held very staunch Conservative views related to his Catholic upbringing, and largely opposed bills such as the Abortion Bill of 1967 (which legalized abortion). Before being appointed into Thatcher’s Cabinet, Stevas served as the Shadow Leader of the House of Commons. Francis Pym: Secretary for Defence Born in 1922, Pym served under a variety of foreign-policy related positions in the Conservative Party, including as Secretary of State of Northern Ireland. Pym’s positions in government are notable, including Opposition Whip in 1964 and Government Chief Whip in 1970, Pym also served in the Second World War in North Africa, being awarded a Military Cross before entering politics. Mark Carlisle: Secretary of State for Education and Science Born in 1929, Mark Carlisle served as Under-Secretary of State for Home Affairs from 1970- 1972. Carlisle then left government before he was then appointed Shadow Secretary of State in 1974 by Edward Heath. He was apparently quite commendable in this respect, for he obtained the actual position in Thatcher’s Cabinet following her election as Prime Minister. James Prior: Secretary of State for Employment Secretary of State for Employment from 1979 to 1981, James Prior first entered Parliament as a Conservative MP in 1959. He served as Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food from 1970- 1972, as well as Leader of the House of Commons until 1974. Prior competed against Thatcher in the Conservative Party’s 1975 Leadership Election, but was later appointed by her as the Secretary of State for Employment upon the Conservative victory in the 1979 General Election. However, Prior and Thatcher disagreed tremendously on economic policy (especially in regards to trade unions), and Prior came to be known as a major leader of the ‘wet’ faction of the Conservative Party, favouring less aggressive anti-union action, cutting taxes and other economic policies associated with Thatcherism.
David Howell: Secretary of State for Energy David Howell first came to prominence as a junior minister in the government of Edward Heath, serving as Under-Secretary for Employment, Under-Secretary for Northern Ireland, Minister of State for energy, etc. Upon Thatcher’s election in 1979, he was made Secretary of State for Energy. Although Howell had headed Margaret Thatcher’s speech writing team prior to his time in government, and generally supported Thatcherite polices, he and Thatcher had a notably strained relationship while he held his cabinet position, with Howell complaining that ‘She was instantly hostile to everything and everyone from my department…. She saw Energy as a gigantic temple of inefficient, high-spending nationalised industries, particularly coal, electricity and nuclear power… She was unpleasant and rude to me. It just got more and more rough.’ Michael Heseltine: Secretary of State for the Environment Michael Heseltine first won election to the House of Commons as an MP representing Tavistock, and served as a junior minister in the Transport Department during the Heath Government. After the Heath government fell and Labour’s return to power in 1974, Heseltine won infamy and popularity in the Conservative Party when he seized the ceremonial mace and swung it around his head in mockery of Labour MPs singing ‘The Red Flag’ after a key vote in 1976. Upon Margaret Thatcher’s victory in 1979, he was appointed Secretary of State for the Environment. During his time in this position, he was instrumental in implementing ‘right to buy’ legislation for council homes, and also pushed for further reduction of taxes on tenants. However, Heseltine and Thatcher did notably disagree on several issues (especially in regards towards further European integration), and he was also regarded as a member of the ‘wet’ faction of the Conservative party. Patrick Jenkin: Secretary of State for Health and Social Security Patrick Jenkin served as a barrister and councillor for the Hornsey Borough Council from 1960- 1963. He was elected to Parliament as the MP for Woodford in 1964, succeeding Sir Winston Churchill after his retirement. He first rose to importance in Parliament as an Opposition spokesman on economic and trade affairs (less than one year after his election as an MP), and later briefly served as the Conservative Minister for Energy in the last weeks of the Heath government in 1974. However, Jenkin remained of note in the Conservative Party, and regained a Cabinet spot as Secretary of State for Health and Social Services as part of Margaret Thatcher’s government in 1979. Keith Joseph: Secretary of State for Industry Keith Joseph came from a family of money, with his father heading Bovis (one of the largest construction firms in the UK at the time) and serving for a term as Lord Mayor of the City of London. He was first elected to Parliament in 1956, and served as Minister of Social Services for the government of Edward Heath in 1970. Although he had originally been a supporter of the Keynesian economic policies espoused by the Heath government, Joseph became one of the loudest anti-Heath voices in the Conservative Party, and began to endorse more Monetarist positions, many of which would become key parts of Thatcherism. Joseph originally planned to challenge Heath for the role of leader of the Conservative Party, but dropped his campaign after a controversial speech he made advocating birth control for poor, unmarried women destroyed his image among both the Conservative Party and the general public. Instead, Joseph backed one
of his supporters, Margaret Thatcher to replace Heath. After her victory over Heath in the Conservative Party Leadership election, Thatcher and Joseph remained close, and after her victory in the 1979 General Election, Thatcher made Joseph her Secretary of State for Industry out of a commitment to enact their shared economic beliefs. Humphrey Atkins: Secretary of State for Northern Ireland The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from 1979-1981, Humphrey Atkins began his political career as a whip, serving as a whip in the opposition in 1967, and later deputy chief whip and chief whip in 1970 and 1973 respectively. He was considered a neutral in the power struggle between the Heath and Thatcher factions of the Conservative Party, but was appointed by Thatcher as Secretary for Northern Ireland nonetheless. Atkins himself knew very little about the situation in Northern Ireland upon taking his post, and supported ending direct rule of Northern Ireland, the ‘Ulsterisation’ of security in Northern Ireland (increasing role of the RUC and withdrawing British armed forces), and strict enforcement of the ‘criminalisation’ policy (paramilitary prisoners were treated like criminals, with no recognition of political aims). Angus Maude: Paymaster-General Angus Maude was first elected as a Conservative MP in 1950, and was a member of the so- called ‘One-Nation’ group of MPs, including future Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath. However, Maude was not given any sort of position in a ministerial office, and by 1956 was sitting as an independent conservative in support of the Suez group. He resigned his seat in 1958, not returning to parliament until 1963. After further frustration with the government of Prime Minister Edward Heath, Maude became an early supporter of Margaret Thatcher, and was made paymaster-general upon the Conservative victory in the general election of 1979. George Younger: Secretary of State for Scotland An MP representing the constituency of Ayr, George Younger was originally the Shadow Secretary for Defence under Margaret Thatcher, but was deposed less than a year later by her. However, after Shadow Scottish Secretary Teddy Taylor lost his seat in the 1979 general election, Thatcher appointed Younger to be his replacement as the cabinet Secretary of State for Scotland. Although Younger personally favoured centre-left economic policies, he remained a loyal ‘dry’, throughout the time he held his Cabinet post, although this loyalty did hurt his popularity inside Scotland itself. John Nott: Secretary of State for Trade and President of the Board of Trade John Nott was first elected to Parliament in 1966, the last MP to be elected under the party label ‘National Liberal’. After becoming a Conservative in 1968, Nott served as a junior minister in the Treasury for the Heath government, and later joined Margaret Thatcher’s shadow cabinet in 1976. Nott’s experience as a treasury minister may have influenced Thatcher’s decision to appoint him as Secretary of State for Trade and President of the Board of Trade in 1979.
However, Thatcher and Nott were not particularly fond of each other, and Thatcher considered Nott hostile to her in a note outlining her friends and enemies on the Cabinet. Nicholas Edwards: Secretary of State for Wales Edwards was first elected to the Commons in the 1970 General Election, representing Pembrokeshire. He quickly gained traction in the Conservative Party, and by 1975 was serving as the Opposition Spokesman for Welsh Affairs in the shadow cabinet of Conservative Party leader Edward Heath. After Margaret Thatcher’s victory over Heath in the 1974 election, Edwards was retained on her shadow cabinet, and thus was elevated to Secretary of State for Wales after Thatcher’s victory in the 1979 General Election
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