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UfM BACKGROUND GUIDE
Email: info@imuna.org
Phone: +1 (212) 652-9992
Web: www.nhsmun.nyc
Secretary-General Dear Delegates,
Ankita Bhat
It is my distinct honor to invite you to NHSMUN’s first simulation of the Union for the
Director-General
Mediterranean (UfM) Committee! My name is Seniru Ruwanpura, and I’m thoroughly delighted to
Kathy Li
be serving as your Director for Session I at this year’s conference. With the support and guidance
Chiefs of Staff of Session II’s Sonia Saltzman, I am excited to bring this committee alive at our conference through
Jon Basile these two heavily nuanced topics. We hope that the information provided to you in this guide will
Abolee Raut be a comprehensive educational blueprint for the conference.
Conference Services
Hugo Bordas As a quick introduction to myself, I hail from Calgary, Canada, and am a current second-year
Sofía Fuentes student attending the University of Calgary, where I major in software engineering. On and off
campus, I have been involved in the Engineering Student Society, various consulting initiatives, and
Delegate Experience
student outreach programs, alongside minor involvements in our university’s debate society and
Akanksha Sancheti
Beatriz Circelli Model UN Team. In high school, I attended about 15 MUN conferences in Calgary, across Canada,
and a few in the United States as well. Serving as your Director for this committee will be my eighth
Global Partnerships
time staffing a conference and my fifth as a dais member. This is my third NHSMUN experience,
Katherine Alcantara
having attended in 2020 as a delegate in the UNHRC and having served as an Assistant Director
Clare Steiner
in 2021 for SPECPOL. While I study STEM courses in university, I have always held a profound
Under-Secretaries- interest in politics and global affairs. MUN has always been an activity I look forward to and, at
General
times, an area where I can make connections to my academic interests as well. I could not be more
James Caracciolo
Ana Margarita Gil excited to share my passion for MUN and this great committee with all of you!
Ming-May Hu Our background guide focuses on giving you a holistic picture of the two topics for the UfM,
Brandon Huetter
that being “Enhancing the Security Infrastructure and Relations between North Africa and the
Juliette Kimmins
Caleb Kuberiet European Union” and “Fostering Women’s Economic Participation in the Mediterranean.” Both
Victor Miranda of these topics are incredibly pressing. The first topic is an element of the UfM’s mandate which has
Anikait Panikker been scarcely covered in the committee’s history. The second topic is necessary to usher economic
Frances Seabrook and social success into a new era. If you examine the history of these topics, their status today, and
Sharon Tang how they create divisions among the member states of the UfM, you will certainly become well-
Kylie Watanabe versed on the topics of this committee in preparation for NHSMUN 2022. However, I strongly
Sophia Zhukovsky encourage you to use the background guide as a starting point and further research your country’s
policies while recognizing the mandate and founding documents of the UfM.
With all things considered, I wish you the best of luck in your preparation for this committee. If
you have any questions, please do not hesitate to email Sonia or me, and we would be more than
happy to help! I look forward to meeting you this March!
Sincerely,
Seniru Ruwanpura
seniru.ruwanpura@imuna.org
Union for the Mediterranean
Session I
Email: info@imuna.org
Phone: +1 (212) 652-9992
Web: www.nhsmun.nyc
Secretary-General Dear Delegates,
Ankita Bhat
Welcome to NHSMUN 2022! My name is Sonia Saltzman, and I am one of the Directors for
Director-General
Session II of NHSMUN 2021. I’m so thrilled to welcome you to the Union for the Mediterranean
Kathy Li
(UfM)! This is the first year that NHSMUN is simulating UfM, and I’m very excited to be serving
Chiefs of Staff as your Director. After months of research, preparation, and writing with Seniru, I am delighted to
Jon Basile present you with the Background Guide for UfM. We hope that it will serve as a significant resource
Abolee Raut towards understanding the fascinating topics at hand.
Conference Services
Hugo Bordas A little bit about myself, my Model United Nations journey began my freshman year at Tamalpais High
Sofía Fuentes School. As I participated as a delegate, president, chair, and leader, Model UN provided invaluable
experiences, connections, genuine friendships, and opportunities. I’ve attended NHSMUN three
Delegate Experience
times as a delegate, participating in WHO, SOCHUM, and SPECPOL. I’m humbled and thrilled
Akanksha Sancheti
Beatriz Circelli to be back, now serving as a staff member! I currently attend the College of Marin, where I major
in political science on the pre-law track. Outside of school and MUN, I love listening to music,
Global Partnerships
hanging out with my friends, going to concerts, and film photography!
Katherine Alcantara
Clare Steiner The topics this year, “Fostering Women’s Economic Participation in the Mediterranean” and
Under-Secretaries- “Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the European Union,” address two relevant
General areas of global significance. The Union for the Mediterranean is an exciting committee with the
James Caracciolo integral function of advancing cooperation and dialogue in the Euro-Mediterranean region. Seniru
Ana Margarita Gil and I have worked vigorously to prepare this committee, and we are looking forward to providing
Ming-May Hu you all with an engaging committee environment that fosters a rich debate, collaboration, curiosity,
Brandon Huetter
and learning. I’m genuinely confident that each one of you will thrive in committee! And, I’m very
Juliette Kimmins
Caleb Kuberiet excited to see how you collaborate to tackle these critical issues.
Victor Miranda Once again, I’m truly so excited to serve as your Director! If you have any questions or concerns,
Anikait Panikker
please do not hesitate to reach out to me or my co-Director. We are more than happy to assist and
Frances Seabrook
support you in your NHSMUN endeavors. I wish you all the best of luck with your research and
Sharon Tang
Kylie Watanabe preparation, and I cannot wait to meet all of you in March!
Sophia Zhukovsky
Sincerely,
Sonia Saltzman
sonia.saltzman@imuna.org
Union for the Mediterranean
Session II
UfM 4| Table of Contents Table of Contents A Note on the NHSMUN Difference 5 A Note on Research and Preparation 7 Committee History 8 Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU 9 Introduction 10 History and Description of the Issue 11 Current Status 23 Bloc Analysis 28 Committee Mission 29 Women’s Economic Participation in the Mediterranean 31 Introduction 32 History and Description of the Issue 33 Current Status 44 Bloc Analysis 49 Committee Mission 51 Research and Preparation Questions 53 Important Documents 55 Works Cited 56
UfM
A Note on the NHSMUN Difference |5
A Note on the NHSMUN Difference
Esteemed Faculty and Delegates,
Welcome to NHSMUN 2022! My name is Kathy Li, and I am this year’s Director-General. Thank you for choosing to attend
NHSMUN, the world’s largest and most diverse Model United Nations conference for secondary school students. We are thrilled
to welcome you to New York City in March!
As a space for collaboration, consensus, and compromise, NHSMUN strives to transform today’s brightest thinkers into
tomorrow’s leaders. Our organization provides a uniquely tailored experience for all in attendance through innovative and
accessible programming. We believe that an emphasis on education through simulation is paramount to the Model UN experience,
and this idea permeates throughout NHSMUN.
Realism and accuracy: Although a perfect simulation of the UN is never possible, we believe that one of the core educational
responsibilities of MUN conferences is to educate students about how the UN System works. Each NHSMUN committee is
a simulation of a real deliberative body so that delegates can research what their country has said in the committee. Our topics
are chosen from the issues currently on the agenda of each committee (except historical committees, which take topics from the
appropriate time period). This creates incredible opportunities for our delegates to conduct first-hand research by reading the
actual statements their country has made and the resolutions they have supported. We also strive to invite real UN, NGO, and
field experts into each committee through our committee speakers program. Furthermore, our staff arranges meetings between
students and the actual UN Permanent Mission of the country they represent. No other conference goes so far to immerse
students into the UN System so deeply.
Educational emphasis, even for awards: At the heart of NHSMUN lie education and compromise. As such, when NHSMUN
does distribute awards, we de-emphasize their importance compared to the educational value of Model UN as an activity.
NHSMUN seeks to reward students who excel in the arts of compromise and diplomacy. More importantly, we seek to develop
an environment where delegates can employ their critical thought processes and share ideas with their counterparts from around
the world. Part of what makes NHSMUN so special is its diverse delegate base. Given our delegates’ plurality of perspectives
and experiences, we center our programming around the values of diplomacy and teamwork. In particular, our daises look for
and promote constructive leadership that strives towards consensus, as real delegates do in the United Nations.
Debate founded on knowledge: With knowledgeable staff members and delegates from over 70 countries, NHSMUN can
facilitate an enriching experience reliant on substantively rigorous debate. To ensure this high quality of debate, our staff members
produce extremely detailed and comprehensive topic guides (like the one below) to prepare delegates for the complexities and
nuances inherent in each global issue. This process takes over six months, during which the Directors who lead our committees
develop their topics with the valuable input of expert contributors. Because these topics are always changing and evolving,
NHSMUN also produces update papers intended to bridge the gap of time between when the background guides are published
and when committee starts in March. As such, this guide is designed to be a launching point from which delegates should delve
further into their topics. The detailed knowledge that our Directors provide in this background guide through diligent research
aims to spur critical thought within delegates at NHSMUN.
Extremely engaged staff: At NHSMUN, our staffers care deeply about delegates’ experiences and what they take away from
their time at NHSMUN. Before the conference, our Directors and Assistant Directors are trained rigorously through copious
hours of workshops and exercises to provide the best conference experience possible. At the conference, delegates will have the
opportunity to meet their dais members before the first committee session, where they may engage one-on-one to discuss their
UfM 6| A Note on the NHSMUN Difference committees and topics. Our Directors and Assistant Directors are trained and empowered to be experts on their topics, and they are eager to share their knowledge with delegates. Our Directors and Assistant Directors read every position paper submitted to NHSMUN and provide thoughtful insight on those submitted by the feedback deadline. Our staff aims not only to tailor the committee experience to delegates’ reflections and research but also to facilitate an environment where all delegates’ thoughts can be heard. Empowering participation: The UN relies on the voices of all of its Member States to create resolutions most likely to make a meaningful impact on the world. That is our philosophy at NHSMUN as well. We believe that to properly delve into an issue and produce fruitful debate, it is crucial to focus the entire energy and attention of the room on the topic at hand. Our Rules of Procedure and our staff focus on empowering every voice in the committee, regardless of each delegate’s country assignment or skill level. Additionally, unlike many other conferences, we also emphasize delegate participation after the conference. MUN delegates are well-researched and aware of the UN’s priorities, and they can serve as the vanguard for action on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Therefore, we are proud to connect students with other action-oriented organizations to encourage further work on the topics. Focused committee time: We feel strongly that interpersonal connections during debate are critical to producing superior committee experiences and allow for the free flow of ideas. Ensuring policies based on equality and inclusion is one way in which NHSMUN guarantees that every delegate has an equal opportunity to succeed in committee. In order to allow communication and collaboration to be maximized during committee, we have a very dedicated team who work throughout the conference to type, format, and print draft resolutions and working papers. As always, we welcome any questions or concerns about the substantive program at NHSMUN 2022 and would be happy to discuss NHSMUN pedagogy with faculty or delegates. Delegates, it is our sincerest hope that your time at NHSMUN will be thought-provoking and stimulating. NHSMUN is an incredible time to learn, grow, and embrace new opportunities. We look forward to seeing you work both as students and global citizens at the conference. Best, Kathy Li Director-General
UfM
A Note on Research and Preparation |7
A Note on Research and Preparation
Delegate research and preparation is a critical element of attending NHSMUN and enjoying the debate experience. We have
provided this Background Guide to introduce the topics that will be discussed in your committee. We encourage and expect each
of you to critically explore the selected topics and be able to identify and analyze their intricacies upon arrival to NHSMUN in
March.
The task of preparing for the conference can be challenging, but to assist delegates, we have updated our Beginner Delegate
Guide and Advanced Delegate Guide. In particular, these guides contain more detailed instructions on how to prepare a
position paper and excellent sources that delegates can use for research. Use these resources to your advantage. They can help
transform a sometimes overwhelming task into what it should be: an engaging, interesting, and rewarding experience.
To accurately represent a country, delegates must be able to articulate its policies. Accordingly, NHSMUN requires each delegation
(the one or two delegates representing a country in a committee) to write a position paper for each topic on the committee’s
agenda. In delegations with two students, we strongly encourage each student to research each topic to ensure that they are
prepared to debate no matter which topic is selected first. More information about how to write and format position papers can
be found in the NHSMUN Research Guide. To summarize, position papers should be structured into three sections:
I: Topic Background – This section should describe the history of the topic as it would be described by the delegate’s
country. Delegates do not need to give an exhaustive account of the topic, but rather focus on the details that are most
important to the delegation’s policy and proposed solutions.
II: Country Policy – This section should discuss the delegation’s policy regarding the topic. Each paper should state the
policy in plain terms and include the relevant statements, statistics, and research that support the effectiveness of the policy.
Comparisons with other global issues are also appropriate here.
III. Proposed Solutions – This section should detail the delegation’s proposed solutions to address the topic. Descriptions
of each solution should be thorough. Each idea should clearly connect to the specific problem it aims to solve and identify
potential obstacles to implementation and how they can be avoided. The solution should be a natural extension of the
country’s policy.
Each topic’s position paper should be no more than 10 pages long double-spaced with standard margins and font size. We
recommend 3–5 pages per topic as a suitable length. The paper must be written from the perspective of the your assigned
country should articulate the policies you will espouse at the conference.
Each delegation is responsible for sending a copy of its papers to their committee Directors via myDais on or before March
4, 2022. If a delegate wishes to receive detailed feedback from the committee’s dais, a position must be submitted on or before
February 18, 2022. The papers received by this earlier deadline will be reviewed by the dais of each committee and returned
prior to your arrival at the conference.
Complete instructions for how to submit position papers will be sent to faculty advisers via email. If delegations are unable to
submit their position papers on time, please contact us at info@imuna.org.
Delegations that do not submit position papers to directors will be ineligible for awards.
UfM 8| Committee History Committee History The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) is an intergovernmental partnership headquartered in Barcelona with the mission of advancing cooperation and dialogue in the Euro-Mediterranean region. It is led through a co-presidency between Jordan and the European Union (EU) and includes all 27 EU member states and 15 Mediterranean countries from North Africa, Western Asia, and Southern Europe. The Union for the Mediterranean was founded on July 13, 2008, at the Paris Summit for the Mediterranean to strengthen the Barcelona Process.1 The Barcelona Process (also referred to as the Euro-Mediterranean partnership) emerged in 1995 following the adoption of the Barcelona Agreement at the Barcelona Euro-Mediterranean Conference.2 The conference, hosted by the European Union, aimed to strengthen the European Union’s relationship with the Mediterranean in response to international tensions and a lack of community through the member states at the time.3 This was to be done through three specific areas, called “baskets,” targeting 1) political/security, 2) economic, and 3) social issues. The overarching goal of the UfM is to implement strategic initiatives that promote peace, security, socio-economic prosperity, and overall stability in the corridor between the European Union and the Mediterranean. Three specific objectives are outlined in the Barcelona Agreement—stability, human development, and integration—which serve as a structure for all projects.4 There are six sectors within the objectives, each headed by a Deputy Secretary General: higher education and research, social and civil affairs, water and environment, transport and urban development, energy and climate action, and economic development and employment.5 To address these challenges, the UfM works with a self-titled framework called the “3 P’s Methodology.”6 The first P refers to the setting out of a policy framework, which takes place in ministerial conferences aimed at “defining the priorities of UfM through the adoption of common agendas.”7 The second step entails the establishment of regional platforms in the form of political bodies guided by experts. Finally, the UfM aims to achieve its goals by supporting regional projects with tangible impacts through technical expertise and networking opportunities.8 While the UfM is not a permanent body of the United Nations, its similar goals of promoting peace, community, and equity have allowed UfM to become involved with and supplement the United Nations in its goals. In 2015, the UN granted observer status to the UfM at the General Assembly. This special status is granted to non-member states and international NGOs and allows them to participate in the United Nations General Assembly and its various functions.9As such, the UfM aligns its work with the United Nations and assists in carrying out its goals. 1 “Who we are,” Union for the Mediterranean, accessed July 28, 2021, https://ufmsecretariat.org/who-we-are/. 2 Ana PalacioVallelersundi, “The Barcelona Process: A Euro-Mediterranean North-South Partnership,” Georgetown Journal of International Affairs 5, no. 1: 145-51, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43133605. 3 Vallelersundi, “The Barcelona Process: A Euro-Mediterranean North-South Partnership,” 145-51. 4 Union for the Mediterranean, “Who we are.” 5 ”What we do: Projects and Initiatives with Regional Impact,” Union for the Mediterranean, accessed July 28, 2021, https://ufmsecretariat. org/what-we-do/projects/. 6 Union for the Mediterranean. How the UfM Works? (Accessed September 18, 2021.) https://ufmsecretariat.org/who-we-are/history/. 7 Union for the Mediterranean. How the UfM Works? 8 Union for the Mediterranean. How the UfM Works? 9 The GA Handbook A practical guide to the United Nations General Assembly (New York: Permanent Mission of Switzerland to the United Nations, 2017), 28-30. https://www.eda.admin.ch/dam/mission-new-york/en/documents/UN_GA__Final.pdf.
UfM
NHSMUN 2022
Topic A:
Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
Photo Credit: Sara Kurfeß
Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
10|C ommittee History
Introduction
During the Euro-Mediterranean Summit of 1995, leaders from the European Union (EU) and the
Mediterranean region met to improve relations and create a more mutually beneficial relationship.
As the former Spanish Foreign Affairs Minister put it, the regions could cooperate to “foster cultural
and economic unity within the Mediterranean” and solve a “clash of civilizations.”1 In attempting to
solve these issues, the Euro-Mediterranean Summit produced the Barcelona Declaration, also known
as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership of 1995, to “turn the Mediterranean basin into an area of
dialogue, exchange and cooperation guaranteeing peace, stability and prosperity.”2
The Declaration outlined the creation of three “baskets”: Early in the UfM’s founding, its policies on security over-
political and security; economic and financial; and social, emphasized countries in the EU, many North African
cultural, and human.3 The first basket, the one for political and countries felt that these policies ignored their own needs and
security issues, called for the “definition of a common area of violated their sovereignty.7 Additionally, many states could not
peace and stability through the reinforcement of political and agree on common definitions for security risks like terrorism.8
security dialogue.”4 To affirm this promise, the parties of the As a result, the European and Mediterranean states could not
Declaration hosted further meetings and events, eventually produce a comprehensive security framework necessary for
implementing the security goals outlined in the Barcelona
leading to the formation of the Union for the Mediterranean
Declaration.9 Furthermore, general security threats were still
(UfM) in 2008, where leaders translated the goals of the three
present in the region: lingering Cold War tensions, the events
baskets into six areas of activity.5 The parties pursued their
of the Gulf War, and a war between the United States and
security goals through bilateral meetings, capacity-building
Iraq in response to the invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi forces.10
measures like training and institutional development, and
These events delayed discussions establishing stronger peace,
strategic projects to improve economic and social conditions.
generating further barriers to achieving the Declaration’s
Historically speaking, European countries have always been goals.
interested in the North African countries that border the The region continues to face security challenges after the
Mediterranean Sea because of their geopolitical benefits formation of the UfM. These challenges can be broadly
and resource-rich environment. European countries built summarized into the major crises of terrorism, the formation
infrastructure in North Africa to ensure their control of the of militia groups, the illicit movement of goods and people,
region, culminating in the destruction of cultural institutions threats to economic security, and threats to human security.11
by the Axis Powers in World War II.6 These actions were the These issues directly impact states in the Middle East and
beginning of instability within the region. North Africa (MENA) and collaterally impact European
1 Bichara Khader, Europa Por El Mediterráneo: De Barcelona A Barcelona (1995-2009). Barcelona: IEMed, 2009.
2 Khader, Europa Por El Mediterráneo.
3 Khader, Europa Por El Mediterráneo.
4 “Barcelona Declaration and Euro-Mediterranean partnership,” European Union Law, Accessed September 12, 2021, https://eur-lex.
europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=LEGISSUM:r15001.
5 “What We Do: The Work of the Union for the Mediterranean,” UfM, Accessed July 27, 2021, https://ufmsecretariat.org/what-we-do/.
6 Reynolds M. Salerno, Vital Crossroads : Mediterranean Origins of the Second World War, 1935-1940. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2002.
7 Josep Fontelles “Vers Une Sécurité Commune En Méditerranée ? - Observatoire Des Armements,” Accessed July 27, 2021, http://www.
obsarm.org/spip.php?article67.
8 Sven Biscop, “Opening Up the ESDP to the South: A Comprehensive and Cooperative Approach to Euro-Mediterranean Security.”
Security Dialogue 34, no. 2 (June 2003): 83–97.
9 Biscop, “Opening up the ESDP,” 83–97.
10 Khader, Europa Por El Mediterráneo.
11 Raffaello Pantucci, “Europol Identifies Security Threat to Europe from North Africa’s “Arab Spring.” Jamestown 9, no. 19 (May 2011):
1–2. ; Peter Dörrie, “Europe Has Spent Years Trying to Prevent ‘Chaos’ in the Sahel. It Failed,” World Politics Review, last modified
September 10, 2021, www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/27977/europe-has-spent-years-trying-to-prevent-chaos-in-the-sahel-it-failed;
Basem Aly, “5 Key Security Challenges for North Africa in 2019,” Africa Portal, last modified January 10, 2019, https://www.africaportal.
org/features/5-key-security-challenges-north-africa-2019/.Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
History and Description of the Issue |11
countries, making the UfM necessary to facilitate dialogue and times of conflict. Made up of three regions (Northern Africa,
streamline communication. Western Asia, and Southern Europe), the Mediterranean has
a wide array of political differences that have caused tensions
In the context of the Mediterranean Region, security
between the countries that make up the region.
infrastructure includes building networks of information
and increasing the capacity of institutions to ease tensions Dynamics and tensions originate in the colonial legacies left
between groups and address pressing issues, including by powerful European countries in Northern Africa. By the
common security, violent extremism and radicalization, 1800s, aggressive expansion of the European states resulted
migrant smuggling, and human trafficking.12 To create a in the colonization of Northern African states. France and
better system of security between North Africa and Europe Great Britain expanded into Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, and
and make the Mediterranean peaceful and secure, the other countries, thus opening up major port cities for trade
UfM must make progress in security cooperation. These and travel through the Mediterranean.16 With the construction
advances can include general recommendations made by of the Suez Canal in Egypt, trade between Asia, East Africa,
the EU, recommendations addressing specific conflicts, and and Europe flourished.17 The Mediterranean became a trade
cooperative security measures.13 Some approaches may even hub thanks to the countries’ easy access to Central and
empower targeted countries to deal with security threats Northern Europe.18 After World War I, France and Great
independently with contributions and assistance from allied Britain took over land previously controlled by the fallen
nations.14 By reforming the security sector using EU counter- Ottoman Empire, increasing their control over the region and
terrorism strategies and enhancing the safety of the migration effectively guaranteeing their position as the main facilitators
process, it is certainly possible to enhance the security of trade in the Mediterranean.19
infrastructure between Northern Africa and the EU. The The Mediterranean would prove to be a pivotal region in
UfM must respond with effective policies for the committee, military strategy as well. When Benito Mussolini’s Kingdom
region, and Barcelona Declaration to achieve their ultimate of Italy took control of the Mediterranean, it became a
goal: turning the Mediterranean region into a common area strategic location for all further expansion by Italy and the
where peace and security can be established indefinitely.15 rest of the Axis Powers during the war.20 Because of the
region’s significance, certain areas of the Mediterranean, like
North Africa and the Balkans, became the main battlefronts
History and Description of the Issue
between the Axis and Allied powers.21 The effects of the
war devastated countries in the region and further weakened
Modern History of the Mediterranean
security infrastructure between North Africa and Europe.
Throughout history, the Mediterranean has been a region However, the actions of Italy in World War II were mere
of critical importance due to its resources, geographical precursors to the divisions between Mediterranean countries
location, and strategic value to military commanders during in the second half of the 20th century.
12 “Security In The Mediterranean Region: Challenges And Opportunities,” United States Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe, accessed September 12, 2021, https://www.csce.gov/international-impact/publications/security-mediterranean-region-challenges-
and-opportunities.
13 “Security Cooperation as a National Defense Strategy Tool,” CSIS, accessed September 12, 2021, https://www.csis.org/analysis/security-
cooperation-national-defense-strategy-tool.
14 “NATO’s Response to Hybrid Threats,” NATO, accessed September 12, 2021, http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_156338.
htm.
15 European Union Law, “Barcelona Declaration and Euro-Mediterranean partnership.”
16 Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art. “Trade Routes between Europe and Asia during Antiquity.” In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History.
New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000. (October 2000).
17 Mary Pelletier, “A Brief History of the Suez Canal”Apollo Magazine, accessed June 22, 2021, https://www.apollo-magazine.com/a-brief-
history-of-the-suez-canal/.
18 Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art. “Trade Routes between Europe and Asia during Antiquity.”
19 Pelletier, “A Brief History of the Suez Canal.”
20 Salerno, Vital Crossroads.
21 Salerno, Vital Crossroads.Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
12|H istory and Description of the Issue
Control of the Mediterranean In World War II
Following the war, naval conflicts in the Mediterranean and allegiances, a critical example of this being Egypt.28 During
North Africa further eroded local cultures.22 Countries in the Suez Crisis in 1956 under President Gamal Abdel Nassar,
Southern Europe and North Africa with strong militaries the Egyptian government was closer to the USSR until they
took advantage of those far less equipped to handle military shifted towards the United States during President Anwar
conflict.23 Notable examples of this kind of military action Sadat’s regime from 1970 to 1981.29 Such dynamics perfectly
included the occupation of Northern Cyprus by Turkey and embodied the main conflict within the region. While some
the Arab-Israeli conflict over Palestine, stemming from the states served as Soviet hotbeds for influence, such as Syria,
United Kingdom’s colonial legacy left behind.24 other nearby countries firmly supported the United States,
receiving foreign aid at the expense of supplying bases to the
As Asia and Europe progressed into the Cold War era, so too
US during the Cold War.30
did the states of the Mediterranean. Cold War tensions divided
countries into either allies of the United States or allies of the These regional entanglements created the blueprints for
Soviet Union.25 Many European countries (i.e., France, Spain, the security issues between different countries of the
and others) supported the United States as members of the Mediterranean. Because countries were divided on ideological
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).26 On the other fronts for more than half of a century, animosity between
hand, African and Middle Eastern countries of the region like governments and people continues to be the biggest challenge
Syria were allies with the Soviet Union because they were ruled in achieving any form of peace. The effects of these tensions
by socialist parties. A few countries even hosted the Soviets remain today, potentially limiting regional cooperation working
in their domestic military.27 Other countries shifted their towards improved security.
22 Salerno, Vital Crossroads.
23 Salerno, Vital Crossroads.
24 Salerno, Vital Crossroads.
25 Bilgin, “Regional Security in the Middle East.”
26 Salerno, Vital Crossroads.
27 Bilgin, “Regional Security in the Middle East.”
28 Bilgin, “Regional Security in the Middle East.”
29 Bilgin, “Regional Security in the Middle East.”
30 Bilgin, “Regional Security in the Middle East.”Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
History and Description of the Issue |13
Previous Euro-Mediterranean Goals for resources that organizations and communities need to survive,
Security adapt, and thrive in a fast-changing world.”37
One of the critical objectives of the Barcelona Declaration Capacity-building measures included a network of foreign
was the “definition of a common area of peace and stability policy institutes, cultural seminars for diplomats in the region,
through the reinforcement of political and security dialogue,” cooperation among civil authorities, and projects to promote
otherwise known as the “Political and Security Basket.”31 human rights in signatory countries.38 By improving the
The main authors of the Barcelona Declaration believed this distribution of resources, streamlining trade-related regulations
would improve security and stability in the Mediterranean and and tariffs, and encouraging greater financial cooperation
promote similar political values, effective governance, and from the EU, governments in the Mediterranean hailing from
democracy.32 The 15 EU member states and 12 states from the North Africa were far more likely to improve stability in their
Mediterranean committed to establishing the Mediterranean respective states.39 This referenced the hope found within the
region as a common area of peace. This number has since Barcelona Declaration that solving the root causes of injustice
been increased to 37 signatories in total.33 However, the and hardship would promote a more secure area.40 During the
Barcelona Declaration authors noted that a stronger security early stages of the Declaration, analysts hoped to increase the
infrastructure in the region could only be possible if its possibility of discussions between states with longstanding
respective governments and citizens developed a greater tensions. They emphasized Israel and Syria, which have had
cognizance for human rights and upheld democratic values disputes on a regional level but were still mutual signatories
as well.34 Additionally, the Barcelona Declaration focused of the discussions.41 However, analysis acknowledged that
on strengthening civil society through cultural exchange, such discussions were unlikely to be successful, evident by
opening up opportunities for understanding between the Arab-Israeli conflict that persists today. Nevertheless,
groups.35 Altogether, the objectives of the Declaration made
those involved in the UfM are still actively seeking a more
up a framework that would guarantee a more widespread and
productive peace process to minimize long-standing tensions.
effective security infrastructure system in the Mediterranean.
Further analysis on security, such as a report by the
After the Barcelona Declaration, security experts analyzed
International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, focused on
how security could be improved in the region through the new
dialogue as an additional mechanism to improve peace and
framework.36 A report by the United States Congressional
security.42 The analysis affirmed that active dialogue between
Research Service highlighted that the biggest benefit of
countries would be more productive than security demands
common peace and stability interests of peace is the greater
in the region. However, the dialogue would only prove to be
forum for conflict resolution in the Mediterranean region.
impactful for the states who participated in discussions and
The declaration for greater security dialogue included the
implemented the agreed-upon measures.
creation of tools such as capacity building measures within
the area, defined by the UN as the “process of developing This recognized need for dialogue led to two different security
and strengthening the skills, instincts, abilities, processes and proposals. The first method was introduced during the
31 European Union Law, “Barcelona Declaration and Euro-Mediterranean partnership.”
32 “Barcelona Process: Political Background and Goals,” Global Politics, accessed September 12, 2021, http://www.globalpolitics.cz/
clanky/barcelona-process.
33 European Union Law, “Barcelona Declaration and Euro-Mediterranean partnership.”
34 Bilgin, “Regional Security in the Middle East.”
35 “The Barcelona Process or Euro-Mediterranean Partnership,” Barcelona.com, accessed September 12, 2021, https://www.barcelona.
com/barcelona_news/the_barcelona_process_or_euro_mediterranean_partnership.
36 Barcelona.com, “The Barcelona Process or Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.”
37 CRS Report for Congress, “The Barcelona Process: The European Union’s Partnership with the Southern Mediterranean.”
38 CRS, The Barcelona Process.
39 CRS, The Barcelona Process.
40 European Union Law, “Barcelona Declaration and Euro-Mediterranean partnership.”
41 Stacy Rosenberg, “The Barcelona Process and the European Approach to Fighting Terrorism.”
42 Rosenberg, “The Barcelona Process and the European Approach to Fighting Terrorism.”Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
14|H istory and Description of the Issue
Euromediterranean Summit of 2005, which was structurally Euro-Mediterranean countries while increasing dialogue on
similar to the discussions in the Barcelona Declaration in “issues that know no borders, such as trade, migration, or
1995.43 This summit was held with the understanding that security.”47
past security policies within the Mediterranean had to be
The second and more direct security proposal utilized regional
re-evaluated and updated for the 21st century.44 During the
and bilateral discussion between countries that signed the
summit, drafters reaffirmed their commitment to the original
original Barcelona Declaration. While the declaration called
security ambitions of the Barcelona Declaration in regards to for dialogue broadly, it emphasized regional dialogue for peace
political relations. They asserted that relationships were critical and security in the region and in all three baskets: political
to creating and implementing mechanisms ensuring progress and security; economic and financial; and social, cultural,
towards democracy, stability, justice, and social integration, and human.48 This approach looked to improve the security
among other aspects essential to peace.45 The drafters also infrastructure for the region but still recognized that dialogue
emphasized the need to assess the judicial systems and on behalf of the entire region would not be representative
migration policies of the surrounding countries.46 Both of of the local dynamics between individual countries. The
these policies would strengthen the pillars of democracy for likelihood of bilateral talks between individual states would
Migrants aboard an inflatable vessel in the Mediterranean
43 “Euromediterranean Summit of Barcelona,” Euromed, accessed June 22, 2021, http://euromedbarcelona.org/EN/PtoEncuentro/
ACptoEncuentro/index.html.
44 Euromediterranean Summit of Barcelona, “Euromed.”
45 Euromediterranean Summit of Barcelona, “Euromed.”
46 Euromediterranean Summit of Barcelona, “Euromed.”
47 Euromediterranean Summit of Barcelona, “Euromed.”
48 Rosenberg, “The Barcelona Process and the European Approach to Fighting Terrorism.”Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
History and Description of the Issue |15
therefore increase to account for these local dynamics and on dialogue with North Africa, the EU focused on a unilateral
thus build a more cohesive security infrastructure. policy built on power projections, the capacity of states to
deploy and sustain forces outside their direct territory, and
The Challenges in Achieving Peace and intervention. Many North African countries recognized that
Security within the Mediterranean this was unsustainable and antagonistic towards their own
Mediterranean countries have declared their ambition for sovereignty since it would cause them to effectively give up
peace and security between North Africa and Europe, but their power to a larger body.53 The EU advised that a future
a clear strategy has yet to be established. Since the UfM’s cooperative security framework was needed to consider the
common economic interests of all ratifiers of the Barcelona
founding in 2008, there has been significant progress and
Declaration, thus incentivizing them to join the framework
movement on both the economic and social objectives of the
even if it meant losing some economic independence.54 As of
Barcelona Declaration, evident by the committee’s work on
today, such a framework has never actually been implemented,
sectors from business development to social and civil affairs.49
although there have been calls for its implementation.55 The
However, the first UfM Regional Forum to review common
lack of a cooperative security framework is not the only
foreign and security policy within the region happened seven
reason why there have been limitations to productive dialogue.
years later, in November 2015.50 The reason for this delay is
Because political dialogue remained infrequent, the UfM
simple: European and North African countries faced many
has never implemented diplomatic training, a foreign policy
logistical and political challenges in making the meeting a
institute, or arms control, even though the original Barcelona
reality.
Declaration called for it.56
When examining the UfM’s obstacles in achieving peace
At the 10th anniversary summit in 2005, member states ran
and security within the region, it is important to examine into a string of new issues. For example, member states
the obstacles faced with the original Barcelona Declaration. were unable to define a common code of anti-terrorism.57
As early as 2001, there were noticeable problems in the With many other international issues at the time, such as the
Declaration. The Royal Institute for International Relations in US occupation of Iraq, the falling levels of democracy in
Belgium observed that the EU lacked a strategic concept for its the Middle East, and the impacts of the War on Terror on
European Security and Defence Policy, a policy that was meant economies and societies, it was a widely regarded conclusion
to uphold the Barcelona Declaration’s security priority.51 The that the Barcelona Process was limited in its impact.58 The
biggest reason for this has been the ongoing conflicts in the mission to achieve peace and security in the Mediterranean hit
Mediterranean region in territories such as Western Sahara, a major roadblock after African countries criticized European
Algeria, and Cyprus, making it difficult to make actual changes countries for only being interested in their own Euro-centric
towards better regional security.52 Additionally, the lack of goals.59 The Palestinian and Turkish heads of state were barred
communication between member states of the Barcelona from attending, and none of the other member states were
Declaration from Europe and North Africa hindered the represented by their heads of state. The lack of attendance
implementation of security goals. Instead of a policy based from heads of state undermined the mission of the original
49 Euromediterranean Summit of Barcelona, “Euromed.”
50 What We Do, “UfM.”
51 Biscop, “Opening up the ESDP,” 83–97.
52 Biscop, “Opening up the ESDP,” 83–97.
53 Fontelles, “Vers Une Sécurité Commune En Méditerranée?”
54 Biscop, “Opening up the ESDP,” 83–97.
55 Biscop, “Opening up the ESDP,” 83–97.
56 Barcelona Process: Political Background and Goals, “Global Politics.”
57 “La Cumbre de Barcelona Consigue Acordar Un Código de Conducta Antiterrorista,” El País, accessed July 27, 2021, https://elpais.com/
internacional/2005/11/28/actualidad/1133132406_850215.html.
58 “Yes the Barcelona Process Was ‘Mission Impossible’, but the EU Can Learn from That,” Europe’s World, accessed July 27, 2021,
https://web.archive.org/web/20120314100517/http://www.europesworld.eu/NewEnglish/Home_old/Article/tabid/191/ArticleType/
articleview/ArticleID/21714/language/en-US/Default.aspx.
59 Europe’s World, “ Yes the Barcelona Process Was ‘Mission Impossible’.”Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
16|H istory and Description of the Issue
Unrest in North Africa during the Arab Spring protests
Declaration.60 This raised significant doubts and fears that management of marine resources.62 Member states chose to
the Barcelona Process would simply be seen as a bureaucratic prioritize economic stability and prosperity over security and
achievement rather than a tangible one that could achieve democracy issues in the Mediterranean.63 This also sacrificed
better security.61 a dimension of the UfM’s key focuses by failing to uphold
human rights.64
Following the creation of the UfM in 2008, critics were
still vocal about the region not putting in sufficient effort Even after the UfM was created, EU and Northern African
to strengthen the security of the Mediterranean. With the member states declined the opportunity to decide on proper
UfM’s six sectors of activity, a clear majority were focused on strategies that could deal with regional conflicts.65 Counter-
economics, including business development, higher education, terrorism initiatives became ineffective due to the need for
urban development, energy, and a blue economy, or the better consensus, and security concerns impeded priorities such as
60 Casas-Cortes, Maribel, Sebastian Cobarrubias, and John Pickles, “Re-Bordering the Neighbourhood: Europe’s Emerging
Geographies of Non-Accession Integration,” European Urban and Regional Studies 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 37–58, https://doi.
org/10.1177/0969776411434848.
61 Khader, Europa Por El Mediterráneo.
62 “What We Do, “UfM.”
63 Muriel Asseburg and Paul Salem, No Euro-Mediterranean community without peace (Barcelona: IE Med, 2009).
64 Rosenberg, “The Barcelona Process and the European Approach to Fighting Terrorism.”
65 Asseburg and Salem, No Euro-Mediterranean Community without Peace.Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
History and Description of the Issue |17
human rights, privacy, and democracy.66 While security was Mediterranean as of 2014 was “not only far from meeting this
certainly a focal point in discussions, there was little done goal, but also experiencing one of the worst crises of violence,
to guarantee it. Although the global community has praised terrorism, refugees, and internally displaced persons in its
the UfM for its attempts to revitalize Euro-Mediterranean contemporary history.”71 Without being able to identify and
dialogue and cooperation, the committee has inherited uproot causes of conflict and unrest, the Mediterranean and
the same problems that made it difficult to put the original North African region will continue to witness displacement
Barcelona Process into practice. and insecurity under dangerous migratory conditions.
In 2011, sections of the Mediterranean faced significant waves
Evaluating Responses to Security Threats
of democratic protests in favor of democracy that spread across Within the Region
North Africa and the Middle East. This series of political and
social unrest, known as the Arab Spring, turned into a regional To determine what security reform and infrastructure
security crisis.67 Regarding the security infrastructure, the EU enhancements can be implemented in the corridor between
tried to adapt existing security measures to address civil and North Africa and the European Union, it is critical to evaluate
political unrest. This strategy turned out to be unsuccessful. security policies that are already in place. Such evaluations need
For example, various European states became deeply involved to consider both the outlined goals of the security priority
in Libya, the North African country that was most involved in within the Barcelona Declaration and how past security threats
conflict at the time. The introduction of European states to in the region have been dealt with.72 By evaluating current and
Libyan affairs resulted in mass instability, and Libya became past responses within this area, the UfM can create far more
a major transitory country during this time for migrants holistic policies that improve the security infrastructure in the
heading towards Europe.68 The CIDOB assessment makes area.
the case that due to the involvement of European powers in
A clear example of a security threat that the EU has had to
North Africa, the region was not able to effectively improve
deal with in the past decade in the Mediterranean, particularly
security within the area.69 Compounding the situation was the
MENA (the Middle East and North Africa), has been
aggression of Russia during 2014 through Crimea and the rise
irregular migration and human trafficking. Identified as early
of the terrorist group known as the Islamic State in Iraq and
as 2011 by the EU Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation
the Levant (ISIL). Both crises made it difficult for European
(EUROPOL), North Africa’s Arab Spring had the potential to
states to address the security challenges at their borders.
be a major security threat to Europe.73 While the Arab Spring
Europe continues to be impacted by the number of migrants
in North Africa was necessary for vulnerable people escaping
trying to flee these conflicts within the Mediterranean region.
oppressive regimes, this increase in migration hardened
At the 20th anniversary of the Barcelona Declaration, a similar borders and increased security efforts.74 With a lack of food,
assessment recognizing the lack of progress on the issue employment, and security, many North Africans fled to
was made by the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs escape the instability and violence across the Mediterranean.75
(CIDOB).70 The authors of the report assessed that the This journey cost over 20,000 migrant lives between 2014
66 Rosenberg, “The Barcelona Process and the European Approach to Fighting Terrorism.”
67 Eduard Solard I Lecha ‘Converging, Diverging and Instrumentalizing European Security and Defence Policy in the Mediterranean.’
(2010) Mediterranean Politics, Vol. 15, No. 2, p. 231-248. ; www.migrationpolicy.org/article/once-destination-migrants-post-gaddafi-libya-has-
gone-transit-route-containment
68 Lecha, “Converging, Diverging and Instrumentalizing European Security.” 231-248.
69 Eduard Soler i Lecha, “A Common Area of Peace and Stability: An Unattainable Goal? : IEMed,” accessed July 27, 2021, https://www.
iemed.org/publication/a-common-area-of-peace-and-stability-an-unattainable-goal/.
70 Lecha, “A Common Area of Peace and Stability.”
71 Lecha, “A Common Area of Peace and Stability”
72 CRS Report for Congress, “The Barcelona Process: The European Union’s Partnership with the Southern Mediterranean.”
73 “Te-sat 2011: Eu Terrorism Situation And Trend Report,” Europol, accessed September 13, 2021, Https://Www.Europol.Europa.Eu/
Sites/Default/Files/Documents/Te-sat2011_0.Pdf
74 Pantucci, “Europol Identifies Security Threat to Europe from North Africa’s ‘Arab Spring.”
75 Pantucci, “Europol Identifies Security Threat to Europe from North Africa’s ‘Arab Spring.”Topic A: Security Infrastructure between North Africa and the EU
18|H istory and Description of the Issue
and 2020, highlighting that the mechanisms for protecting Migration Partnership Framework. The framework brought
migrant rights and ensuring security within the region were EU countries together on migration and made tangible progress
insufficient.76 Furthermore, between 2020 and June 2021, the on improving security within Ethiopia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria,
International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported an and Senegal.83 The framework developed a results-oriented
additional 832 deaths in this corridor.77 The migrant crisis was approach which included both short and long-term measures
also exacerbated by the human trafficking of migrants within for mobilizing resources from the EU and member states
the Mediterranean. Human trafficking has raised alarms of the UfM. This approach looked to safely enable migrants
for leaders within NATO and the UfM, although the issues with improved social and legal processes of integration while
continue to plague the region.78 This migration route remains also looking to mitigate forced displacement by supporting
the deadliest in the world, with an estimated 22,400 lives lost the development of partner countries.84 Countries signed
since 2000 trying to reach the European Union.79 the Africa Agreement: Emergency Trust Fund, arguably the
most united approach between European and North African
These deaths are only one way to evaluate the response to member states of the UfM to date.85 The EU pledged 1.8
the migrant crisis in the region. To further evaluate the billion euros on top of existing annual development aid of
effectiveness of the response, it is also critical to analyze 20 billion euros to address the needs of migrants through
how countries have treated migrants who were successful economic and social development, investment opportunities,
in their journeys to Europe. Even though a vast majority of and job creation. Further concrete actions and intentions
migrants pose no risk to the security of destination states, for continual dialogue were supported by UfM’s Secretary-
the limitations of current security systems can sometimes be General Fathallah Sijilmassi.86
subjected to dangerous conditions like overcrowding.80 When
Europe faced a migration crisis from migrants displaced in However, these approaches still faced diplomatic tensions
the Mediterranean region, certain countries such as France with countries like Hungary, who accused Germany of
and Germany lacked a concrete security infrastructure that creating confusing and legally ambiguous situations around
migration.87 Varying interpretations of refugee responsibility
was able to facilitate background checks and house migrants
also prevent a cohesive approach to migration from forming
when they arrived.81 Leaders such as the German Chancellor,
in the region. Many nationalist and anti-migrant political
Angela Merkel, called for the EU to create a shared response
messaging parties in Europe, such as France’s National Front
to the crisis and come up with a united approach to ensure
and the United Kingdom’s Independence Party (UKIP), have
that the migration route was safe without overwhelming the
skyrocketed in popularity, culminating most notably in the
infrastructure of key European states.82
UK’s decision to exit the EU through Brexit.88 There is a need
Such an approach did succeed in certain aspects through the to balance different objectives related to migration to create a
76 “Calculating “Death Rates” In the Context of Migration Journeys: Focus on the Central Mediterranean,” GDMAC, accessed September
13, 2021, https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/mortality-rates.pdf.
77 “Missing Migrants Project,” Missing Migrants, accessed July 27, 2021, missingmigrants.iom.int/region/mediterranean.
78 “Finance Minister Andrej Babiš Calls on NATO to Destroy Human Smugglers’ Ships,” Radio Prague International, September 9, 2015,
english.radio.cz/finance-minister-andrej-babis-calls-nato-destroy-human-smugglers-ships-8248806.
79 “Why People Flee, What the EU Should Do,” Human Rights Watch, accessed September 13, 2021, https://www.hrw.org/
report/2015/06/19/mediterranean-migration-crisis/why-people-flee-what-eu-should-do.
80 Alison Smale and Melissa Eddy, “Migrant Crisis Tests Core European Value: Open Borders - The New York Times,” The New York
Times, August 31, 2015, www.nytimes.com/2015/09/01/world/europe/austria-migrant-crisis-truck.html
81 Smale and Eddy, “Migrant Crisis Tests Core European Value.”
82 Smale and Eddy, “Migrant Crisis Tests Core European Value.”
83 “Migration Summit: ‘We Are in a Race against Time to Save Schengen,” Times of Malta, accessed July 27, 2021, https://timesofmalta.
com/articles/view/watch-valletta-summit-concluding-press-conference.591885.
84 “Migration Partnership Framework: A New Approach to Better Manage Migration,” Refliefweb, accessed September 13, 2021, https://
reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/3_migrationpartnershipframework_2pg.pdf.
85 Migration Summit, “Times of Malta.”
86 “Summit on Migration of EU and African heads of state and government in Malta,” Union for the Mediterranean, accessed September
13, 2021, https://ufmsecretariat.org/addressing-the-socio-economic-root-causes-of-migration-challenges-in-the-mediterranean/.
87 Migration Summit, “Times of Malta.”
88 William Outhwaite, “Migration Crisis and ‘Brexit,” The Oxford Handbook of Migration Crises, Oxford Handbooks. doi:10.1093/
oxfordhb/9780190856908.001.0001.You can also read
