WORKERS' POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
WORKERS’ POWER
Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
Contents
1. Why politics? ......................................................................................................................………………5
2. The right-wing revolution: three years and counting..............................................………………8
3. Why is right-wing “populism” so popular these days?............................................……………12
4. Movements and resistance: the opposition grows ..................................................……………16
5. Canadian electoral politics: a right-wing populist sweep? ....................................……………19
6. Unifor policy on politics: grounded in democratic decision-making ..................……………23
7. Unifor and the next federal election ................................................................................…………26
WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
Prepared by: Unifor Research Department
August 2019
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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
1. Why politics?
hy is the union involved in politics?” some people may ask. The answer lies in thinking about what “politics” is.
“W Many people automatically think about politics in terms of elections, campaigns, and the weekly diet of
headline-grabbing drama that unfolds in our parliaments and legislative assemblies.
Some of our members can look through that lens and say, “But our union is about the workplace, and my collective
agreement. What’s that got to do with politics?”
Our lives at work — and our economic lives shaped by work — don’t exist in a vacuum. The goals we strive for as a
union, and our strength and ability to represent our members, are affected by the broader political, social, and economic
climate of which we are a part.
Just think about how social programs and workplace laws can reinforce — or undermine — our collective bargaining
goals. Think about how government policies around trade or specific industries affect our job security. Consider the
impact of:
• Public programs and legislated standards that directly affect our lives at work, and what we need to bargain,
including health and safety legislation, working time standards, public health care, public pensions, workplace
closure and bankruptcy rules, employment insurance, minimum wages, pay equity, and non-discrimination and
human rights law.
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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
• Broad economic policy that affects our potential gains and potential power. A strong economy lays the basis for
more wealth to share. Full employment gives us the confidence and power to challenge employers, while high levels
of unemployment undermine us. Free trade and investor rights agreements threaten our jobs, while fair and
managed trade can bring shared prosperity. Fair taxation is necessary to fund social programs, while tax cuts
typically undermine social conditions.
• Industrial policies which play a central role in many industries through governments setting the ground rules, and
operating important investment and support programs. Consider, for example, the wide-ranging rules over
telecommunications and broadcasting; the policies that shape the development of the energy industry; investment
support programs for key manufacturing like auto and aerospace; land use and environmental policies that affect
forestry, mining, fisheries, and more; rules on foreign ownership and industry concentration in the airlines or media;
public procurement such as public transit or ships for the Royal Canadian Navy or Canadian Coast Guard; and
specific trade issues such as tariffs on aluminum, steel, or forestry products.
• Trade union freedoms that include the right of unions to exist, organize without harassment, modernize labour
laws to expand collective bargaining, exercise the right to strike, and bargain freely over the issues that affect us.
These rights have repeatedly been attacked by governments in recent years, requiring ongoing defense by the
labour movement.
All of this is politics.
Our lives also extend beyond the workplace. We are citizens and members of
The most important communities, and so we care about the livability of our cities, our environment
workplace lesson we and a sustainable future, the schools our children attend, health care for our
have learned over the families, the parks and public facilities available to us, and the prospects for
today’s youth. We also care about social equality within our communities and
years is that, individually,
within our country, about discrimination, the lives of the aged, and about
the worker is in no poverty and homelessness. Engaging in all of this is the job of the union.
position to challenge
How does the union make our voices heard to shape government policy
management. Collective and action? Nearly every day, somewhere in the union, top elected officers,
action is fundamental to staff, local union leaders, or rank-and-file members are meeting with elected
defending our interests officials and policy makers to explain our points of view, offering ideas for new
laws and needed changes, and defending our members’ interests. And the
and achieving our goals.
union engages with the media at every level to bring our perspective to the
This same lesson is true broader public.
on a political level.
We also actively engage in education and awareness campaigns for our
members on current issues and events, and why these matter to our union. At election time, we evaluate the
government’s and opposition parties’ records, evaluate party platforms and ideas, advance our members’ interests, and
engage in public debate.
And it’s not just about engaging with governments. Politics is also about building broader movements, and forging
alliances and linkages that help broaden our base and build mutual support on a number of important issues. Whether it
is taking part in the broader labour movement (or challenging it); or participating with organizations dedicated to gender
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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
equality, LGBTQ rights, human rights
and equity issues, combatting racism;
or advocating for better housing,
stronger health care, poverty
reduction, environmental action –
finding common interest and working
together with a broad range of
movements and organizations is a
vital part of our union’s political work.
Of course, some people may ask, “But
why can’t we be involved in all these
issues simply as individuals? Why is
union politics necessary?”
The answer is simple: The political power of the individual worker, when casting one vote, does not match the political
power of the stockholders who own the companies that employ us. Those with control over the productive wealth in
our economy not only influence election campaigns with their money, they also influence elected politicians and day-to-
day government decisions with their ability to scale back operations, move jobs and investments elsewhere, import
more and export less, or close down workplaces entirely.
Employers also organize collectively, with powerful lobby groups like Chambers of Commerce, the Canadian Federation
of Independent Business, the Alliance of Manufacturers and Exporters (among many others), having incredible influence
in the halls of government power.
To balance the political power that employers have, workers must go beyond trying to act only as individual citizens and
move toward acting collectively, through our unions—as such unions are a fundamental base for collective political action.
The involvement of unions beyond collective bargaining is fundamental to a democratic society. Unions provide a base
for challenging society’s domination by the few and putting forward other priorities and alternative policies that are
important to us. The most important workplace lesson we have learned over the years is that, individually, the worker is
in no position to challenge management. Collective action is fundamental to defending our interests and achieving our
goals. This same lesson is true on a political level.
Unifor was formed in 2013 to renew the labour movement, strengthen our ability to advance the interests of our
members and all workers, and play a leading role in the politics of the country. When we met at our first Canadian
Council in Vancouver in September 2014, delegates discussed, debated, and endorsed a comprehensive policy on
politics, “Workers and Politics: Unifor’s Political Project.” It has been five years since this policy’s adoption, and three years
since our last convention. The policy has stood the test of time, grounding and providing guidance for our current
political work.
As we meet at the 2019 Unifor Convention in Quebec City, we need to take this opportunity to review developments,
revisit and renew our policies, and recommit to our political project as we prepare for the upcoming federal election.
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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
2. The right-wing revolution: three years and counting
Flashpoint: The summer of 2016
t’s hard to fathom at times the scale and speed of political developments since our union last met at the Convention in
I August 2016. Words like “upheaval,” “spiral,” “dizzying,” and “frightening” come to mind. In what now seems like a
daily barrage of previously unthinkable statements and actions from elected leaders and governments, and the
continuous outrage and frenzy felt by so many, it’s more important than ever for us to get a grip on what has happened
in the last three years, and what lies ahead.
Let’s go back to the summer of 2016. Progressives in Canada were still celebrating the removal of Stephen Harper, one of
this country’s least popular prime ministers. Harper’s decade-long reign to re-shape Canada through a diet of slashing
and burning social programs, undoing human rights and equality gains, reversing social progress in all forms, and
attacking trade unions outright, had finally come to an end.
Harper’s replacement was a stunning contrast. The appearance at our
In what now seems like
Convention in Ottawa in 2016 by Justin Trudeau, Canada’s freshly-minted,
a daily barrage of youthful, and “rock-star” prime minister could not have been a greater contrast
previously unthinkable to the decade-long grudge match waged by Harper against unions and many
statements and actions progressive movements in Canada.
from elected leaders and Trudeau’s visit, riding on his so-called “sunny ways” and a political honeymoon
governments, it’s more of incredible support and enthusiasm from Canadians, would last for only a
couple of years. There has been important progress on many fronts, but in the
important than ever for
last few months we have seen promises broken and hopes left unfilled, right
us to get a grip on what before we move into an election. However, back in the summer of 2016, it was
has happened. easy to feel like there were sunnier days ahead.
In hindsight, of course, we can see that darker clouds were also forming. That year was the dawn of a right-wing
populist revolution that aimed to upend the post-war liberal global order, and which is still shaking much of the world to
its core three years later.
The first inkling of this fundamental change was evident across the pond. In June 2016, voters in the United Kingdom
stunned the world (and likely themselves) by backing an exit from the European Union — “Brexit,” — by a slim margin,
at 52 per cent. The ruling Conservative party had committed to a
referendum under growing pressure and the influence of an emerging
right-wing party, UKIP (the United Kingdom Independent Party), and its
leader Nigel Farage. UKIP served up a menu of reactionary, anti-
immigrant, nationalist, and anti-EU fare, and had been derided as the
“looney fringe” of UK politics.
At the time, the Brexit vote was a stunning development, but mostly
suggested the road ahead was about some long slogging technical work
to put it into place. Few people expected that, three years later, Brexit
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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
would still be front-and-centre of a political crisis rocking the UK, threatening the foundations of the EU, and bolstering a
resurgent far-right movement across Europe.
The following month, in July 2016, after the most divisive spectacle of a U.S. Republican presidential nomination race
ever seen by Americans, Donald Trump, a man considered to be a bad joke by the political establishment, won the
nomination. His shocking and toxic campaign—characterized by race-baiting,
Arguably, no U.S. Mexico-bashing, nationalistic appeals to “Make America Great Again,”
president has so Islamophobia, and open misogyny and “lock-her-up” chants against opponent
Hillary Clinton—laid waste to the last shreds of civilized political discourse in
singularly driven that country.
upheaval and chaos
That Trump won the candidacy by putting himself forward as a human
outrage machine was deeply troubling to non-supporters, but most felt assured that Trump in the race meant the
certainty of a Clinton presidency, and the U.S.’s first woman in the White House. The shock waves that reverberated
throughout the United States —and the world— in the early hours of November 9, are still being felt.
Arguably, no U.S. president has so singularly driven upheaval and chaos in domestic policies, international relations,
raised military tensions (think North Korea, Russia, now Iran), and blown-up global trading relations, much of it through
his unfiltered use, and misuse, of Twitter.
At the time, many opponents of Trump were certain that he would not make it to the halfway mark of his presidency,
that he would be impeached or forced to resign. Others imagined that he would be restrained by the Democratic
Party majority in Congress after the mid-term elections of 2018. But somehow Trump is still standing, forcing voters
to look to 2020 and scramble to find a way to defeat him.
And he has become a standard-bearer for divisive politics
and a right-wing revolution that has been gaining steam,
with little sign of ending anytime soon.
Of course, these movements didn’t just start with Trump
and Brexit in 2016—they have been there all along, in a
small, right-wing fringe, lurking and building, waiting for a
chance. Particularly in Europe, this fringe has been gaining
unprecedented support.
In March 2017 in the Netherlands, for example—
apparently a bastion of liberal democracy—the virulently
right-wing, anti-immigrant Party for Freedom leader Geert
Wilders ran neck-and-neck with the governing party in the
election. He was ultimately defeated, but pulled off a
strong second-place showing.
The following month, in April 2017, Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front in France, finished second
place in the first round of French elections. By the end of the election cycle, traditional socialist and conservative parties
had been routed. Emmanuel Macron won in the end, his victory was only assured because the opposition had lined up
to stop Le Pen.
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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
In election after election across Western Europe, we have witnessed the rise of right-wing “populist” parties. In
Germany, the AfD (Alternative for Germany), gained the third largest number of seats in the federal election of 2017, and
won 11 per cent of the vote in EU election in May this year. In 2017, the far-right Freedom Party of Austria gained enough
votes to place their leader as Vice-Chancellor. In Italy, the right-wing party The
League became a coalition partner in government in March 2018, with leader Elsewhere around much
Matteo Salvini serving as Deputy Prime Minister and who now acts as a of the world, the picture
central convenor for the European far right.
is not any better.
In Scandinavia, right-wing populist parties continue their advance. The Danish
People’s Party won 21 per cent of the vote in the last general election; the Swedish Democrats won nearly one in five
votes in the 2018 general elections, and the Finns Party narrowly missed winning the May 2019 election
The far-right wing wave has also spread to the countries of the former Eastern Bloc. Poland continues to be governed by
the hard-right Justice and Law Party. In Slovakia, the openly fascist, neo-Nazi, Marian Kotleba won the approval of one in
ten voters during the first round of elections in March 2019. And in Hungary, Viktor Orbán was re-elected to a third term
in 2018. His anti-immigrant and Islamophobic Fidesz party continues to clamp down on the opposition and undermine
press freedom – many see the country inching toward dictatorship.
At the end of May this year, elections for the European Union parliament saw far-right parties continue to gain ground.
UK’s Nigel Farage, and his new Brexit Party; France’s Marine Le Pen, and her renamed National Rally; and Italy’s Mateo
Salvini, and his The League party, all won the most votes among their countries’ voters.
10WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
Nearly 75 years after the end of the Second World
War, the project of pan-European government to
constrain nationalism and militarism is under
existential threat.
Elsewhere around much of the world, the picture is
not any better. President Rodrigo Duterte of the
Philippines, who has waged an anti-drug campaign
that human rights activists estimate has killed 20,000
people, won more seats in the Senate in May of this
year. In Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdo an continues to
crack down on press freedoms, and most recently in
April this year aimed to force a municipal re-election
in Istanbul after an opposition win.
The push toward democracy across the Middle East
known as “Arab Spring” of 2010-2012 is long
defeated, with much of the region firmly back in grip
of dictatorships and mired in civil war. And the early
2000’s “pink wave” of left governments in central and south America has come fully undone, most dramatically with the
election of Brazil’s military-loving, right-wing populist, Jair Bolsonaro in January this year.
So-called “strong men” leaders continue to dominate two of the world’s most populous countries as China’s Xi
Jinping further clamps down on human rights, and quashes any moves toward democratic reforms; while India’s
Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist party, the BJP, recently won re-election stoking fresh fear in the country’s
minority communities, especially Muslims. And Vladimir Putin has controlled Russia, and its formidable military, with
a strong hand largely uncontested for the last twenty years.
So what does this mean for us?
It may seem that trying to process and understand this upheaval is
impossible. It may seem that it’s simply easier to avert our gaze. It may
seem that we have entered a new dark age, that the long march toward
progress, equality, social justice, and democracy has been abruptly halted.
And, of course, this right-wing resurgence begs an important question: is
Canada immune? Will we, too, turn toward the kind of divisive future we
are witnessing elsewhere? So far, it seems, we have managed to largely
hold the worst of right-wing extremism at bay, but the recent emergence
of leaders such as Andrew Scheer on the federal level, Doug Ford in
Ontario, Jason Kenney in Alberta, and other conservative governments in
Canada has many alarmed about what may be on our horizon.
Part of our political work as a union is to try to “untangle” it all: to try to
sort out what all these changes are about, what they have in common,
and what they mean for our movement.
11WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
3. Why is right-wing “populism” so popular these days?
his word “populism” gets used a lot these days, but what does it mean? The earliest use of the term was in the 1890s
T in the United States, used to describe progressive movements among farmers who rallied the “little guys” against
bigger economic interests. Populism, at its base, is a revolutionary appeal to the people to rise up against the elite.
But today the term is generally used to describe a right-wing agenda. A leading
commentator on politics characterized the key elements of today’s right-wing For the right, it is not an
populists this way: “They combine loyalty to an ugly and authoritarian model of appeal to the people, but
capitalism with white nationalism, immigrant-bashing, racism, sexism, and rather, it’s an appeal to
speak to ‘traditional values.1’”
our people.
The term populism is a great piece of marketing: Who doesn’t want to be
popular? But which kind of populism are we talking about? We sometimes hear of both “right wing” and “left wing”
populism, which can lead to some confusion. Those on the left, traditionally aligned with unions and the working class,
naturally appeal to the people and challenge the elites.
Targeting the “other”
It’s important to distinguish right-wing from left wing populism — for the right, it is not an appeal to the people, but
rather, it’s an appeal to our people. This is one of the defining marks of right-wing populism.
In his 2016 book, The Populist Explosion, John Judis wrote:
Left-wing populists champion the people against an elite or establishment. Theirs is a vertical politics of the
bottom and middle arrayed against the top. Right-wing populists champion the people against an elite they
accuse of coddling a third group2.
This is essential: the non-deserving “third group” who are apparently undermining rights and privilege of “our” people
are immigrants, women, Indigenous, the poor, LGBTQ, persons of colour, and other equity-seeking groups.
Another defining feature of right-wing populists is their orientation against the “political class.” They like to frame
themselves as outsiders, as fighting against the “establishment,” and argue that the media and judiciary are working
against them. They like to talk about being for the “people” and their
appeal is focused directly on average working-class people of their
chosen ethnic and national heritage.
Most current right-wing populists are quite different from the
conservative parties of the past. In economic terms, rather than
dismantling the state and aiming for smaller government, these
populists often want a strong and active state role in the economy
— often in the form of military spending. Their project is also
increasingly nationalist (as opposed to globalist), centered on
reinforced borders with protectionist economic policies, hand-in-
hand with closing the door to immigration.
1 Paul Street, Counterpunch, April 28, 2017
2 John B. Judis, “The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics,” (New York: Columbia Global Reports, 2016)
12WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
According to many analysts, with the global rise of right-wing populism we are seeing an abandonment of what used to
be the pillars of traditional conservatism: Cold War-era liberalism and globalization. These twin pillars upheld a model of
capitalism that combined political and personal freedoms with an expanding integrated global economy in an
internationalist project, originally as a bulwark against the spread of communism.
Among the most insidious elements of right-wing populism is its ability to appeal to elements of the working class with
its scapegoating of the “other,” providing cover for generous service to the billionaire class.
Consider some of U.S. President Donald Trump’s core economic policies. A
Among the most recent analysis notes that 90 per cent of his 2018 package of $1.2 trillion-
insidious elements of worth of tax cuts went to the top 10 per cent of income earners. His
right-wing populism is abandonment of healthcare reforms is a gift to the insurance industry.
Environmental deregulation and pulling out of the Paris Agreement on Climate
its ability to appeal to
Change have been gifts to oil and gas interests, and massive military spending
elements of the working has been a gift to defence contractors. He’s also further gutting labour laws in
class with its the United States, stacking the National Labor Relations Board with his picks,
and working to bring in a national right-to-work law for those jurisdictions that
scapegoating of the
still have proper collective bargaining rights.
“other,” providing cover
Closer to home, in Ontario, we see a similar set of gifts to the rich emerging
for generous service to from Doug Ford’s government’s plans for tax cuts, cutbacks to public services,
the billionaire class. climate change denial and wide-spread de-regulation. And of course, rather
than challenge corporate power, Doug Ford immediately threw in the towel in
the face of a potential closure of GM Oshawa. In Alberta we’ve seen the Jason Kenney government cut the minimum
wage for young workers by $2 per hour and weaken overtime pay rules.
Why is this happening now?
Many of the core ideas behind right-wing populism have been around for a long time. And many associated fringe
parties have been battling away on the margins for years. So why the sudden upsurge in support?
There may not be consensus around what exactly lay behind the current right-wing revolution, but there is strong
agreement about the main driving factors.
Many people put economic failures at the top of the list. The global financial crisis and ensuing recession – triggered by
a festival of Wall Street corruption and government collusion – put 27 million out of work around the world and threw
the global economy into reverse for the first time since the Second World War. We are still feeling the aftermath
economically and politically.
It’s been a decade since the worst of the global financial crisis of 2008-2010 devastated the lives of millions, but it still
has not ended for many people around the world. Even in places where the headline numbers of low unemployment
and economic growth suggest strength, an ongoing transformation in the economy has meant more precarious work,
instability, and permanent insecurity, even in seemingly “good times.”
Many people remain desperate, and many who once felt secure in blue-collar manufacturing and resource jobs no
longer do. Hundreds of communities have been left behind. Too many young people have too few solid prospects, and
13WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
the older generation feels less secure than ever. Against these realities, it makes sense to point to those who have been
in charge for last several decades and say, “the system’s not working.”
This frustration has opened the door for right-wing populists to claim they have the answers, at least for “you and
your people” (instead of all of us). Critically, these arguments gain traction given there has not been much on offer
from the traditional centre-left, social democratic, and established European socialist parties: they have generally
offered no firm or transformational program. Their main response, rightly mocked by many, has been to “save
capitalism” with more capitalism.
A scathing, and sobering, summary of the state of global capitalism was recently offered by leading political analysist
John Bellamy Foster:
Less than two decades into the 21st century, it is evident that capitalism has failed as a social system. The world
is mired in economic stagnation, financialization, and the most extreme inequality in human history, accompanied
by mass unemployment and underemployment, precariousness, poverty, hunger, wasted output and lives, and
what at this point can only be called a planetary ecological “death spiral.” The digital revolution, the greatest
technological advance of our time, has rapidly mutated from a promise of free communication and liberated
production into new means of surveillance, control, and displacement of the working population. The institutions
of liberal democracy are at the point of collapse, while fascism, the rear guard of the capitalist system, is again
on the march, along with patriarchy, racism, imperialism, and war3.
These are strong words for difficult times, but they also make it clear that it’s essential we get a real grip on where we
have landed.
Several other factors have been highlighted as feeding into the rise of right-wing populism. Fear is always a strong
motivator, and has been seized upon by the rising right wing, stemming in part from the 9/11 attacks on New York and
the global responses to it, in turn feeding into the ongoing crisis and war in Syria, the ensuing migrant crisis and, of
course, a devastating string of terrorist attacks in the last few years.
Their main response, Right-wing populists have also tapped into and fed a “backlash” among those
rightly mocked by long-privileged in society (white straight men) against those successfully
many, has been to pushing for their rights, whether it is women, LGBTQ communities, racialized
and minority communities, Indigenous peoples, migrants, or others.
“save capitalism” with
more capitalism. Last, but certainly not least, there’s the role of technology. Many observers
point to what they call the “atomization” of media. When faced with a
thousand competing sources of information, you can just find people with your views, and listen and talk to them all day
long if you feel like it. You can create your own media channel—and make it as extreme as you like—and listen only to
people who share your views. Hand-in-hand, social media platforms make it increasingly easy to connect and organize.
Many of these crucial developments seem to have been missed by the established parties. There is justified criticism
that too many of the established parties (both centre-left and centre-right) simply missed the entire shift, and have
failed to grasp the challenges we face or to offer serious solutions, whether that’s the U.S. Democratic Party, U.K.’s
Labour Party, or the French Socialists – and quite possibly several Canadian parties.
3 John Bellamy Foster, “Capitalism Has Failed – What Next?,” Monthly Review 70, no. 9, (February 2019)
14WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
Right-wing populism and the labour movement
What does this rightward jolt mean for workers and the labour movement? The real problem is that right-wing populists
often speak about our issues, about inequality, and about economic failures. They challenge free trade; they talk about the
elite. If you’re not listening carefully enough, some right-wing populists can even sound a little bit like trade union people.
But, the problem, of course, is not only the hate and racism they espouse, but Their electoral
they have the opposing policy solutions. Rather than aiming at equality and
successes have often
bringing people together, their goal is to divide and conquer, to build a base
among workers as “their” people.
hinged on winning over
just enough blue-collar
Right-wing populists engineer direct appeals to our members, and their
electoral successes have often hinged on winning over just enough blue-collar voters from
voters from progressive parties to their brand of divisive politics. progressive parties.
To challenge this trend in Canada, and elsewhere, the labour movement needs to lead the fight. One of the dangers for
the labour movement is getting co-opted as right-wing populist governments march forward on an agenda that sounds,
on the surface, like something we are interested in. So far, trade unionists around the world have been very clear in
denouncing extreme policies and extremists, and staying at arms-length from engaging with most of these right-wing
governments, even in those areas where they are trying to speak to our members. Many labour movements have also
been working to push established parties much further to the left.
Although politics, as we know it, may be coming undone in many parts of the world, there is also strong opposition to
the rise of right-wing populism. We’ve seen incredible mobilization and new opportunities for progressive movements
and parties.
15WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
4. Movements and resistance: the opposition grows
verywhere the right-wing populist revolution has gained ground, it has been met with fierce resistance. In a sea of
E bad news and dispiriting developments, it’s essential that we participate in, and acknowledge, the groundswell of
resistance and the work of countless movements fighting for social and
economic justice at home and around the world.
In the three years since our last Convention, social movements and acts of
resistance have continued to grow and to fight with renewed vigour.
Some have newly emerged to fight specific policies and to push back
against right-wing populists, while others have continued long-fought
battles for justice. These reinvigorated movements are a sharp contrast to
the steady stream of division and hate flowing from right-wing populist
leaders.
Any effort to fully capture the breadth and scope of the thousands of
protests, rallies, marches, and more can only be doomed to failure by omission, given the sheer number of grassroots
movements gathering steam around the world. So, rather than trying to cover it all, a quick tour and taste of recent
events can remind and connect us with wider movements and resistance.
Mass mobilizing: a show of strength
Many of the most urgent and dramatic acts of resistance have arisen in the United States in the aftermath and shock of
the Trump presidency, including on election night, when that country saw spontaneous crowds of thousands gather in
several cities under the slogan “Not My President.”
In his first month in office, in response to Trump’s blatant Islamophobia, and affront to civil liberties, though his
attempted illegal Muslim ban on travel to the U.S., we saw spontaneous protests by thousands of people at major
airports across the country.
That same month also saw America’s largest-ever demonstration, and quite possibly the world’s largest, with the
January 2017 Women’s March. Participation reached above 5 million in the U.S. Although centred in Washington,
events spread to cities around the world, including Canada, and organizers reported that some 673 marches took place
worldwide, on all seven continents.
It’s essential that we
The UK has seen several rallies and marches protesting Brexit, including the
participate in, and massive march for a “People’s Vote” which brought more than 600,000 out to
acknowledge, the the streets of London in March this year.
groundswell of Across the country, Canada’s LGBTQ communities have mounted actions
resistance and the work against discrimination and human rights abuses around the world, such as in
Brunei and Chechnya and continued to mobilize millions in Pride events to
of countless movements advocate for, and celebrate, equal rights and sexual diversity.
fighting for social and
Students worldwide were inspired into action by the sustained sit-in
economic justice. demonstration for climate change action by 15-year-old student Greta
16WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
Thunburg in front of the Swedish Parliament. On March 15 of this year, an estimated 1.4 million students in 112 countries
around the world joined her call for change through striking and protesting.
In the U.S., student-led March for our Lives brought upwards of two million people out to events across the country in
March 2018 to protest gun violence and to advocate for gun control.
Across the U.S. and around the world, hundreds of anti-Trump protests have been held whenever he shows up,
including in dozens of U.S. cities in the months after his election and through his inauguration. Trump’s trips abroad have
also been met by mass protest, including in Poland, the Philippines, Belgium, Argentina, Palestine, Israel, famously in the
UK with the flying baby Trump balloon, and then again in June this year during a state visit in London. And of course
Trump was a magnet for protesters in Quebec City in June 2018 marching against the G7 summit, which included
Trump’s first and, to date, only visit to Canada.
This year, as several U.S. states have attempted to ban abortion and remove women’s reproductive rights, tens of
thousands have participated in pro-choice rallies and events across the country.
In Ontario, students have battled austerity cuts to education through walkouts and mobilizing a massive demonstration
in front of the legislature in April this year; followed a few weeks later by a major citizens’ rally against efforts to open the
door to health care privatization.
The fight for labour rights continues around the globe. The number of countries that exclude workers from the right to
form or join unions increased from 92 in 2018 to 107 in 2019, and 80 per cent of countries deny some or all workers
collective bargaining rights, according to the International Trade Union Confederation’s Global Rights Index. At each turn,
and in every country, workers continue to organize, mobilize, protest and fight for their rights.
Sustained movements: building everywhere
Of course, movements and resistance are not only about mass events with huge numbers of people. In recent years,
many of the most powerful movements involved sustained and widespread actions over a long period of time and in
many places at once.
Originating more than a decade earlier, the #MeToo movement grabbed the world’s attention in 2017 as the use of the
hashtag went viral in response to high-profile cases of sexual violence. The movement spread spontaneously and
globally as women stepped forward to speak out against sexual violence and support survivors.
Black Lives Matter has continued to shape efforts to address anti-Black racism and unjust policing. Originating in the
wake of the 2013 police shooting death of Trayvon Martin in the U.S., the movement has active chapters in many
Canadian communities. Actions in Canada range from demonstrations and protests around Toronto policing, to
organizing seven protests across Canada in August 2016 over the police-involved death of Abdirahman Abdi in Ottawa.
Canada has also witnessed countless actions and ongoing efforts to fight for justice and reconciliation through
Indigenous protests and movements, including for example, the fight in recent years by members of the Gidimt’en clan
of the Wet’suwet’en Nation protesting pipeline development in British Columbia; the Grassy Narrows First Nations’
protests and actions in Ontario seeking restitution and justice after mercury poisoning in the community; and, in
Manitoba, marches and memorials for Tina Fontaine, which help sparked support for the National Inquiry into Missing
and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, among many other actions.
17WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
In the face of U.S. crackdowns on undocumented migrants, ongoing abuse of migrant and refugee rights, and policies of
separating children from parents at borders, tens of thousands of people participated in hundreds of demonstrations
across that country in June 2018. Organizations fighting for migrants’ rights have been growing and are active in several
Canadian communities.
The battle against low wages and precarious work continues across North America under the banner of Fight for $15.
The movement enjoyed a temporary victory in Ontario with the passage of improved minimum wage and labour
standards, only to have the gains undone by incoming populist Premier Doug Ford – alas, the fight continues. But victory
was achieved in Alberta in October 2018, when the minimum wage was raised to $15, and will reach $15.20 in British
Columbia in 2021.
Launched in 2018 in the UK, Extinction Rebellion has mounted several protests against climate and environmental
breakdown, including most recently in April 2019 a series of sustained non-violent blockades of major intersection in
London, resulting in more than 1,000 arrests during more than a week of protests.
And everywhere they have crawled out from under their rocks, neo-Nazis and the extreme right have been met by
strong counter-protests, whether in the in the tragic confrontation at the “Unite the Right” events in Charlottesville,
Virginia; or across Canada in Vancouver, Toronto, and Quebec City in the summer of 2017. And in Toronto in November
2018, Steve Bannon, Trump’s former advisor and a leading far-right organizer, was greeted by hundreds of protesters.
Around the world, we also see new and reinvigorated spirit of activism in electoral politics in both existing and new
political parties. In the U.S., activists have been inspired by several new members of Congress, perhaps most famously
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez; while stalwart socialist Bernie Sanders is joined by other progressives in the race for
Democratic presidential nomination.
In the UK, we’ve seen a transformative change in the Labour Party under the leadership of
We must remind Jeremy Corbyn, buoyed by the role of the internal political caucus Momentum. Elsewhere
ourselves that in Europe, we see existing leftist parties continue to mobilize and build, including Podemos
right-wing in Spain, Syriza in Greece, France Insoumise in France, and Die Linke (Left Party) in
Germany, among many others. In New Zealand, Jacinda Ardern led the Labour Party to
populists do not
victory in 2017 on a strongly progressive platform.
have free reign.
In South Africa, a scandal-plagued and weakened African National Congress continues to
face ongoing challenges from the left in the form of the Economic Freedom Fighters party and the newly-formed and
union-leader led Socialist Revolutionary Workers Party; across central and South America, several leftist parties continue
to rebuild; while in Mexico, progressive forces rallied to elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador president in July 2018.
Restoring our confidence and building our collective strength
While far from exhaustive, this quick tour of the rising examples of pushback happening around the world shows us that
it is essential to remind ourselves that right-wing populists do not have free reign, and that the terrain is not theirs alone.
Many progressives are shaken, and even disoriented, by the events of the last few years. This is why our engagement
with, and support for, movements and acts of resistance are more important than ever.
Unifor will continue to stand in solidarity with those fighting for social and economic justice, and work to build the
broad coalitions to win the future we need.
18WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
5. Canadian electoral politics: a right-wing populist sweep?
n the three years since our last convention, virulent Trump-style politics has been relatively slow to emerge in Canada—
I at least so far. Perhaps Canadians’ resistance to the worst instincts of right-wing populism can be seen as a testament
to the relative strength, and hard work, of progressive forces in society (including unions). Or, this may simply reflect the
fact that the heart of the political spectrum in Canada has been long-rooted in the centre, or even centre-left (depending
on your yardstick). But developments in the last year, and the signs ahead, suggest that a major shift is underway.
A provincial “blue wave”
Canada has had 10 provincial and territorial elections since we last met at Convention, and in the last 14 months has
witnessed a “blue wave” of conservatives defeating Liberal and NDP governments. In June 2018, Canada’s most openly
right-wing populist politician, Doug Ford, gained a majority in Ontario, ending 15
years of Liberal rule. In September of that year, Conservatives under Blaine Higgs in
Developments in the
New Brunswick won the majority of seats over the incumbent Liberals (by one
seat), and assumed office with support of the far-right People’s Alliance. In October,
last year, and the signs
Quebec’s Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) won its first election with a majority ahead, suggest that a
government, amidst a washout for the Liberals and the Parti Québécois. And in major shift is
April this year, Jason Kenney’s United Conservative Party defeated the NDP and
underway.
secured a majority in Alberta.
Common themes advanced in the blue wave came from the standard conservative hymnbook. Voters heard appeals for
smaller government and tax cuts. Railing against perceived public spending “waste,” and promises to undo “job-killing
red tape” to ensure their provinces were “open for business,” were all familiar refrains.
19WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
In a period of relatively healthy economic conditions and decent public finances, the recent blue wave leaders offered
few open calls for radical transformations of core public services, like the privatization of health care or upending the
education system. Nor did they bet the bank on promises of massive tax cuts, as seen in earlier Conservative eras.
But, as we’re now witnessing, many of these newly-installed governments are operating by stealth — they are ushering
in changes under the radar and sometimes in direct opposition to what they promised during their campaigns. These
moves stand in stark contrast to earlier eras, when the core Conservative message centred on public finances, debt and
deficit hysteria, and a program of supposedly-needed austerity measures.
There is a new focus and complexion to today’s blue wave, but what they have in common is an emphasis on “the
people.” In particular, Doug Ford and Jason Kenney, as they stand firmly behind climate change denial, state they are
simply standing up for “their people”
against Ottawa. And Ford has attacked The Blue Wave
student unions under the guise of Provincial and territorial governments at Unifor conventions
providing more “choice,” while Kenney
has started down the path toward
Then Now
(2016) (2019)
attacking the right of unions to lobby
governments or speak out in elections. Liberal and NDP governments 8 4
Conservative governments 3 7
Of course, there is considerable debate
to be had about what counts as a Population with a conservative government 7% 82%
“conservative” government given the Population with a female premier 68% 0%
wide variation in policies among
provincial Liberals. Consider, for example, the right-leaning Liberal governments of British Columbia’s Christy Clark and
Quebec’s Philipe Couillard, compared with a much more progressive Kathleen Wynne in Ontario.
Conservatives, too, have their shades of blue, with a history of splits and re-formation in various configurations over the
years. But, despite a history of deeply-divided internal politics, the broader conservative movement has seen a
remarkable resurgence.
At the provincial and territorial level in the blue spectrum, we find re-named conservatives in the Saskatchewan Party,
and the Yukon party. In Quebec, the only province without a formally-aligned Conservative party, the CAQ has firmly
donned the conservative mantel following a 2012 merger with
Action Démocratique Québec (ADQ). And in Alberta, Jason
Kenney’s obvious solution to gaining power was to re-unite two
formerly warring conservative factions, the Wildrose Party and the
Progressive Conservatives, into the United Conservative Party.
Despite some room for debate over how blue some governments
are, there can be little debate over the wave that has overtaken the
provincial and territorial landscape. At the time of our convention
in 2016, conservative parties held power in just three provinces,
representing 7 per cent of the Canadian population. Three years
later, there are seven conservative governments, representing 82
per cent of the population.
20WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
THEN NOW
At 2016 Unifor Convention At 2019 Unifor Convention
Province or Territory Party Type Premier Party Type Premier
British Columbia Liberal Majority Christy Clark NDP Minority John Horgan
Alberta NDP Majority Rachel Notley UCP Majority Jason Kenney
Saskatchewan Saskatchewan Party Majority Brad Wall Saskatchewan Party Majority Scott Moe
Manitoba PC Majority Brian Pallister PC Majority Brian Pallister
Ontario Liberal Majority Kathleen Wynne PC Majority Doug Ford
Quebec Liberal Majority Philippe Couillard CAQ Majority François Legault
New Brunswick Liberal Majority Brian Gallant PC Minority Blaine Higgs
Prince Edward Island Liberal Majority Wade MacLauchlan PC Minority Dennis King
Nova Scotia Liberal Majority Stephen McNeil Liberal Majority Stephen McNeil
Newfoundland and Labrador Liberal Majority Dwight Ball Liberal Minority Dwight Ball
Yukon Yukon Party Majority Darrell Pasloski Liberal Majority Sandy Silver
Nunavut Non partisan n.a. Peter Taptuna Non partisan n.a. Joe Savikataaq
Northwest Territories Non partisan n.a. Bob McLeod Non partisan n.a. Bob McLeod
Federal Liberal “honeymoon”: It’s over
After what amounted to the longest honeymoon period for any prime minister in recent memory, the Justin Trudeau
government has seen its support falter, particularly in 2019. Rocked by the ongoing controversy over alleged interference
in the SNC Lavalin corruption case, the affair has led to the resignations
of two cabinet members, his top advisor, and the head of the federal
civil service.
Support has fallen a long way from the heights enjoyed when party
support ran close to 50 per cent in the year following the election,
moderating to the 40 per cent range until early 2019 when the SNC
Lavalin controversy broke. At the time of writing (early June), Liberal
party support had dropped to the range of the low 30s, running
neck-and-neck with Andrew Scheer’s Conservatives.
Exactly what a “personal approval rating” means is always a bit foggy in terms of actual votes. However, this measure
does reveal the challenges facing the Liberals, as Trudeau’s approval rating has fallen from more than 60 per cent in his
first year to below 40 per cent currently.
Many people watched closely in September 2017 when Maxime Bernier (who lost a leadership bid for the Conservative
party by just one per cent) launched the Trump-style right-wing populist People’s Party of Canada (PPC). To date,
though, the PPC has failed to gain significant support and, try as it might, it has been unable to distance itself from the
far-right fringe it has attracted, and is currently polling in the range of two to three per cent.
Since winning the party leadership in October 2017, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh faced an uphill battle without a seat in
Parliament to increase party support beyond the 15 per cent range. His win in the British Columbia Burnaby South by-election
in February 2019 put to rest speculation on his continued leadership, but has yet to translate into a boost in the polls.
Meanwhile, the Green Party has enjoyed a substantial increase in support, regularly polling above 10 per cent. The party
may be poised for further growth following their win of a second seat in parliament in the May 2019 Nanaimo-
Ladysmith by-election in British Columbia.
21WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
Electoral reform has come and gone, for now
Memory fades fast at times. Recall that the 2015 was supposed to be last “first-past-the-post” federal election where
the candidate with the most votes, even if well below 50 per cent support, would win the seat. A first-past-the-post
system regularly provides the full power of a majority government to parties that win as little as 38 to 40 per cent of the
popular vote (Canada has seen three majority governments emerge in
2015 was supposed to be recent times with this level of popular support).
last “first-past-the-post” The Liberals, NDP, and Greens each included electoral reform in their
federal election. platforms during the 2015 federal election campaign, with the goal of
bringing in some type of more proportional representation. Justin Trudeau
was the most vocal on the issue, announcing that his party was committed to ensuring the 2015 election would be the
last federal election using first past the post. Even the Conservative Party supported a referendum on the matter.
After the Liberals won a majority, they established the all-party Special Committee on Electoral Reform in June 2016.
The committee’s report, tabled that December, recommended the government consider a national referendum on the
question of electoral reform. Although the report suggested that any new
system adopted should be one of proportional representation, it did not Effective strategic voting,
recommend a specific alternative. and the formation of
The government commissioned an online survey, MyDemocracy.ca, in progressive governing
December 2016. Though its aim was to consult and engage Canadians on the coalitions, remain
subject of electoral reform, its results were inconclusive. Critics pointed out
essential.
that the survey did not clearly discuss electoral reform or specific electoral
systems and instead focused attention on democratic values. So, without significant popular support and clearly tepid
backing from other parties, in February 2017 the Liberal government dropped electoral reform from its official
mandate in a complete reversal of policy, to the deep dismay of those seeking strengthened democracy and more
representative government.
The goal of achieving a more representative system
remains a challenge. Several provincial referendums
on electoral reform have ended in defeat over the
years, including a firm 60 per cent rejection in British
Columbia in December 2018, and a narrow defeat in
Prince Edward Island in April of this year.
We will face a 2019 election with progressive voters
rightfully anxious over the prospect of an Andrew
Scheer winning a majority government with
somewhere in the range of 38 to 40 per cent of the
vote. Absent electoral reform, or a new alignment of
parties, the question of effective strategic voting and
the formation of progressive governing coalitions
remain essential.
22WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption
6. Unifor policy on politics: grounded in democratic
decision-making
From the outset, Unifor made it a central priority to engage strongly — and effectively — in Canadian politics on behalf of our
members, and all workers. This determination rests on the clear foundations laid out in the New Union Project, articulated in
policies adopted at our Founding Convention, spelled out in our Constitution, and elaborated in policies adopted at our
inaugural meeting of the Canadian Council.
At our Founding Convention held on Labour Day weekend 2013, more than 4,000 delegates and guests were presented with
an overarching Vision Document for the new union. The document articulated the broad mandate and mission for the new
union, including our approach to politics.
From Unifor’s Founding Convention Vision Document
“Politics” is not just something that happens during an election. And “political action” means much
more than simply casting a ballot every few years. Our political goals as a union will include:
• Formulating and articulating demands on broader economic, social, and environmental issues that
affect our members and all working people.
• Organizing and mobilizing our members and other Canadians into active campaigns in support of
those demands.
• Lobbying and pressuring political leaders and representatives at all levels in support of those goals
and demands.
• Participating in election campaigns to raise our issues, and to support candidates who agree with them.
Adopted, September 2013
At the same Convention, delegates were also presented with a Founding Constitution for the new union, developed after
months of rigorous review and careful constructing. The Constitution not only established the structures, governance, and
procedures of the new union, but also outlined clear principles and objectives, which provide guidance for our political work.
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