Young, wet & wild? Associations between alcohol intoxication and violent behaviour in adolescence
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Addiction (1999) 94(7), 1017± 1031 RESEARCH REPORT Young, wet & wild? Associations between alcohol intoxication and violent behaviour in adolescence INGEBORG ROSSOW,1 HILDE PAPE2 & LARS WICHSTRé M 3 National Institute for Alcohol and Drug Research, Oslo, NOVA - Norwegian Social Research, Oslo & Department of Psychology, Norwgian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, Norway Abstract Aims. To assess gender- and age-speci® c associations between alcohol intoxication and engagement in violent behaviours in young people. Design, participants and measurement. Cross-sectional study comprising a national sample of 12 000 Norwegian adolescents aged 12± 20 years. Data on violent behaviour, alcohol intoxication and various confounders were obtained by self-administered questionnaires in school. Findings. 2.8% had been in ® ght with a weapon and 32.6% had been beating or threatening to beat someone during the past year. Violent behaviours were more often reported among boys, in the younger age groups, with increasing frequency of alcohol intoxication, among users of other drugs, among those engaged in criminal activities and among those in wet environments (friends drinking regularly and parents often being intoxicated). The impact of intoxication frequency on number of times engaged in violent behaviours was of modest magnitude. It was greater in the youngest age group compared to those in the middle and late teens and greater for boys than for girls. However, when criminal activities were controlled for, the adjusted effect of intoxication on violent behaviour was signi® cantly reduced, the effect was then of the same magnitude for both genders, whereas there was no longer any signi® cant effect in the youngest age group. Controlling also for parents’ and friends’ drinking and parental monitoring did not alter these ® ndings. Conclusions. A small direct effect of alcohol intoxication on violent behaviour appears to remain after controlling for various relevant confounders in middle and late teens. However, possible indirect effects of alcohol intoxication, mediated by own deviant life-style and wetness of environment, should also be taken into consideration. Introduction groups (Hindelang, Gottfredson & Garofalo, Studies of violent behaviours have demonstrated 1978; Moone, 1994; Junger-Tas, 1996). Youth repeatedly that both aggressors and victims of violence has, to an increasing extent, been sub- violence are more often found in the younger age ject to media coverage and public debate during An earlier version of this paper was presented at the International Conference on Drinking Patterns and Health & Social Consequences, Perth, 1998. Correspondence to: Ingeborg Rossow, National Institute for Alcohol and Drug Research, Dannevigsveien 10, N-0463 Oslo, Norway. Tel: 1 47 22 04 08 86; fax: 1 47 22 71 90 59; e-mail: ingeborg.m.rossow.@sifa.no Submitted 18th June 1998; initial review completed 29th September 1998; ® nal version accepted 22nd January 1999. 0965± 2140/99/071017± 15 Ó Society for the Study of Addiction to Alcohol and Other Drugs Carfax Publishing, Taylor & Francis Ltd
1018 Ingeborg Rossow et al. the last few years. In Norway, as in many other between alcohol use and violent behavior (Per- countries, political authorities have expressed nanen, 1991, 1996). Moreover, the theoretical deep concern for this serious and apparently approach will depend on whether we want to growing societal problem. Among the contem- explain a causal relationship or merely an empiri- porary explanations of interpersonal violence, cal association between the two behaviors. To few have been more enduring than the assumed explain a direct causal effect of alcohol intoxi- effects of alcohol. Indeed, there is pervasive evi- cation on aggressive behaviour, the attentional dence that alcohol consumption, and in particu- model (Taylor & Leonard, 1983) may be a fruit- lar heavy drinking and intoxication, is related to ful approach (see Lenke, 1990; Pernanen, 1996). physical aggression and violent offending According to this theory, alcohol intoxication (Lenke, 1990; Pernanen, 1991; Graham et al., produces cognitive distortions and affects the 1998). Experimental studies suggest that ag- perception and interpretation of other people’s gressive behaviour can be triggered more easily behaviour as well as impairing pronunciation and in those who have consumed alcohol compared the ability to express oneself. Thus, intoxication to controls, yet this seems to be the case only in may imply ambiguity and misinterpretations in stressful situations (Gustafsson, 1995). More- the social interaction that may evolve into ag- over, studies based on police records have gressive behaviour. demonstrated that a signi® cant proportion of By postulating that heavy drinking and physi- violent offenders appear to be persistent heavy cal aggression are both learned through mod- drinkers or to have been intoxicated at the time elling, reinforcement and individual expectations of the violent incident (Coid, 1982; Hauge, and thus in¯ uenced by personal and environ- 1985; Murdoch, Pihl & Ross, 1990; Wiley & mental factors, social learning theory (Bandura, Weisner, 1995). General population studies have 1977) also offers an explanation for the al- also demonstrated that the risk of being involved coholÐ violence association (see White, Brick & in violent behaviour increases with alcohol intake Hansell, 1993). This approach is compatible and particularly with number of heavy drinking with a common cause model. Jessor & Jessor’s episodes (Room, Bondy & Forris, 1995; Rossow, problem behaviour theory (1977) represents a 1996). related approach to explain the co-occurrence of Nevertheless, the considerable intra-individual alcohol intoxication and violent behaviour. It overlap between heavy drinking and violent be- proposes that adolescent problem behaviours are haviour cannot be taken as an indicator of the linked in the social ecology of youth sharing the extent to which alcohol is a causal factor in same opportunities to learn (and practice) them violence (Pernanen, 1991). According to Fagan together. According to this theory, various types (1990), the link between drinking and violent of problem behaviour may also serve the same behaviour is less certain than is implied by much functions or goals. of the scienti® c literature. Methodological prob- In the present study, which is based on a lems, such as failure to control for potentially general population sample of young people, we confounding factors and the widespread use of will focus on both individual and social factors non-representative samples, plague many of the that may serve as confounders and thereby con- studies in this area (RomelsjoÈ, 1995; Wagner, tribute to an association between alcohol and 1996). More importantly, however, there are violence. various individual characteristics (Jaffe et al., 1988) as well as social and situational conditions (Graham et al., 1980) that may well bring about Confounders a partial spurious correlation between drinking It is well documented that men’ s rates of both and violent behaviour. Thus, the association may heavy drinking (Waldron, 1982; Chomak & be explained by a common cause model, in the Collins, 1987; Room, 1996) and violent behav- sense that the covariation in alcohol use and iour (Eagly & Steffen, 1986; Hyde, 1986; Per- violent behaviour may, more or less, be the result nanen, 1991) far exceed those of women. Such of shared predisposing factors or confounders differences between the sexes may, at least to (White, 1990). some extent, re¯ ect in¯ uences of gender roles on No single theory stands out as predominant or behaviour. The so-called convergence hypothesis universal to explain the observed associations is of relevance in this respect (Adler, 1975). It
Young, wet & wild? 1019 proposes that women have become more in- cluding poor parental monitoring or control, volved in criminality and other typical ª maleº greatly increase the risk of adolescents’ involve- problem behaviours as a consequence of an in- ment in violent and other deviant behaviours creasing ª masculinizationº of the female role. (Olweus, 1980; Farrington, 1989; Thornberry, Thus, it has been hypothesized that rejection of Huizinga & Loeber, 1995; Wichstrù m, Skogen & a traditional gender-role orientation leads to é ia, 1996). Parents’ failure to monitor their adoption of behavioural patterns that are typical children is also related to problem drinking of the opposite sex (Wilsnack & Wilsnack, 1978; among adolescents (Barnes & Windle, 1987). White & Huselid, 1997). The reverse is assumed Parental monitoring and control may conse- to be true for men and women with a conven- quently also well be a signi® cant confounder of tional gender-role identity. correlations between heavy drinking and violent Normal population studies of adolescents have behaviour among young people. shown repeatedly that physical aggression, heavy drinking and involvement in criminal and other norm-violating activities are interrelated phe- Gender-speci® c analyses nomena (Osgood et al., 1988; White, 1992; Hays Societal expectations of intoxicated behaviour & Ellickson, 1996). A single latent variable thus are often de® ned by gender, and physical ag- seems to be suf® cient to account for the covari- gression is frequently considered to be a male- ance among a wide range of problem behaviours speci® c consequence of heavy drinking in young people. Jessor & Jessor (1977), for (Milgram, 1993). As already pointed out, sub- instance, identi® ed a behavioural syndrome in stantial male/female differences also characterize which smoking, problem drinking, illegal drug both classes of behaviour. Even so, gender has use, stealing and violence clustered together. not been a key variable in research focusing on They also revealed that the same set of environ- the alcohol± violence association. Most studies in mental and personality variables could explain this ® eld have, in fact, either excluded women these behaviours. At least among youth, violence from the samples or failed to explore potential thus seems to be an ingredient in a general gender differences (Giancola & Zeichner, deviant life-style. The correlation between al- 1995a). Frieze & Schafer (1984, p. 271) con- cohol use and aggression might therefore be cluded from a review of the literature that ª there attributed to such a life-style or to particular is no evidence that women typically become aspects of it. more aggressive after drinking in the way that so Numerous studies have demonstrated that many men doº . This conclusion is in line with adolescent alcohol consumption is correlated later experimental research (Giancola & Zeich- highly with that of their peers (Biddle, Bank & ner, 1995b). On the other hand, a recent survey Marlin, 1980; Norman, 1986; Lau et al., 1990; of adolescents showed that male and female cor- Aas, 1995) as well as with parents’ drinking relations between problem drinking and violent habits (Baranowski & Nader, 1985; Norman, behaviour were equally strong (Fergusson, 1986; Rossow & Rise, 1994). There is also solid Lunskey & Horwood, 1996), whereas White & evidence that violent behaviour and other symp- Hansell’ s (1996) longitudinal study showed that toms of conduct problems are more often ob- prior alcohol use was a better predictor of al- served in children and adolescents whose parents cohol-related aggression for females than for drink excessively than in those whose parents are males. The rather meagre literature in this ® eld moderate drinkers or abstainers (Plant, Orford & thus seems inconclusive with respect to gender Grant, 1989). Thus, a ª wetº social network may differences in the alcoholÐ violence association. not only have a signi® cant impact on own drink- ing level. It probably also increases the risk of interpersonal aggression, as intoxicated people Age-speci® c analyses may initiate con¯ icts because their behaviour During the development from early adolescence triggers aggressive responses in others, such as to young adulthood, engagement in various victim-precipitated violent events (Room, 1983; problem behaviours may take on different mean- Bergman et al., 1988). ings (Jessor, 1982; Franzkowiak, 1987). De- Previous research has also demonstrated re- pending on age, the same kind of behaviour can peatedly that family management problems, in- elicit different societal responses and be inter-
1020 Ingeborg Rossow et al.
preted differently in terms of degree of deviance. Data and methods
In childhood physical ® ghting can, to some ex- Sample
tent (and within certain set of rules), be seen as During the winter of 1992± 93 a large survey
part of the normal play, at least among boys. study on several aspects related to the living
This will gradually change during the transition conditions among adolescents was carried out in
to adult roles where violent behaviour is only Norway. A total of 12 253 students from 67
exceptionally acceptable. As for drinking, devel- schools in grades 7± 12 (usually aged 13± 19)
opment through the teenage years works in the comprised the gross sample in the Young in
opposite direction. In early adolescence few have Norway study. In Norway 98.5% of the age
had their alcohol debut, and it has been shown cohorts between 13 and 16 attend compulsory
that individuals who start drinking early in ado- public junior high schools. After graduating from
lescence are at high risk of later heavy drinking these, 97% begin in senior high school. Due to
and illegal drug use (Gruber et al., 1996; school drop-out and courses which take less than
Pedersen & Skrondal, 1998). Research ® ndings 3 years to complete, about 80% of the 18-year-
also indicate that childhood aggression and con- olds are still in high school. In this study cluster-
duct problems both predict an early onset of sampling was applied with the school as the
substance use (Robins & McEnvoy, 1990; Brook sampling unit. Every school in the country was
et al., 1996). Hence, drinking seems to be more included in the register from which the schools
problematic, more deviant and more closely re- were selected. The sample was strati® ed accord-
lated to other problem behaviours among the ing to geographical regions and school sizeÐ
youngest ones than among older adolescents. which in Norway is closely related to degree of
Both violent behaviour and drinking undergo urbanization. Each school’ s sampling probability
signi® cant changes during adolescence, and age was proportional to the number of students at
has therefore been seen as an important organiz- the school. Each grade was equally represented.
ing dimension in attempts to understand better Mentally retarded and immigrants or refugees
the alcohol± violence relationship (Milgram, recently arrived in the country were excluded
1993). However, few other studies have analysed due to lack of reading skills (1.5%).
how this relationship varies among young people The students completed a self-administered
at different ages. White and coworkers’ (1993) questionnaire at school, which covered a broad
study of 12-, 15- and 18-year-olds revealed that range of areas central to the adolescent period.
alcohol use was signi® cantly related to violent The response rate was 97.0%. The non-response
behaviour only among males in the oldest age of 3.0% was due to lack of student consent
groups. In contrast, Temple & Ladouceur (n 5 206), lack of parental consent (n 5 55) and
(1986) found that the link between drinking and prolonged absence from school due to hospital-
criminal activity (violent offending included) di- ization, inability to trace the students, etc.
minished during the transition from adolescence (n 5 117). Seventeen subjects were excluded be-
to adulthood. cause they had obviously given incorrect or hu-
mourous responses. Questionnaires with
incomplete data (n 5 576) and students older
Purpose than 20 years (n 5 570) were excluded. The re-
The association between alcohol consumption sulting net sample was n 5 10 839 (for further
and violent behaviour in young people is proba- description of the dataset see Wichstrù m, 1995).
bly, in the vast majority of cases, related to
events of heavy drinking or acute intoxication
and not to chronic alcohol abuse. In this study
we have therefore aimed at assessing the associ- Procedure
ation between alcohol intoxication and violent Consent from the Ministry of Research and Edu-
behaviour in young people; assessing to which cation, the local school authorities and the
extent such an association can be attributed to school boards were obtained. Students gave their
various confounders related to gender role ident- consent in writing based both on an oral and
ity, problem behaviour proneness and ª wetnessº written description of the project formulated ac-
of social environment; and whether such an as- cording to the standards prescribed by the Nor-
sociation varies across age and gender. wegian Data Inspectorate. In keeping with theseYoung, wet & wild? 1021
standards, written informed consent was also all those who reported that they had threatened
obtained from the parents of students below the someone during the past year had also actually
age of 15. The students put the completed ques- beaten someone in the same period of time. It is
tionnaires in an envelope and sealed it them- therefore likely that the self-reported violent be-
selves. In order to avoid students in¯ uencing haviours in our study to a large extent re¯ ect
each other’ s responses, all eligible students at physical violence that, in relatively few cases,
each school completed the questionnaire at the involved the use of a weapon.
same time. Students who had consented to par-
ticipate but who were not present in class when Alcohol intoxication. Frequency of intoxication
the questionnaires were to be ® lled out com- was assessed by the question ª How many times
pleted the questionnaire together on a later occa- during the past year have you drunk so much
sion. In order to facilitate a high response rate, that you have felt clearly intoxicated?º The fre-
students completing the questionnaire were re- quency categories were the same as for violent
warded by a lottery ticket, the winner being behaviours and were recoded into a semi-con-
awarded a vacation of choice for NOK 30 000 tinuous variable based on mid-point values.
(approximately USD 4000). It should be noted
that the number of 12-year-olds and 20-year- Confounders. Gender-role orientation was as-
olds were relatively small, and that these groups sessed by the Bem Sex Role Inventory, short
represent early school-starters and students with version (Bem, 1974) applying the two dimen-
delayed, prolonged or discontinued schooling, sions of masculinity and femininity. A problem
respectively. behaviour sum-score was assessed as a repertoire
of problem behavior areas (Pedersen & Wich-
strù m, 1995) and constructed by summing the
Variables number of areas in which the respondent re-
Violent behaviour. Engagement in violent behav- ported to have been involved during the past
iour during the past 12 months was assessed by year. These comprised mostly criminal activities
the following two questions: ª Have you beaten (thefts, burglaries, repeated shoplifting, criminal
or threatened to beat someone?º and ª Have you damage and police contact due to criminal activ-
taken part in a ® ght using a weapon (e.g. a ities), substance use (narcotics, glue/solvents and
knife)?º . The response categories were ª noneº , repeated use of cannabis) and other forms of
ª onceº , ª 2± 5 timesº , ª 6± 10 timesº , ª 10± 50 problem behaviour (repeated events of truancy
timesº and ª more than 50 timesº . A positive and staying out all night without parental con-
response on either of these two questions meant sent). Wetness of close friends was assessed in
that the student had taken part in violent behav- terms of a dichotomy and considered ª wetº if
iour during the past year. A sum-score of num- one or both of the two closest friends were
ber of times exerting violence based on drinking at least once a week on a regular basis,
mid-point values of the two variables was as- and ª dryº otherwise. Wetness of family was
sumed to be an indicator of the volume of violent based on the question ª Have you ever seen your
behaviour the past year. This sum-score was parents being intoxicated?º . This variable was
skewly distributed and thus log-transformed be- dichotomized into ª wetº for those who replied
fore entering regression analyses. ª several times a weekº or ª several times a
A conceptual objection to our study could be monthº and ª dryº for those replying ª several
that the main dependent variable covers a too- times a yearº , ª a few timesº or ª neverº . Parental
wide range of behaviours. Thus, our measure of monitoring was assessed by a sum-score of
violent behaviour includes both verbal threats, degree of parental supervision, parental control
beating and physical ® ghting in which weapons and rules for behavioural conduct (Olweus,
are used, implying that it covers acts with differ- 1989).
ent degrees of severity and possible conse-
quences. However, another recent study of
Norwegian youth in the general population re- Statistical analyses
vealed a very substantial overlap between verbal Bivariate associations were assessed by contin-
and physical aggression (Pape & Pedersen, gency tables, comparisons of means and one-way
1999). More speci® cally, it showed that virtually analyses of variance, correlation coef® cients1022 Ingeborg Rossow et al.
Table 1. Proportion of adolescents reporting to have beaten/threatened to beat, to have been in a ® ght with a weapon, to have
exerted any of these two kinds of violent behaviour and mean number of times having exerted violent behaviour during the
past 12 months by gender, age group, frequency of intoxication past year, use of drugs past year, close friends who drink
frequently, seeing parents intoxicated and having been involved in various antisocial behaviours during the past year.
Beaten or Sum-score
threatened Fight w/weapon Exerted violence violence
Gender
Boys 43.4 4.9 44.0 3.26
Girls 22.0 0.7 22.2 1.06
Age group (years)
12± 14 years 34.4 3.1 35.0 2.66
15± 17 years 33.8 2.9 34.1 2.22
18± 20 years 27.2 2.0 27.5 1.25
Frequency of intoxication past year
None 26.6 1.4 26.9 1.61
Once 35.5 2.6 35.6 1.93
2± 5 times 33.6 3.1 34.3 2.15
6± 10 times 37.3 4.6 37.9 2.20
10± 50 times 43.4 4.0 43.7 2.41
. 50 times 65.1 15.6 65.6 10.61
Use of drugs (cannabis, solvents, other)
No 30.8 1.9 31.1 1.87
Yes 56.5 13.9 58.0 5.91
Frequently drinking friends
No 29.3 1.9 29.7 1.87
Yes 44.5 6.0 45.0 3.23
Parents intoxicated
Never 28.3 2.0 28.6 2.01
A few times 34.3 3.2 34.8 2.02
Occasionally/often 41.6 4.0 42.1 2.90
Problem behaviour past year
No 23.9 0.6 24.0 1.27
Yes 41.7 5.0 42.4 3.03
(Pearson’s r) and bivariate linear and logistic use of drugs (cannabis, glue/solvents, or other
regression analyses. Multivariate analyses assess- illicit drugs) and participation in criminal activi-
ing the adjusted associations between intoxi- ties (thefts, burglaries, repeated shoplifting,
cation and violent behaviour were performed by criminal damage and police contact due to crimi-
applying linear regression analyses and logistic nal activities), among those in ª wetº peer envi-
regression analyses. ronments (one or two friends who drank at least
once a week), and among those reporting fre-
quent exposure to parental drunkenness (see
Table 1). When analysing frequency of violent
Results behaviour, a similar pattern was found. The
A total of 288 adolescents (2.8%) reported that mean score for this variable was higher among
they had taken part in a ® ght using a weapon at the boys, younger students, drug users, those
least once during the past year. A third of the reporting criminal activities, those with fre-
students (32.6%) reported having beaten or quently drinking friends and with frequently
threatened to beat someone at least once during drunk parents (see Table 1).
the past year. When positive responses on these There was a signi® cant positive correlation
two variables were collapsed, altogether 3433 between intoxication frequency and the sum-
adolescents (33.0%) reported having exerted vi- score for violent behaviour (Table 2). Further-
olence at least once during the past year. Viol- more, frequency of intoxication and extent of
ence was more often reported among the boys, in violent behaviour both correlated with age, gen-
the younger age groups, among those reporting der, masculine sex role identity, problem behav-Table 2. Correlation coef® cients (Pearson’ s r) for violent behaviour, intoxication frequency, age, gender, BEM masculine sum-score, BEM feminine sum-score,
frequently drinking friends, frequently intoxicated parents, problem behaviour index and parental supervision sum-score
Intox. BEM BEM Friends Parents Problem Parental
freq. Age Gender masculine feminine drink drink behaviour supervis.
Violent 0.19*** 2 0.06*** 2 0.24*** 0.15*** 2 0.18*** 0.14*** 0.07*** 0.33*** 0.20***
behaviour
Intox. 0.32*** 2 0.06*** 0.16*** 2 0.02 NS 0.40*** 0.13*** 0.50*** 0.20***
freq.
Age 0.02 NS 0.09*** 0.17*** 0.28*** 0.07*** 0.24*** 0.10***
Gender 2 0.06*** 0.43*** 2 0.06*** 0.02 NS 2 0.16*** 2 0.14***
BEM 0.22*** 0.12*** 0.02 NS 0.15*** 2 0.03***
masculine
BEM 2 0.02 NS 2 0.01 NS 2 0.12*** 2 0.25***
feminine
Friends 0.010*** 0.34*** 0.19***
drink
Parents 0.13*** 0.08***
drink
Problem 0.34***
behaviour
Young, wet & wild?
10231024 Ingeborg Rossow et al.
Table 3. Unadjusted and adjusted regression coef® cients, standard errors and standardized regression
coef® cients of the effect of alcohol intoxication frequency during the past year on violent behaviour during
the past year (log-transformed sum-score). Adjusted regression coef® cients are estimated in models
controlling for (1) gender, age and BEM masculine sum-score, (2) gender, age, BEM masculine
sum-score and problem behaviour index (3), gender, age, BEM masculine sum-score, problem
behaviour index, frequently drinking friends and frequently intoxicated parents and (4) gender, age,
BEM masculine sum-score, problem behaviour index, frequently drinking friends, frequently intoxicated
parents and parental supervision sum-score. The estimated model 4 is also described for co-variates.
Effects for overall sample.
Regr. coeff. Standard error Beta
Alcohol intoxication unadjusted 0.040*** 0.002 0.187
Alcohol intoxication, model 1 0.042*** 0.002 0.197
Alcohol intoxication, model 2 0.014*** 0.002 0.065
Alcohol intoxication, model 3 0.011*** 0.003 0.053
Model 4
Alcohol intoxication 0.011*** 0.003 0.051
Masculine sex role identity 0.489*** 0.003 0.104
Gender 2 0.955*** 0.053 2 0.175
Age 2 0.242*** 0.015 2 0.167
Problem behaviour 0.499*** 0.023 0.257
Frequently drinking friends 0.183* 0.072 0.027
Frequently intox. parents 0.399*** 0.110 0.035
Parental supervision 0.253*** 0.029 0.088
Constant 2 1.261*** 0.281
iour index, frequently drinking friends, fre- Gender differences
quently drunk parents and lack of parental su- We found a signi® cantly stronger effect of intoxi-
pervision (Table 2). Intoxication frequency was cation on violent behaviour for boys than for
most strongly correlated with ª wetnessº of girls in bivariate analyses as well as when con-
friends and own problem behaviour, whereas trolling for age and masculine sex role identity
violent behaviour was most strongly correlated (Table 4) (model 1) (t 5 3.57, p , 0.05). How-
with problem behaviour. ever, when problem behaviour was entered into
Multivariate linear regression analyses showed the model this gender difference disappeared.
that the association between intoxication fre- Also when the full model (model 4) was esti-
quency and violent behaviour (log-transformed mated the adjusted effect of intoxication on vio-
variable) was not altered to any signi® cant de- lent behaviour was of the same magnitude for
gree when controlling for age, gender and mas- boys and for girls.
culine sex role identity (Table 3, model 1). The
effect was signi® cantly reduced (t 5 9.29,
p , 0.05) (model 2) when the problem behaviour Age differences
index was added to the equation; but the addi- The bivariate association between intoxication
tional inclusion of ª wetnessº of peers and par- and violent behaviour was signi® cantly stronger
ents (model 3), as well as parental supervision in the younger age group (12± 14 years) com-
(model 4), did not modify the effect of intoxi- pared to the middle (15± 17 years) (t 5 5.48,
cation on violent behaviour to any further extent. p , 0.05) and the older age group (18± 20 years)
Hence, the adjusted effect of alcohol intoxication (t 5 7.12, p , 0.05) (Table 5, unadjusted ef-
on extent of participating in violent behaviours fects). This age gradient persisted when con-
was estimated to around 1%. This implies that trolling for gender and sex role identity (Table 5,
the number of times participating in violent be- model 1). The inclusion of problem behaviour in
haviours was found to increase with about 1% the model did, however, change the picture com-
when number of times having been intoxicated pletely (Table 5, model 2). We could now ob-
during the past year increased with 1, given serve that the adjusted effect of intoxication in
otherwise equal conditions. the youngest age group (12± 14 years) was notYoung, wet & wild? 1025
Table 4. Unadjusted and adjusted regression coef® cients, standard errors and standardized regression coef® cients of the effect
of alcohol intoxication frequency during the past year on violent behaviour during the past year (log-transformed sum-score).
Adjusted regression coef® cients are estimated in models controlling for (1) age and BEM masculine sum-score, (2) age, BEM
masculine sum-score and problem behaviour index, (3) age, BEM masculine sum-score, problem behaviour index, frequently
drinking friends and frequently intoxicated parents and (4) age, BEM masculine sum-score, problem behaviour index,
frequently drinking friends, frequently intoxicated parents and parental supervision sum-score. Effects for girls and boys in
gender-speci® c models
Girls Boys
Regr. coeff. SE Beta Regr.coeff. SE Beta
Alcohol intoxication unadjusted 0.029*** 0.003 0.142 0.043*** 0.003 0.202
Alcohol intoxication, model 1 0.034*** 0.003 0.163 0.049*** 0.003 0.233
Alcohol intoxication, model 2 0.014*** 0.003 0.066 0.016*** 0.003 0.074
Alcohol intoxication, model 3 0.010** 0.004 0.049 0.013*** 0.004 0.063
Model 4
Alcohol intoxication 0.010** 0.004 0.047 0.013*** 0.004 0.063
Masculine sex role identity 0.318*** 0.057 0.080 0.689*** 0.072 0.134
Age 2 0.176*** 0.018 2 0.146 2 0.316*** 0.024 2 0.196
Problem behaviour 0.387*** 0.038 0.176 0.535*** 0.030 0.302
Frequently drinking friends 0.272** 0.098 0.045 0.149 NS 0.109 0.021
Frequently intox. parents 0.432** 0.135 0.045 0.373* 0.176 0.029
Parental supervision 0.244*** 0.037 0.097 0.281*** 0.045 0.093
Constant 2 2.560*** 0.345 2 0.890* 0.446
only signi® cantly reduced, it was no longer even empirical studies have focused speci® cally on the
statistically signi® cant. For both the middle and alcohol± violence relationship among adolescents
older age group there was also a signi® cant re- (White et al., 1993). Our large-scale general
duction in the estimated effect parameter when population study of youth thus contributes to a
controlling for other problem behaviours. Even relatively meagre body of research by providing
so, there remained a statistically signi® cant effect age- and gender-speci® c estimates of this rela-
of alcohol intoxication on violence both in this tionship, taking into consideration a number of
model as well as in the full model (Table 5, possible spurious associations. The study re-
models 3 and 4). vealed a positive but rather modest bivariate
Logistic regression analyses of the dichoto- association between frequency of alcohol intoxi-
mized variable on violent behavior displayed cation and violent behaviour. Much of the co-
rather similar results. In the analyses of the over- variation between these two types of behaviour
all sample the effect of alcohol intoxication was could be attributed to engagement in other prob-
reduced signi® cantly when problem behaviour lem behaviours, such as delinquency and illicit
was included in the model. The bivariate effect drug use. Nevertheless, having controlled for a
was, however, of the same magnitude for boys wide range of potential confounders, a small but
and for girls when we analysed whether the statistically signi® cant association remained. We
respondents had exerted any violent behaviour will argue that this adjusted association most
during the past year. With respect to age groups probably is due to a causal effect of alcohol
we found a stronger effect of intoxication in the intoxication or, alternatively, that important con-
youngest group in bivariate analyses, which dis- founders have been omitted.
appeared when problem behaviour was con- A counter-argument with respect to the latter
trolled for. interpretation is found in a recent large-scale
longitudinal survey of youth from New Zealand
(Fergusson et al., 1996). They found, much in
Discussion agreement with our ® ndings, that heavy drinking
Despite the fact that, to a large extent, violent and violent offending remained associated even
behaviour is exerted by young people and that after adjustment for a large number of con-
alcohol plays an important role in violence, few founders. Fergusson and co-workers had included1026
Table 5. Unadjusted and adjusted regression coef® cients, standard errors and standardized regression coef® cients (beta) of the effect of alcohol intoxication frequency during the past
year on violent behaviour during the past year (log-transformed sum-score). Adjusted regression coef® cients are estimated in models controlling for (1) gender and BEM masculine
sum-score, (2) gender, BEM masculine sum-score and problem behaviour index, (3) gender, BEM masculine sum-score, problem behaviour index, frequently drinking friends and
frequently intoxicated parents and (4) gender, BEM masculine sum-score, problem behaviour index, frequently drinking friends, frequently intoxicated parents and parental supervision
sum-score. Effects for substrata by age groups
Ingeborg Rossow et al.
12± 14 years 15± 17 years 18± 20 years
Regr. Regr.
coeff. SE Beta coeff. SE Beta Regr. coeff. SE Beta
Alcohol intoxication 0.109*** 0.010 0.202 0.052*** 0.003 0.243 0.035*** 0.003 0.223
Unadjusted
Alcohol intoxication, 0.097*** 0.010 0.179 0.046*** 0.003 0.216 0.028*** 0.003 0.181
model 1
Alcohol intoxication, 0.012 NS 0.012 0.023 0.016*** 0.003 0.075 0.013*** 0.004 0.082
model 2
Alcohol intoxication, 0.006 NS 0.012 0.011 0.015*** 0.003 0.069 0.010** 0.004 0.061
model 3
Alcohol intoxication,
model 4 0.006 NS 0.012 0.012 0.014*** 0.003 0.068 0.009* 0.004 0.060
Masculine sex role identity 0.523*** 0.086 0.110 0.495*** 0.066 0.103 0.390*** 0.095 0.088
Gender 2 1.118*** 0.102 2 0.197 2 0.972*** 0.075 2 0.176 2 0.755*** 0.107 2 0.151
Problem behaviour 0.588*** 0.057 0.232 0.466*** 0.030 0.254 0.446*** 0.045 0.340
Frequently drinking friends 0.323 NS 0.217 0.029 0.047 NS 0.098 0.007 0.321** 0.115 0.062
Frequently intox. parents 0.745** 0.268 0.050 0.197 NS 0.149 0.018 0.512** 0.197 0.054
Parental supervision 0.396*** 0.059 0.129 0.265*** 0.043 0.091 0.065 NS 0.054 0.026
Constant 2 4.913*** 0.324 2 5.095*** 0.255 2 5.050*** 0.360Young, wet & wild? 1027
Table 6. Bivariate associations between self-reported violence and frequency of intoxication from three different Norwegian
surveys. The data shown are based on subsamples comprising 15± 20-year-olds (%).
0 1± 4 5± 10 11± 50 51 1 Total
Young in Norway 1992, proportion reporting having beaten 22.4 28.6 30.7 40.0 62.1 30.6
someone or threatened to do so, during the past 12 months
by frequency of intoxication during the past 12 months
n 5 6957
NIADR alcohol survey 1994, proportion reporting to have 2.3 9.4 14.3 20.0 36.7 14.9
taken part in a ® ght while being under the in¯ uence of
alcohol during the past 12 months by frequency of
intoxication during the past 12 months, n 5 176
NIADR youth surveys 1990± 97, proportion reporting 0.1 1.7 4.8 12.8 27.1 4.5
to have taken part in a ® ght as a consequence of own
drinking during the past 6 months by frequency of
intoxication during the past 6 months, n 5 24 230
many of the same confounders that we had, in drug surveys conducted by NIADR over the
addition to a large number of other relevant years 1990± 97 (see Skretting, 1997, for further
factors (i.e. early conduct problems, intelligence, description). All three datasets show a signi® cant
age at ® rst alcohol use, deviant peers, parental increase in self-reported violence (whether al-
alcohol and other drug use, and different mea- cohol related or overall violence) with increasing
sures on family functioning). They concluded frequency of intoxication. Moreover, these data
that ª this result may suggest that there is a direct indicate that a fairly large proportion of self-re-
cause between alcohol misuse and violent of- ported violent incidents among young people
fending independently of the effects of common occur under the in¯ uence of alcohol, and that a
risk factors and life pathways on both outcomesº signi® cant proportion of those who engage in
(p. 492). violent behaviour attribute this to their own
The extent to which alcohol may play a causal drinking.
role in violent behaviour among youth mainly How, then, may a causal effect of intoxication
rests upon whether violence is being exerted on violence be explained? The role of social
under the in¯ uence of alcohol. However, it interaction in alcohol related violence is probably
should be noted that our dataset was not col- important (Graham et al., 1998). Experimental
lected speci® cally in order to analyse youth viol- studies seem to indicate that alcohol intake in-
ence. For this reason, we lack information that creases the risk of aggression in situations of
would contribute to further insight into the vio- frustration or in response to provocation
lent behaviours that have been reported here, as (Gustafsson, 1995) which may re¯ ect psy-
well as the role of intoxication in these events. chopharmacological effects of alcohol, such as
In order to strengthen the argument that al- attention de® cits and bad judgement (Taylor &
cohol intoxication increases the risk of violent Leonard, 1983). On the other hand, most events
behaviour, we have looked into other Norwegian of alcohol intoxication do not lead to physical
datasets that comprise information about alcohol ® ghts. To some extent this may be due to social
related violent behaviour. Table 6 shows the control and avoidance strategies in the environ-
bivariate associations between self-reported vio- ment. Moreover, research ® ndings suggest that
lent behaviour and intoxication frequency from the aggression-arousing role of intoxication de-
subsamples comprising only 15± 20-year-olds pends on the alcohol consumer’ s baseline level of
from three national surveys in Norway: (1) the aggression (Boyatzis, 1975; Taylor & Chermack,
Young in Norway study 1992 data; (2) the 1994 1993). In their longitudinal study of alcohol use
national alcohol survey conducted by the Na- and aggression in adolescence White and co-
tional Institute for Alcohol and Drug Research workers (1993) thus concluded that ª the data
(NIADR) (see Rossow, 1996, for further de- suggest that alcohol-related aggression is en-
scription); and (3) the annual youth alcohol and gaged in by aggressive people who drinkº1028 Ingeborg Rossow et al. (p. 62). This, in turn, probably explains partly Gender differences in impact of intoxication on vio- why alcohol seems to trigger violent responses lent behaviour more easily in male than in female participants in In agreement with previous research (Frieze & experimental research (see Giancola & Zeichner, Schafer, 1984), we found a signi® cantly larger 1995b). impact of alcohol intoxication on volume of A main ® nding in our study was that a large violent behaviour among boys than among proportion of the co-variation in drinking and girls. This gender difference was observed violence could be attributed to involvement in both in bivariate analyses as well as when other problem behaviours. A life-style character- the effect of sex role identity was taken into ized by frequent law violations, use of illicit account. However, when problem behaviour drugs and other problem behaviours is most was controlled for, the impact of drinking on probably closely related to attachment with peers violence was signi® cantly reduced for both gen- who behave similarly and who tolerate or rein- ders, and the parameter estimates were of force such behaviours. A number of previous the same magnitude. Specifying full models in- studies have demonstrated bi-directionality when cluding controls for wetness of friends and par- alcohol use, own problem behaviour and friends’ ents and parental supervision did not alter these problem behaviour have been analysed in longi- estimates. Hence, it seems that girls’ lesser en- tudinal data sets (Stice & Barrera, 1995; Patter- gagement in problem behaviours and probably son, Bank & Stoolmiller, 1990; Wichstrù m, lesser involvement in deviant subcultures ac- 1999). That drinking and violence to such a count for most of the gender differences in con- signi® cant degree are associated with a deviant cordance of drinking and violence in young life-style may re¯ ect both individual problem people. proneness and enhancement of such behaviours In contrast, when logistic regression models of in the social environment. It may therefore be having exerted any violent behaviours during argued that problem behaviours and ª wetnessº the past year were estimated, we found no gen- of friends are not merely confounders of the der differences in the bivariate effects of alcohol association between drinking and violence. In intoxication. This result, coupled with the fact, they may also be regarded as mediating ® nding on gender differences in the linear variables. To assess the extent to which drinking regression analyses, suggests that intoxication and drunkenness have an indirect effect on vio- has a larger effect for boys than for girls when lent behaviour via own deviant life-style and it comes to many violent events or repeated selection of friends thus seems a challenge for events of violence. For girls it may be hypothe- further studies. sized that some of the violent episodes are The effects of a ª wetº social environment and related to harassment or assaults, perhaps with a parental supervision on violent behaviour re- sexual connotation. Boys who have engaged mained signi® cant in multivariate models, but in violent behaviour have, far more often did not contribute much to modify the associ- than girls, done so repeatedly. Hence, violence ation between drinking and violence. In relation among girls is perhaps more of a single event and to this it may well be argued that a ª wetº an act of self defence, whereas violence in environment may be a provocative setting boys more often seem to be a repeated behav- for violent behaviour and that violence may eas- iour. Do these differences between violence in ily be triggered by others’ drunkenness. girls and boys help us explain the observed gen- However, this kind of confounding effect is der difference in impact of intoxication on vol- probably also re¯ ected in the problem behaviour ume of violence but not on experience of index. It is noteworthy in this respect that fre- violence? Violent behaviour among girls as a kind quent parental intoxication also displayed a of self defence may well be associated with al- signi® cant effect on violent behaviour when own cohol, and some studies have indicated the poss- drinking, parental supervision and own problem ible impact of alcohol on victim-precipitated behaviour was controlled for. The ® nding sug- violence (Room, 1983; Bergman et al., 1988). gests that other aspects to parental drunkenness Moreover, Pedersen & Skrondal’ s study (1996) or alcohol abuse relate to adolescent violent be- of teenage girls revealed that heavy drinking haviour, and that these may be worth exploring could predict sexual assaults in early ado- further. lescence.
Young, wet & wild? 1029
Age differences in impact of intoxication on violent from two anonymous referees and the editor-in-
behaviour chief. This study has been ® nanced by The
The most striking ® nding in our study was the National Institute of Alcohol and Drug Re-
signi® cant age gradient in the alcohol and viol- search, Oslo and by grants from the Norwegian
ence association, demonstrating a stronger as- Ministry of Justice/the National Police Academy
sociation in the younger than in the older age of Norway, The Ministry of Child and Family
group. This pattern was also observed when Affairs, the Ministry of Research and Education,
controlling for gender and masculine sex role The Norwegian Council for Culture and the
identity. On the basis of these results only, one Research Council of Norway.
could have hypothesized that individuals in their
early teens experience more adverse effects of
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