INTERPRETING HUMOROUS ADVERTS IN ONLINE MEDIA
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Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Braşov
Series IV: Philology and Cultural Studies • Vol. 6 (55) No. 2 - 2013
INTERPRETING HUMOROUS ADVERTS
IN ONLINE MEDIA
Stanca MĂDA1
Abstract: Starting from the definition of verbal humour as ”production of
incongruity based on linguistic construction or on the events described”
(Norrick, 2006, 425), the article aims at discussing several humorous adverts
put together in campaigns led by two national newspapers, one from the UK
(The Guardian) and one from Romania (Gândul - The Thought). While the
British ads are reactions to a spontaneous campaign initiated by The
Guardian, the Romanian campaign is professionally orchestrated by an
advertising agency. The structure of the messages as witty adverts facilitates
humorous interpretation. The messages from the Romanian campaign are
analyzed from a pragmatic perspective, resulting in identifying several
functions of humour in media texts: reducing anxiety, contradicting the
collective mentality, and reinforcing national pride.
Key words: adverts, humour, stereotypes, online campaign, ethnic humour.
1. Introduction The paper presents some of the findings
of a qualitative study based on the
The present paper aims at discussing humorous messages comprised in an
several humorous adverts put together in two online media campaign in English in a
campaigns led by a national newspaper from Romanian newspaper. The research
the UK (The Guardian) and one from focuses on the linguistic structures and
Romania (Gândul - The Thought). A serious strategies employed by the authors of the
political situation (the removal of work adverts to convey humorous and ironic
restrictions in the UK for Romanians and meanings in the adverts and draws several
Bulgarians) is approached humorously by the conclusions on the possible functions of
Romanian newspaper and is targeted at a humour as they were intended by the
similar British campaign meant to prevent authors or perceived by the readers
Romanians and Bulgarians from going to the reducing anxiety which comes from an
UK. Under the slogan „Don’t come to unpleasant situation, contradicting the
Britain! It’s full!”, the various British posters collective mentality, and reinforcing
promote self-deprecating humour, whose national pride..
main function is to elicit sympathy from the
audience. The messages in the Romanian 2. Theoretical framework
response campaign have the structure of witty
adverts which facilitate the humorous Starting from general to particular, the
interpretation. theoretical framework of the present study
1
Faculty of Letters, Transilvania University of Braşov.
74 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Braşov • Series IV • Vol. 6 (55) No. 2 - 2013 addresses the issue of humour in a larger For the present linguistic study, I will cultural context, then focuses on the adopt the definition of verbal humour as humorous genres, and then on the typology ”production of incongruity based on and functions of humour in the media. The linguistic construction or on the events general analytical framework is that of described” [9, p. 425] and, consequently, a discourse analysis, with emphasis on descriptive as well as a communicative structures and mechanisms that build this (Lynch 2002) and functional approach. A specific type of communication. As part of descriptive approach of humour can follow a larger dialogue, the humorous adverts the display of humorous genres (for an will also be analysed from a sociolinguistic analysis of oral genres of humour, see and pragmatic perspective. Kotthoff 2007) or sub-genres, their Depending on cultural as well as on typology being either too general or too personal dimensions, humour has become specific. In Attardo’s terms (Attardo the object of study for many disciplines. 2004), humor can take the form of joke- From a cultural perspective, there are telling (performed humour), teasing, ritual interests in the national traits specific to humour (everyday repetitive humor the description of cultural dimensions, in rituals), and conversational humour Geert Hofstede’s terms (Hofstede, (spontaneous, highly situational, and Hofstede, and Minkov 2010). From the context-bound), all these types being analysis of the values corresponding to the interpreted as non-bona fide modes of five cultural dimensions of a national communication. Considering the cognitive culture (individualism / collectivism; aspects involved in understanding and uncertainty avoidance; power distance; interpreting humour, the script-based masculinity / femininity, and long-term theory (Raskin 1985) adds new elements to orientation) one can derive many of the what can be considered a joke. Thus, the stereotypes associated with a specific verbal or written text should be nation, even in terms of their production, ”compatible fully with two distinct scripts understanding, and acceptance of humour and the two scripts are opposite in certain (Alden, Hoyer, and Lee 1993). For definite ways such as good-bad, sex-no instance, in a culture such as the British sex, or real-unreal", while the third one, with a score of 35 on the power element, the punchline, manages to switch distance dimension, accepting and "the listener from one script to another promoting the belief that “where you are creating the joke" (Raskin 34-35). The born should not limit how far you can concept of punchline here describes the travel in life” (http://geert- witty, slogan-type texts used in humorous hofstede.com/united-kingdom.html, adverts. accessed: 23.04.2013), can be easily associated with the acceptance of 3. The data - humorous adverts contestive humour, which is normally used by inferiors to contradict the opinion of a Though the role and the impact of superior. In opposition, in cultures with a humorous adverts in online media high score on the same dimension (i.e. campaigns has been previously analysed in power distance) – such as the Romanian relation with the 2005 UK elections culture, for instance, which has the score (Shifman, Coleman and Ward 2007), a of 90 - subordinates obey and respect their linguistic analysis of such data has not bosses, overtly contestive humour being been thoroughly done so far. The proposed completely avoided. linguistic framework in the present study is
S. MĂDA: Interpreting Humorous Adverts in Online Media 75
mainly a sociolinguistic and pragmatic concern about the impact of this on UK
one, also considering the senders’ intended social services, health system and housing
and perceived communicative aims. conditions.
Taking the shape of posters (with text In order to voice this concern and to raise
and/or photo), humorous adverts are used awareness of the possible impact of this
in online media campaigns to facilitate decision of EU authorities on the life of
interpretation of events and to comment on British citizens, Channel 4 television and
serious political or social issues under the The Guardian newspaper proposed this
“safety net” of a non-bona fide mode of issue as the core topic for their regular
communication. poster campaign:
Humorous adverts have a non-narrative
structure, lying between conversational “Please don't come to Britain – it rains
jokes (banter, puns) and canned jokes and the jobs are scarce and low-paid.
(non-narrative form). They are highly Ministers are considering launching a
intentional and contain slogan-type texts, negative advertising campaign in
in form of one-liners (Chiaro 1992), Bulgaria and Romania to persuade
expressing witticism, and overtly potential immigrants to stay away from
conveying meanings besides facilitating the UK.
humour. Being inherently clever and The plan, which would focus on the
context-bound, humorous adverts are downsides of British life, is one of a
closer to banter. range of potential measures to stem
immigration to Britain next year when
In our data, humorous adverts are based
curbs imposed on both country's citizens
on cultural stereotypes and discourses,
living and working in the UK will
with intertextual elements of political and expire.
social critique. The punchlines are A report quoted one minister saying that
targeting background encyclopedic such a negative advert would "correct the
assumptions regarding the author’s culture, impression that the streets here are paved
the readers’ culture, the socio-political with gold". However, Prime Minister
context, and the induced and the perceived David Cameron's official spokesman
attitude of the media. declined to comment on the plan.”
(The Guardian, Sunday 27 January 2013,
4. Socio-political and media context http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/
2013/jan/27/uk-immigration-romania-
In order to facilitate the understanding of bulgaria-ministers - 23.04.2013)
the role played by humorous adverts in the
present campaign, a short presentation of Under the slogan “Don’t come to Britain!
the relevant socio-political context is It’s full!”, the various British posters were
necessary. designed by readers and then posted on
In January 2013, a few British officials The Guardian web page. The ads
expressed their concern about the impact comprised both photos and text, being
the removal of work restrictions in UK for neither unitary, nor professional in form
both Romanians and Bulgarians may have and structure. The messages contained
on the local workforce. Starting from direct address
January 2014, the Romanians and the
Bulgarians will no longer have restrictions “It’s better where you are.”
to work and live in the UK, and British irony and self-deprecating humour
officials and ordinary people showed
76 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Braşov • Series IV • Vol. 6 (55) No. 2 - 2013
“Britain is shit!” whinging Poms - it's generally a
“We hate ourselves. We’ll bit rubbish here.”
probably hate you, too!”
In their construction of humour, British
their main function being that of eliciting contributors to The Guardian poster
sympathy from the audience. Being posted campaign employed some elements of
on The Guardian webpage, the messages ethnic humour. Thus, fragments of ethnic
and, implicitly, their authors looked for scripts and targets (Popescu 2011) can be
popularity amongst the readership of the identified. Romania and Bulgaria appear as
newspaper. Though self-denigrating in exotic countries, some of the contributors
form, by use of self-deprecating and self- mistaking Bucharest, the capital city of
directed humour (Norrick 1993), the texts Romania for the capital of Hungary
in the British posters convey a very (Budapest). Following the same script,
powerful meaning, a nationalist defense to British readers advise Romanians and
a possible invasion. Witticism is Bulgarians to ”Try Miami instead…” or
constructed by verbal means (“UK? “Go to Australia…”, to avoid the
YUK!”; “Grey Britain…”), also mocking unpleasant British weather. Among the
at well-established habits: targets specific to ethnic jokes, poverty
seems to be preferred both as a means of
“Britain and binge drinking: ridiculing the immigrants’ search for
Who'd want to live in a country better-paid jobs:
like this? “;
“Queuing. A skill it's important to “Come here and clean the loo.
perfect before entering Britain” Britain is full of horrible jobs we
employ foreigners to do. You’re
or values: welcome!”
”Inequality is Great Britain”; and as a deterrent for the same social
“Government isn’t Great Britain”. category:
Other texts are merely descriptive, or “Sorry! The lifestyle you ordered
ironic, followed by the advice “Stay at is currently out of stock”.
home!”:
As a general observation, the whole media
“The food here is bad. Deep-fried campaign is based on cultural gaps,
mars bars, jellied eels and tripe are stereotypes, and prejudices about both
among Great British delicacies. countries.
You might think you're safe with a
burger, but then it turns out to be 5. Poster analysis and interpretation
HORSE. Stay at home. Honestly.”;
”Are you Romanian or Bulgarian? In February 2013, in response to the
Well, don't come to the UK. It's British campaign, a Romanian newspaper,
rainy, we love reality shows and Gândul (The Thought), launched another
we're in the middle of a really campaign under the title Why don’t you
quite serious recession. In fact - come over. The exchange of humorous
and this isn't just us being adverts in these two media campaigns
contains allusions and distortions,S. MĂDA: Interpreting Humorous Adverts in Online Media 77 resembling a match of “verbal ping-pong” audiences in its first two weeks of (Chiaro 1992) between the Brits and the existence (in Romanian media – print, TV, Romanians. online, radio -, in international media – In the present paper, I will analyse the print, TV, and online in the UK, USA, adverts belonging to the Romanian France, Germany, Ireland, Spain, Hungary, campaign, as the very aim of it was a Belgium, Brazil, India, Switzerland and humorous one. Started in January 2013, the Pakistan -, on social networks, on blogs campaign was professionally orchestrated and comments in online media worldwide by Gândul newspaper and an advertising (for estimated figures, see http://www. agency, whose creative director stated: gandul.info/english/let-s-talk-football- “We tried our hand at British humour.” At 10631948 - 23.04.2013). the same time, the editorial director of The experience of the advertising agency Gândul announced that “Gândul is very in other political campaigns gave a unitary serious about its role as the mouthpiece of and professional approach to the posters Romanians who want Europe to be and the actions in all the stages of the laughing with us not at us. This is what this campaign. Started as an invite to visit campaign is all about: showing the Brits Romania, to get to know the country and that, no matter what happens (...), what its people, the Why don’t you come over? they need to fear is British humor Made in campaign continued with the creation of an Romania” (http://www.gandul.info/english online couch surfing platform (on /let-s-talk-football-10631948 Accessed: www.whydontyoucomeover.co.uk) and a 23.04.2013). well-paid job advertising one. The whole The Why don’t you come over? campaign was not related to any political campaign managed to reach global or governmental institution. The posters in the Romanian campaign The word like has many definitions, are simply designed in the colours of the while love is more restricted. On the one British flag: blue, red and white, having a hand, like is broad and generic in specific message (changing with every expression, being a passive, independent poster) and a invariable text (“You may term as its meaning is not influenced solely not like Britain, but you will love by actions or feelings, but also by Romania!”), appearing as a subscript of the comparisons. Like is an interchangeable main message and functioning as a musical word predominantly used to enhance parts coda. At a semantic level of analysis, it is of speech. Relative to love, like is often interesting to notice the difference between used as a watered down version of love. like and love. The term like has a vast array of meanings.
78 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Braşov • Series IV • Vol. 6 (55) No. 2 - 2013
Used in a variety of senses and parts of (9) “We have the most beautiful road in
speech, like appears as an adjective (a the world according to your top motoring
modifier), a preposition (modifying verbs, show.”
nouns, and adjectives), and as a (10) “We speak better English than
anywhere you’ve been in France.”
conjunction (connecting words). Like also
appears as an adverb (it modifies a verb),
the gap between the two countries
describing something near, close, or
appears in the persistent use of the plural
approximate (She is more like 50!). Like
personal pronouns we and you, along with
can also be used as a noun (a person, place,
the adverbial here with strict deictic
thing, thought, or idea) to describe
meaning. We/our/here are assigned to
something (Several executives, business
describe Romanian values: affordability –
men, and the like, were at the bar). As
in example (1) and (6), convenience of
well, like can be used as a verb, but also as
public transportation – in example (2),
an interjection in informal speech (The
variety of food – in example (7), reknown
concert was, like, really great).
beauty of Romanian women – in example
On the other hand, love appears as a
(8), and language proficiency – in example
singular term, usually a verb, describing a
(10). They contrast with expressions built
powerful emotion, an action, but also a
around you/your which refer to British
state of being. The difference between not
values, stereotypes and habits: weather
liking Britain and loving Romania appears
conditions – in example (4), drinking – in
as a significant change of hearts between
examples (1) and (6), top TV shows – the
the British attitude towards immigrants and
reference to Top Gear in example (9), lack
the warm invite to visit Romania.
of food variety – in example (7), invasion
Organised in form of opposite
of private life in the land of tabloids – in
arguments, the messages in the Why don’t
example (3), high taxes – in example (5),
you come over? poster campaign answer
and expensive life – in examples (1) and
the prejudices the Brits have about Eastern
(6). The mechanisms of creating contrast
countries, emphasizing national strengths.
are also recognizable in the use of
In the examples:
comparisons (the comparative – in the
(1) “Your weekly rent covers a whole examples (6), (7), and (10), and the
month here. Pub nights included”. superlative – in the (9)th example).
(2) “Our Tube was not designed with Though highly contextualized and
sardines in mind. Sorry, sardines!” specific, the cultural differences between
(3) “Our newspapers are hacking the two cultures did create a humorous
celebrities’ privacy, not people’s phones.” effect. Scoring points in favour of
(4) “Our air traffic controllers have seen Romanian way of life was purposefully
snow before. They were unimpressed.” emphasized in all the ads, in order to create
(5) “We don’t have a Congestion Charge a humorous reaction in the readers’ minds.
here. We believe congestions are
Processing this kind of humour was
punishment enough.”
(6) “Our draft beer is less expensive than difficult for the Romanian average reader,
your bottled water.” whose competence in British humour is
(7) “We serve more food groups than pie, somehow limited to understanding and
sausage, fish & chips.” appreciation of traditional jokes about
(8) “Half of our women look like Kate. London weather or to Scottish parsimony.
The other half, like her sister.” Introducing refined ironic comments,
humorous allusions and witticism toS. MĂDA: Interpreting Humorous Adverts in Online Media 79
Romanian readership created a coping contributed to contradicting the collective
mechanism meant to be used as a mentality, to reinforcing national pride and
mediation tool between the two cultures. promoting solidarity (on both sides).
Thus, humour and jokes were meant to British readers reacted to an issue which
contradict the “collective quality of the could threaten their future job
information” (Jus 131) existing in the UK opportunities, their national health and
about Romanian values and way of life, to social systems, while the Romanians
promote solidarity among Romanians, to wanted to reinforce national pride in a
lighten their concerns, and to mitigate campaign for Romanian values and not
sociopsychological threats underpinning against the British ones. Being amusing
self-revelation. and witty, humorous ads contributed to the
Irony (“Our Tube was not designed with enjoyment of readers and to an interesting
sardines in mind. Sorry, sardines!”) and display of ingenuity. At the same time, the
downsizing (“Well, at least the beer was use of self-deprecating humour in the
cheap, right?”) complete the mechanisms British campaign was meant to elicit
of making the Why don’t you come over? sympathy, while the humour constructed
campaign a successful one. on contrasting ideas (as in the Romanian
campaign) was meant to highlight the
6. By way of conclusion absurdity of prejudicial attitudes.
Interpreting humorous adverts in online
Traditionally, a joke is a set-up narrative media campaigns can reveal multiple
containing or not a dialogue line (which mechanisms and functions of humour in
was missing in our data), with a punchline contact with a constantly growing
which leads to surprise and incongruity readership. The specific features of online
with the set-up. Starting from this media bring interesting insights to creating
definition, I have argued in favour of and maintaining solidarity through
interpreting humorously the advertise- humour. Though the present paper presents
ments belonging to a public media the findings of a single case study, I can
campaign. The set-up in our data was predict that enlarging the corpus of
culturally contextualized, based on humorous ads and refining the theoretical
stereotypes belonging to two different framework can contribute significantly to a
cultures – the British and the Romanian better understanding of this phenomenon.
ones-, and on a serious political issue –
that of preventing an invasion of References
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