INTRODUCTION TO BRITISH CIVILISATION
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INTRODUCTION TO BRITISH
CIVILISATION
3VAAMCGB
Cours LCE et LEA Tronc commun 1er semestre 2014-15
Responsable du cours : M.I. DUCROCQ
Enseignants : T. ABDOU, M. BERTRAND, C. CROWLEY, M.I. DUCROCQ , L. DUBOIS,
D. FOLIARD, C. KOHLER, T. LABICA, S. PARAGEAU, C. PRUNIER
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CONTENTS 2014-2015
Course description
Course description
Bibliography and exams
Method
Documents
I. The Geography and the People: Past and Present
The Four-Nation State
The People: Class and Religion in the UK/ The North-South Divide
The capital city
II. Identity Issues and Britishness
Immigration and Multiculturalism
The debate about Britishness
III. Political institutions and parties
The Constitution and constitutional reform
The Electoral System and political parties
Trade Unions
IV. The UK in the world
From the Empire to the Commonwealth
The ‘special relationship’ with the US
Europe
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U.E. : 3VAAMCGB
EC : Civilisation britannique.
Intitulé court : Introduction à la civilisation britannique
Responsable(s) : Myriam-Isabelle DUCROCQ.
Durée du cours : 1h30 hebdomadaire
Nombre de crédits (ECTS) : 3 Ects
T. ABDOU, M. BERTRAND, AC. CROWLEY,
L. DUBOIS, M.I. DUCROCQ, D. FOLIARD, C.
Enseignant(s) :
KOHLER, T. LABICA, S. PARAGEAU, C.
PRUNIER
Programme
Ce cours d‘introduction à la civilisation britannique vise à permettre aux étudiants de mieux
comprendre les spécificités de la société britannique contemporaine et son fonctionnement,
dans la tension entre traditions et adaptations aux enjeux du vingt et unième siècle. Défini
comme une monarchie parlementaire et caractérisé par une histoire religieuse complexe,
mais aussi par une composante multiculturelle induite par le passage de l‘Empire au
Commonwealth, le Royaume-Uni est confronté à la montée de nationalismes « régionaux »,
au point que l‘on peut parfois se demander ce qu‘« être britannique » peut encore signifier.
Suivant une approche historique et thématique, ce cours s‘articulera autour de quatre axes
principaux :
Aspects géographiques et démographiques :
- l‘organisation du territoire et les inégalités Nord-Sud
- la composition de la population en termes ethniques, sociaux et religieux
Aspects identitaires :
- la question du multiculturalisme et de l‘immigration
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- la question de l‘« unité » du Royaume-Uni : rappels historiques et introduction à la
notion de « dévolution » au Pays de Galles et en Ecosse ; spécificité de l‘Irlande du
Nord
Aspects politiques et institutionnels :
- introduction au paysage politique britannique et spécificité du système du first-
past-the-post
- monarchie parlementaire et introduction à la constitution
Relations internationales : la place du Royaume-Uni dans le monde
Bibliographie
Bibliographie obligatoire :
Sarah PICKARD, Civilisation britannique – British Civilization, édition bilingue, Paris,
Pocket, 7e édition, 2012.
Bibliographie indicative :
John OAKLAND, British Civilization : An Introduction, London, Routledge, 6th edition,
2006.
Norman LOWE, Mastering Modern British History, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Fabrice BENSIMON, Frédérique LACHAUD, Stéphane LEBECQ, François-Joseph
RUGGIU (dir.), Histoire des îles Britanniques, Paris, PUF, coll. "Manuels Quadridge",
2007.
Modalités de contrôle continu
Deux partiels: un à mi-parcours et un partiel final portant sur des questions de cours, de
synthèse, des questions de compréhension d'un texte et la rédaction d'une introduction à un
commentaire de civilisation.
Examen terminal
Examen écrit (durée : 1h30) : questions de cours + questions sur un document + introduction
complète d‘un commentaire portant sur ce document.
Langue(s) du cours : anglais
Cours ouvert aux étudiants d’échanges internationaux : oui
Prérequis : non.
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USEFUL WEBSITES
Useful databases on British history and culture
http://britannia.com/history/
http://www.learningcurve.gov.uk/
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/Britain.html
https://learnenglish.britishcouncil.org
British media (free of charge)
http://www.guardian.co.uk/
http://www.economist.com
http://www.independent.co.uk/
On British politics
http://www.epolitix.com
http://www.ukpolitics.org.uk
http://www.politicallinks.co.uk
http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/gbpolitics.htm
Institutions
http://www.parliament.co.uk/hophome.htm Site officiel du Parlement
http://www.exploreparliament.uk Parlement (encyclopédie)
http://www.number-10.gov.uk Site officiel du Premier Ministre et du gouvernement
Political Parties
http://www.labour.org.uk Site officiel du parti travailliste
http://www.conservative-party.org.uk Site officiel du parti conservateur
http://www.libdems.org.uk Site officiel des libéraux-démocrates
http://www.snp.org Site officiel du parti national écossais SNP
http://www.plaidcymru.org Site officiel du parti national gallois Plaid Cymru
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METHODOLOGY
Introducing a document
You should make sure that your introduction provides the following information:
The nature of the document
- texts: they may be political, juridical, religious, literary, …
- images: statues, monuments, paintings, objects, photographs, …
- diagram [schéma], chart, …
The titles of works are italicized in the paratext. (e.g. The Wealth of Nations) In your
papers, they should be underlined. (e.g. The Wealth of Nations) Remember that in
English, all the lexical words in titles begin with capital letters.
The author of the document
- the person, or the institution, who produced the document
- the person whose words or thoughts are reported
Sometimes the author’s name is not given in the paratext. In that case, you should try
to guess who he is by observing the document. If it is impossible to know, do not
mention it.
When giving biographical details, choose only those which are relevant to the text.
Give information which will help understand what he is discussing and how he is
discussing it. For instance, the social category he belongs to may influence his vision.
The date of the document
- the date of the event(s) evoked by the document
- the date when the document was created
- the date when the document was published
The historical context of the document
You need to explain the historical interest of the text by drawing on its context. Avoid
giving a general overview of a whole period. Only discuss what is directly relevant for
the text.
The theme(s) of the document:
You need to summarize the main theme(s) of the document, that is, the topic(s) it
tackles and the information it provides.
The agenda:
What is the author’s goal? Is he biased or objective? Is he trying to convince the
reader of something?
The tone:
If there is something specific about the tone—for example, if it is ironic, humorous,
playful, etc …—you need to mention it in the introduction as well.
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The structure of the document:
How many parts are there? What do they consist of?
Do not improvise! Write out your introduction on a draft, so that you can avoid
repeating things or using incorrect or boring syntax.
The information you need to introduce a document is usually to be found around the
document itself, in what is known as the paratext. (e.g. Adam Smith, The Wealth of
Nations, 1776) You need to read and use the paratext carefully and remember that the
information it provides is not sufficient to introduce the document properly.
N’oubliez pas d’indiquer en dernier lieu votre problématique = votre démarche
pour analyser le texte, et surtout un plan de commentaire de texte qui vous
permettrait de répondre à cette problématique
See Danièle Frison, et. al., Expansion of the Anglo-
American World 1688-1900, (Historical Documents and
Commentaries), Ellipses, 1995, pp.15-17.
Analyzing a document – finding an outline
The three goals of the commentary should be:
to underline the main ideas as well as the internal logic of it (what is
being said)
to pay attention to how the meaning is conveyed (organisation, rhetoric,
tone etc.) (how it is said)
to highlight the key facts/elements thanks to what you know about the
historical context. (in which context)
Under no circumstance should your commentary be a running commentary. You may
choose one of the following approaches:
1. If the document is a well-structured text, you may want to adopt the same
organisation without of course repeating or paraphrasing what is already said in
the text. The point of the commentary will be to bring extra information to
elements mentioned in the document. You will also focus on the way facts or ideas
are presented, in what order or what the author has decided to mention/show or
not.
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2. If you find there are repetitions or recurring ideas in the text, or if the document is
not a text at all (such as a map or an image), you may prefer a synthetic approach.
It will be up to you to organise the key ideas or themes so as to underline the
message conveyed by the document.
All along, remember you may quote from the document, but you are not supposed to
copy lengthy passages from it.
When you quote from the text, make sure you add a personal comment to the quote so
that it’s not mere copying (avoid paraphrase and mere copying)
Conclusion:
It is the conclusion that leaves the reader with an evaluation of the document. It has to
answer the problematic raised in the introduction by giving the strong lines of
arguments which you developed in the body of the commentary. [Do not repeat your
commentary, just underline the gist of your arguments!!!].
The second step is to branch out: you need to broaden the issues of the document and
find a need debate related to the one tackled in the text under study or you can raise
further questions related to the main issue of the document.
RECAP
To introduce a document and its analysis, you should :
Present the nature of the document and its source
Expose the main topic and the issue dealt with
Provide some elements of context
Give an outline of your analysis
Identifying Sources
ANNALS: year-by-year accounts of historical events. The practice of writing annals was widespread in
medieval times. See CHRONICLE.
ANTHOLOGY: a collection of writings by different authors.
ARTICLE: a short non-fiction prose composition about a single topic.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY: a personal account of one’s own life. The emphasis is on introspection and the
development of personality. See MEMOIRS.
BIOGRAPHY: the recording of someone’s life, concentrating on his character, experiences and
environment.
CHRONICLE: a form of historical writing which prevailed in medieval times and during the Renaissance.
It related national or foreign events in verse or prose. Chronicles were more comprehensive than annals.
9 DIARY: a journal in which personal and intimate details are recorded day by day. See JOURNAL. ESSAY: a composition presenting a point of view or discussing a given subject. FORMAL ESSAYS are impersonal, serious, and written to inform. INFORMAL or FAMILIAR ESSAYS are conversational in tone, light, humorous, often concerned with more trivial subjects, and written to entertain. JOURNAL: a day by day relation of events and personal reactions to them. Like a diary, it is autobiographical, but usually less intimate. MEMOIRS: an autobiographical kind of writing, in which the emphasis is less on intimate details than on the important events witnessed by the narrator—often a prominent person. PAMPHLET: a short essay, usually unbound, on a given subject. It is often polemical. TESTIMONY See F. Grellet, A Handbook of Literary Terms, Paris: Hachette, 1996.
10 THE GEOGRAPHY AND THE PEOPLE: PAST AND PRESENT The United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland http://www.uktravelcentre.com
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Characteristics of the four nations
Countries
Characteris Northern
Scotland England Wales
tics Ireland (Ulster)
Number of
5 million 49 million 3 million 1,6 million
inhabitants
Pound
Currency Pound Sterling Pound Sterling Pound Sterling
Sterling
Capital Edinburgh London Cardiff Belfast
The Irish or
The People The Scots The English The Welsh
Ulster Men
English,
English and English and Irish
Language Scots and Scots English
Welsh Gaelic
Gaelic
Symbol
The Shamrock
The Thistle The Red Rose The Leek and
and the Harp
the Daffodil
Colour
blue white red green
St. George St. David St. Patrick
Patron St. Andrew
Saint (November 30th) (April 23rd) (March 1st) (March 17th)13
Protestant,
Roman Protestant and Ro
Main Protestant and Ro Protestant and Ro
Catholic, man Catholic
Religions man Catholic man Catholic
Muslim and Hi
ndu
http://www.uk.filo.pl/symbols_of_four_nations.htm
http://www.vijayforvictory.com/general/evolution-of-union-jack-
flag/288/14 http://www.historic-uk.com/CultureUK/John-Bull/ History in brief The Economist Nov 29, 2005 Towards the end of the first millennium, the patchwork of kingdoms ruling the British Isles coalesced into larger, more powerful realms. England, the largest, fell to Norman invaders from northern France in 1066. They and their successors, the Angevin kings (1154-1485), established a powerful monarchy that extended royal influence into Scotland, Ireland and Wales. The failures of King John in the early 13th century led the barons of England to revolt. In 1215 the king was forced to sign the Magna Carta, which placed checks on the absolute power of the monarch. A civil war followed, but when John's son, Henry III, assumed the throne the document was reissued. The Magna Carta is widely considered to be the forerunner of constitutional law. The Wars of the Roses (1455-1485) ended with the accession of a new royal dynasty, the Tudors. Henry VIII (1509-47) politically unified England and Wales (in 1536) and renounced Papal authority. Religion remained a divisive issue over the next 130 years, as English Protestantism defined itself. Scotland's parliament adopted Presbyterianism as the state religion in 1560. The accession of the Stuart king James I in 1603 united the thrones of England and Scotland. But conflict between an increasingly headstrong Parliament and the Crown led to civil war (1642-51) and the monarchy's temporary abolition. The
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monarch's power was curtailed for good (to Parliament's great gain) in the Glorious
Revolution of 1688-89. England and Scotland politically unified in the Act of Union
of 1707.
The 17th and 18th centuries saw Britain's explorers and traders carve out a
tremendous overseas empire. Wars augmented it, but drained coffers. Attempts to
make colonial government pay for itself led to the Revolutionary War (1775-83) in
which Britain lost its American colonies. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland officially came into existence in 1800 when the latter's parliament was
abolished.
Quickening industrialisation and a population explosion transformed Britain into the
world's strongest economic power until the late 19th century. Under Victoria (1837-
1901) a vigorous policy of imperialism forged a great overseas empire, with India as
its centerpiece. At home, reformers brought about changes including labour laws,
freer trade and expanded voting rights, though only two-thirds of adult males could
vote in 1914.
The first and second world wars devastated Britain's population and economy.
(Between the wars, Ireland won its independence, in 1922, though Britain retained
the six counties that are now Northern Ireland). American aid helped Britain recover
in the late 1940s, and the Labour government introduced a comprehensive welfare
state and nationalised various industries in the late 1940s and 50s. But with its
remaining colonies winning independence, Britain's days as a major world power
were over, as the humiliating Suez Crisis of 1956 showed.
After suffering a decade and a half of economic problems, Britain recovered under
the Conservative governments of 1979-97. Recent domestic politics have since
been marked by the devolution of power to Britain's regions, though the long-term
fate of Northern Ireland is undecided. Britain joined the European Community (now
the EU) in 1973, but its attitude towards European integration has remained
sceptical.
Union with England Act 1707
Act Ratifying and Approving the Treaty of Union of the Two Kingdoms of SCOTLAND and
ENGLAND
The Estates of Parliament Considering that Articles of Union of the Kingdoms of Scotland and
England were agreed on the twenty second of July One thousand seven hundred and six years
by the Commissioners nominated on behalf of this Kingdom under Her Majesties Great Seal of16
Scotland bearing date the twenty seventh of February last past in pursuance of the fourth Act
of the third Session of this Parliament and the Commissioners nominated on behalf of the
Kingdom of England under Her Majesties Great Seal of England bearing date at Westminster
the tenth day of April last past in pursuance of an Act of Parliament made in England the third
year of Her Majesties Reign to treat of and concerning an Union of the said Kingdoms Which
Articles were in all humility presented to Her Majesty upon the twenty third of the said Month
of July and were Recommended to this Parliament by Her Majesties Royal Letter of the date the
thirty one day of July One thousand seven hundred and six And that the said Estates of
Parliament have agreed to and approven of the saids Articles of Union with some Additions
and Explanations as is contained in the Articles hereafter insert And sicklyke Her Majesty with
advice and consent of the Estates of Parliament Resolving to Establish the Protestant Religion
and Presbyterian Church Government within this Kingdom has past in this Session of
Parliament an Act entituled Act for secureing of the Protestant Religion and Presbyterian
Church Government which by the Tenor thereof is appointed to be insert in any Act ratifying
the Treaty and expressly declared to be a fundamentall and essentiall Condition of the said
Treaty or Union in all time coming Therefore Her Majesty with advice and consent of the
Estates of Parliament in fortification of the Approbation of the Articles as abovementioned And
for their further and better Establishment of the same upon full and mature deliberation upon
the forsaids Articles of Union and Act of Parliament Doth Ratifie Approve and Confirm the
same with the Additions and Explanations contained in the saids Articles in manner and under
the provision aftermentioned whereof the Tenor follows
Union with Ireland Act 1800
1800 CHAPTER 67 39 and 40 Geo 3
An Act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland. [2nd July 1800]
Preamble.
Whereas in pursuance of his Majesty’s most gracious recommendation to the two
Houses of Parliament in Great Britain and Ireland respectively, to consider of such
measures as might best tend to strengthen and consolidate the connection between the
two kingdoms, the two Houses of the Parliament of Great Britain and the two Houses of
the Parliament of Ireland have severally agreed and resolved, that, in order to promote
and secure the essential interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the
strength, power and resources of the British Empire, it will be adviseable to concur
in such measures as may best tend to unite the two kingdoms of Great Britain and
Ireland into one kingdom, in such manner, and on such terms and conditions, as may
be established by the Acts of the respective Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland:
The Parliaments of England and Ireland have agreed upon the articles following:17 And whereas, in furtherance of the said resolution, both Houses of the said two Parliaments respectively have likewise agreed upon certain Articles for effectuating and establishing the said purposes, in the tenor following: 2 Union with Ireland Act 1800 (c. 67) ARTICLE FIRST That Great Britain and Ireland shall upon Jan. 1, 1801, be united into one kingdom; and that the titles appertaining to the crown, &c. shall be such as his Majesty shall be pleased to appoint. That it be the First Article of the Union of the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, that the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland shall, upon the first day of January which shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and one, and for ever after, be united into one kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and that the royal stile and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of the said United Kingdom and its dependencies, and also the ensigns, armorial flags and banners thereof, shall be such as his Majesty, by his royal proclamation under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom, shall be pleased to appoint. ARTICLE SECOND That the succession to the crown shall continue limited and settled as at present. That it be the Second Article of Union, that the succession to the imperial crown of the said United Kingdom, and of the dominions thereunto belonging, shall continue limited and settled in the same manner as the succession to the imperial crown of the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, according to the existing laws and to the terms of union between England and Scotland. ARTICLE THIRD That the United Kingdom be represented in one Parliament. That it be the Third Article of Union, that the said United Kingdom be represented in one and the same Parliament, to be stiled the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. ARTICLE FOURTH †That such Act as shall be passed in Ireland to regulate the mode of summoning and returning the lords and commoners to serve in the united Parliament of the United Kingdom, shall be considered as part of the treaty of union. ... That such Act as shall be passed in the Parliament of Ireland previous to the union, to regulate the mode by which the lords spiritual and tbemporal and the commons, to serve in the Parliament of the United Kingdom on the part of Ireland, shall be summoned and returned to the said Parliament, shall be considered as forming part of the treaty of union, and shall be incorporated in the Acts of the respective Parliaments by which the said union shall be ratified and established: . . .
18 History lessons we should learn Celebrating our national identity is pointless if we don't know how the past made us Tristram Hunt The Observer Sunday January 15 2006 The Chancellor's call at yesterday's Fabian Society conference for a celebration of Britishness should be cautiously welcomed by patriotic progressives. In an impassioned speech, he made the case for recapturing the union flag as a 'British symbol of unity, tolerance and inclusion'. But despite his best intentions, it is not supranational identities which Britons want to cling to, rather, the more particular identities of Wales, Scotland and, increasingly, England. As a Scottish Chancellor of the Exchequer seeking to be Prime Minister of Great Britain, Gordon Brown has been making similar pronouncements since the mid-1990s. His empathy for and knowledge of the past is widely admired. Yet reservations creep in when the tub-thumping rhetoric drowns out historical analysis. For the Brownite virtues of Britishness - tolerance, fair play, liberty under law, an outward-looking mentality - are neither unique to these isles nor have they always been on display across Britain's long history. All too frequently, the Chancellor slips into a Whiggish narrative of national heroism which pays little attention to the less-becoming elements of our past. Many were dismayed when he chose a recent trip to Africa to celebrate the virtues of empire and demand we stop apologising for it. As academic Paul Gilroy rightly asks: 'When did we start apologising?' Behind much of Brown's thinking is the canonical work Britons by Princeton historian Linda Colley. During the 18th century, she suggests, the modern British state was forged under the influence of empire, Protestantism and warfare. Seen in this light, Great Britain cannot be regarded as an ancient nation whose origins are lost in the mists of time. Instead, it should be regarded as the specific construct of the Act of Union between England and Scotland. As such, it is a nation whose history extends not much further than the quintessentially modern national creation, the United States of America. Problematically for prospective leaders of the UK, the very forces which first crafted Great Britain in the 1700s are now in disarray. The ambition for empire is gone; Protestantism in its Anglican and nonconformist varieties is a shadow of its previous magnificence; and while the Prime Minister has done all he can to keep our martial spirit up, we are no longer involved in the kind of totalising military mobilisations of which the Second World War was the last. The ties which bound Englishman to Scotsman to Welshman; the culture which celebrated David Livingstone, Florence Nightingale or Lloyd George as unifyingly British heroes has gone. So, according to Mr Brown, we need a new calendar of rituals and events to reunite the British ethos. Hence his call to convert Remembrance Day into British Day. But at least since the early Seventies, what ever greater numbers have wanted to identify with is their national identity. Celtic nationalism emerged as a major political and cultural force during the Callaghan years and, through the demand for devolution, brought that government down. In the Nineties, English nationalism witnessed a wholly unexpected grassroots revival. On the left, the likes of Billy Bragg and Tony Benn championed the radical heritage of the English common man while on the right, Roger Scruton, Peter Hitchens and a small army of football fans rediscovered the symbolic meaning of St George. Only last week, the government seemed to be encouraging such emotional patriotism. By launching the English Icons campaign, a website devoted to public expressions of pride in uniquely English products, Culture Minister David Lammy hoped to draw the sting of xenophobic
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nationalism and unashamedly celebrate the specific virtues of England. And if it is managed
well, what this initiative could help the public realise is the long-established multicultural
component of English identity. For one of the most popular English icons - the cup of tea - is a
microcosm of our imperial, global history of power politics and cultural exchange.
Yet few of these ministerial initiatives will do much good unless we rethink our approach to the
teaching of history and national identity in our schools. British Day will remain an empty initiative
(like the Empire and Commonwealth Days of the Fifties), unless children are taught a far more
comprehensive history of Britain. We need to be brave about teaching a rigorous, global
narrative of British history and identity which goes beyond the obsessive heroism and
victimhood of the Second World War.
If the union flag is going to mean something to Gordon Brown's future patriots, then they need
first of all to know our 'warts and all' past.
Welcome to the 2011 Census for England and Wales
The estimated population of England and Wales is 56,075,900. Census statistics
provide a detailed snapshot of the population and its characteristics, and underpin
funding allocation to provide public services.
The first release of 2011 Census data provides household estimates, and
population estimates by age and sex, for England and Wales and local authorities.
Date: 20 January 2011 Coverage: UK Theme: Population
A new study shows that in most regions and countries in the UK a smaller percentage of
foreign-born adults claim state benefits compared with their UK-born counterparts. Also, the
largest employment group for the foreign-born population is either elementary or
professional occupations in most regions and countries.
These figures are set out in a study released today by the Office for National Statistics,
Regional Characteristics of foreign-born people living in the United Kingdom. The study
covers all nine English regions as well as Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland in 2009.
Also included in the key findings are:
• the proportion of married/civil partnered people is greater in the foreign-born
population than the UK-born population for the majority of regions and countries
• the largest ethnic group for the foreign-born population is White in all regions and
countries except the West Midlands, where the largest ethnic group is Asian20 The London region has the largest percentage of foreign-born population comprising 34 per cent of its population, with the West Midlands and South East second at 11 per cent. The smallest are the North East and Wales with 5 per cent of their populations defined as foreign-born; whilst the South West, Scotland and Northern Ireland have foreign-born populations of 6 per cent. In most regions there is a larger percentage of married/civil partnered persons in the foreign-born population than for the UK-born population. The difference is greatest in the West Midlands and London where the percentage of the foreign-born population who are married/civil partnered is at least 17 per cent higher than for the UK-born population.
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highest percentage of the foreign-born population designating themselves as Christian (72
per cent), the highest percentage of Hindu followers is in the East (13 per cent), and the
West Midlands has the highest percentage of foreign-born Muslims and Sikhs (29 per cent
and 9 per cent respectively).
The largest employment group for the foreign-born population in many regions and
countries is in elementary occupations (such as labourers and couriers). This is the case in
the East Midlands (24 per cent of the foreign-born working population), the North West (21
per cent), Yorkshire and The Humber (21 per cent), Wales (19 per cent), West Midlands
and Scotland (both 17 per cent). There are also sizeable percentages of foreign-born
workers in professional occupations (such as engineers and chemists), notably in the North
East (23 per cent) and South East (19 per cent).
The percentage of foreign-born population with degrees also differs by region and country.
In the North East 34 per cent of the foreign-born population hold degrees while in the East
Midlands only 18 per cent had such a qualification.
A smaller percentage of the foreign-born population claimed state benefits or tax credits
than the UK-born population in many of the regions and countries of the UK. The
Exceptions to this are in London and The West Midlands where the difference between the
two populations is negligible.
Regional Characteristics of foreign-born people living in the United Kingdom can be found
at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/article.asp?ID=2601News Release: Profiles of foreign-
born population | Page 3
Website:
www.ons.gov.uk
Figure A1.1
The 2001 Census ethnic group question asked in England
and Wales
What is your ethnic
8 group?
Choose ONE section from A to E,
then
tick the appropriate box to indicate
your cultural background.
A White
British Irish
Any other White background,
please write in
B Mixed22
White and Black Caribbean
White and Black African
White and Asian
Any other Mixed background,
please write in
C Asian or Asian British
Indian Pakistani
Bangladeshi
Any other Asian background,
please write in
D Black or Black British
Caribbean African
Any other Black background,
please write in
E Chinese or other ethnic group
Chinese
Any other, please write in
Source: Office for National Statistics23
How should data be presented for national identity in GB and the UK?
Data presentations on national identity for GB and the UK should follow the
question format of the National identity question (a) below.
Data presentation for national identity data in GB and UK
British XXX
English XXX
Scottish XXX
Welsh XXX
Northern Irish XXX
Other* XXX
To note
*’Irish’ is combined with ‘Other’.
You are in: Background
Short History of
Immigration
The Empire Windrush, 1948
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/in_depth/uk/2002/race/short_history_of_immigration.stm
250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945
1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-200224
The early story of the British Isles is one of colonisation. Firstly, celtic and pict tribes arrived and
formed the first communities in the British Isles.
Then came the Romans. In 250AD, Rome sent a contingent of black legionnaires, drawn from the
African part of the empire, to stand guard on Hadrian’s Wall.
There is no evidence that these men stayed in Britannia and when the Romans finally quit in the fifth
century, the way was clear for the Germanic tribes that would slowly become the English.
Four hundred years after the Jutes, Angles and Saxons colonised modern-day southern England, the
Vikings arrived, bringing a distinctive new influence to the cultural pot. The Vikings' sphere of
influence was northern Britain and modern-day East Anglia.
The most dramatic of these immigrations was the Norman Conquest in 1066. The Normans,
descended from Vikings who had settled in France, brought with them their early-French language
which would fundamentally change the direction of English, government and law. To this day, a
number of Parliamentary ceremonies can be dated back to the Franco-Norman era.
The first Norman king, William the Conqueror, invited Jews to settle in England to help develop
commerce, finance and trade.
250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945
1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002
During the Middle Ages, the few black faces in Britain appeared to be entertainers linked to royal
entourages.
African drummers lived in Edinburgh in 1505. In London, Henry VII and his son Henry VIII both
employed a black trumpeter named in one scroll as "John Blanke".
But conquest of the New World changed everything. As Europeans established plantations in the
Americas, they needed cheap labour. They found it by buying into the slave trade that already
existed in northern Africa.
The Portuguese and Spanish began buying slaves from African
and Arab merchants and taking them to work the plantations. In
1562, John Hawkyns made England's first foray into the trade
when he sold 300 West African men to planters in Haiti.
A few years later, black slaves began appearing in wealthy
households in England. When wealthy plantation owners sent their
children to schools in England, they would sometimes send slaves
too.
The legal status of these immigrants was vague because their
arrival was tied to their English owner and their freedom appeared
to relate to whether or not they were Christian. John Blanke as he appears in a
scroll.
Picture copyright: College of Arms,
There was some legal debate on whether or not a man brought to London.
a free country could be anything but free. But it amounted to
nothing and the trade grew.
250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945
1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002
In the early eighteenth century, treaties between European powers changed the political map. The25 United Kingdom, as it had now become, won more access to the New World and its riches. Merchants from Liverpool, Bristol, Glasgow and London rapidly expanded the slave trade and brought goods and riches back to Britain, wealth that would bankroll the coming industrial revolution. They also increased the number of African men, women and children resident in Britain. Approximately 14,000 black people lived in England by 1770. But few of them had real freedom and a movement to abolish slavery emerged. In 1772, the abolitionists brought a famous case to the courts. The judges were reluctant to rule on slavery, not least because of its economic importance to the UK. The abolitionists won a minor point that a slave could not be forcibly transported from England. But in practice it made little difference to their lives. 250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945 1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002 Eventually the abolitionists became one of the largest popular protests of British history and the end of slavery in Britain came in two stages. In 1807, Parliament banned the trade - but not slavery itself. In effect, slaving ships still operated, the only difference being that captains threw their captives overboard if they were in danger of being caught. In 1833, Parliament finally banned all slavery across the British Empire - though later investigations showed that tied labour still existed in many areas including India. Abolition meant a virtual halt to the arrival of black people to Britain, just as immigration from Europe was increasing. There were some notable exceptions. Wealthy families brought Indian servants to Britain. Cama and Company became the first Indian merchant to open offices in London and Liverpool. Black and Chinese seamen began putting down the roots of small communities in British ports, not least because they were abandoned there by their employers. Between 1830 and 1850, tens of thousands of Irish arrived in Britain, fleeing poverty at home. Britain's first non-white MP, Indian Dadabhai Naoroji, was elected to the House of Commons in 1892. A few years earlier, Arthur Wharton, born in modern day Ghana, became Britain's first black professional footballer. 250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945 1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002 During the two world wars, hundreds of thousands of men from across the Empire fought for Britain. India alone provided 1.3m soldiers for the First World War, 138,000 serving on the Western Front. During the Second World War, almost 60,000 British merchant seamen came from the sub-continent. Some of the men stayed in Britain during the inter-war years, forming small communities in ports. Bengali seamen, known as Lascars, went to work in Scottish collieries but were subjected to racial prejudice. They were not the only ones. There were no clear rules on immigration but officialdom appeared not to approve. Government feared the impact of black faces in white Britain - not least after a spate of race riots in
26 1919. 250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945 1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002 At the end of the Second World War there were work shortages in Europe and labour shortages in Britain. The government began looking for immigrants. Some 157,000 Poles were the first groups to be allowed to settle in the UK, partly because of ties made during the war years. They were joined by Italians but it was not enough to meet the need. Many men from the West Indies had fought for the "mother country" but returned to civilian life with few opportunities. Their sense of patriotism, coupled with the need to find work, steered them towards the UK. Despite an apparent official reluctance to allow immigration from the fast-disappearing empire, the government could not recruit enough people from Europe and turned to these men. On 22 June 1948, the Empire Windrush docked at Tilbury in London, delivering hundreds of men from the West Indies. Many had returned to rejoin the RAF. Others had been encouraged by adverts for work. The day marked what would become a massive change to British society - the start of mass immigration to the UK and the arrival of different cultures. 250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945 1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002 As mass immigration continued in the 1950s, so did the rise of racial violence and prejudice. Many areas including Birmingham, Nottingham and west London experienced rioting as white people feared the arrival of a black community. On one hand, these men and women had been offered work in a country they had been brought up to revere. On the other, many were experiencing racial prejudice they had never expected. Legislation had allowed people from the Empire and Commonwealth unhindered rights to enter Britain because they carried a British passport. Under political pressure, the government legislated three times in less than a decade to make immigration for non-white people harder and harder. By 1972, legislation meant that a British passport holder born overseas could only settle in Britain if they, firstly, had a work permit and, secondly, could prove that a parent or grandparent had been born in the UK. In practice, this meant children born to white families in the remnants of Empire or the former colonies could enter Britain. Their black counterparts could not. While government was tightening the entry rules, racial tension meant it had to try to tackle prejudice and two race relations acts followed. In 1945, Britain's non-white residents numbered in the low thousands. By 1970 they numbered approximately 1.4 million - a third of these children born in the United Kingdom. 250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945 1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002
27 The government had greatly restricted immigration by the 1970s, but had not stopped it altogether. Some 83,000 immigrants from the Commonwealth settled in the UK between 1968 and 1975, largely through gaining work permits or obtaining permission to join relatives. The most significant immigration of the decade came in 1972 when the Ugandan dictator General Idi Amin expelled 80,000 African Asians from the country, families who had been encouraged to settle there during the days of Empire. Many held British passports and, amid a major crisis, the UK admitted 28,000 in two months. In 1976 the government established the Commission for Racial Equality, the statutory body charged with tackling racial discrimination. In 1978 Viv Anderson became the first black footballer to be selected for the full England team and went on to win 30 caps. 250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945 1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002 By the 1980s Britain's immigration policy had two prongs. Firstly, there were strict controls on entry. Secondly, the state said it would protect the rights of ethnic minorities. Critics suggested that the two prongs gave conflicting signals on the place of the immigrant communities - and their British- born children - in society. As manufacturing declined, work permits were harder to get unless you had specialist skills or professional trading. This meant that the largest immigrant groups were Americans (to banking and industry), Australians, New Zealanders and South Africans making use of family-ties entry rules, and South Asian men and women entering the medical professions. The riots of 1981 were largely sparked by racial issues. In Brixton, the spiritual home of Britain's afro-Caribbean community, youths rioted amid resentment that the police were targeting more and more young black men in the belief that it would stop street crime. Similar riots followed in Liverpool and the Midlands. The subsequent Scarman Report found that "racial disadvantage is a fact of current British life". 250-1066 1500-1700 1713-1772 The 1800s 1914-1945 1946-1948 1950-1971 1972-1979 The 1980s 1987-2002 On 11 June 1987, the face of British politics changed when four non-white politicians were elected at the same General Election. Today there are 12 non-white MPs. Campaigners say that equal representation would require at least 55 black MPs in the House of Commons. The inquiry into the police's handling of the 1993 murder of black teenager Stephen Lawrence led directly to new anti-discrimination legislation passed in 2000. In the years following the fall of the Iron Curtain, a new movement of people began, some fleeing political persecution, others seeking a better life in western Europe. The growth of asylum seeker applications contributed to a new growth of immigration to the UK. Between 1998 and 2000, some 45,000 people arrived from Africa, 22,700 from the Indian sub- continent, 25,000 from Asia and almost 12,000 from the Americas. Some 125,000 people were allowed to settle in the UK in 2000. But the rise in asylum seeker arrivals has seen a rise in racial tensions. In May 2002 the far-right British National Party won three local council seats, a year after racial
28 tensions and were blamed for riots in northern towns. The government's plans for a new nationality and immigration legislation, including a possible citizenship test, sparked new controversy. Fifty years after the start of mass immigration to the UK, questions are still being asked about whether or not the UK can become a multi-ethnic society at ease with itself - or whether there is still a long road to be travelled. Councils in poorest areas suffering biggest budget cuts, Labour says Hilary Benn accuses government of unfairness as he publishes data that shows cuts for richer councils are up to 16 times smaller The Guardian, 25 August 2014 The poorest areas of England have endured council cuts under the coalition worth 16 times as much per household as the richest areas, research has claims. Hilary Benn, the shadow communities secretary, said his figures showed the government had "failed to apply the basic principle of fairness" when allocating money to local government. However, he confirmed that, given Labour's commitment to matching the government's spending plans for 2015-16, a government led by Ed Miliband would not be in a position to raise overall council spending. Instead it would focus on distributing money more fairly, he said. Benn's figures are based on the amount per household that councils are losing between 2010-11 and 2015-16. Councils covering the 10 most deprived areas of England – measured according to the index of multiple deprivation– are losing £782 on average per household, while authorities covering the richest areas are losing just £48 on average. Hart district council in Hampshire, the least deprived local authority, is losing £28 per household, while in Liverpool District B, the most deprived area, the figure is £807. The figures reinforce claims that have been made by organisations such as the Audit Commission, the local government spending watchdog, which said in a report last year that "councils in the most deprived areas have seen substantially greater reductions in government funding as a share of revenue expenditure than councils in less deprived areas." Benn, who released the figures as part of Labour's summer campaign on the theme of "the choice" between Labour and the Tories, said: "The prime minister and the local government secretary say that tough times involve tough choices, but they have forgotten one very important principle. Tough times demand tough choices that are fair. "And yet if we look at the way in which the Tory-led government has chosen to take most from those who have least – the most deprived local authorities – it is clear just how unfair and unjustifiable this is."
29 In an open letter to council leaders, he said: "As we will inherit, and stick to, the government's spending plans for 2015-16, we will not have any more money to give to local government. "But there will be one difference: the money we have will be distributed more fairly." In a response issued by the department for communities, Kris Hopkins, the local government minister, attacked Labour's local government record: "Under Labour, council tax bills more than doubled whilst local services like bin collections halved. "Ed Miliband would hike up taxes on people's homes, and in Wales, the Labour government are now actively supporting monthly bin collections. It's clear under Labour, you pay more and get less. "Local government, which accounts for a quarter of public spending, was strangled in red tape by Labour, who turned a blind eye to massive waste and inefficiency in the public sector and ran up massive public debts. "Councils need to do their bit to help pay off the deficit that Labour left. Councils can save money through more joint working, better procurement and cutting fraud." Poor doors: the segregation of London's inner-city flat dwellers The Guardian, Friday 25 July 2014 Multimillion pound housing developments in London are segregating less well-off tenants from wealthy homebuyers by forcing them to use separate entrances. A Guardian investigation has discovered a growing trend in the capital's upmarket apartment blocks – which are required to include affordable homes in order to win planning permission – for the poorer residents to be forced to use alternative access, a phenomenon being dubbed "poor doors". Even bicycle storage spaces, rubbish disposal facilities and postal deliveries are being separated. The Green party accused developers of showing "contempt for ordinary people" by enforcing such two-tier policies. This week New York's mayor, Bill De Blasio, said he planned to take action to prevent new developments being built with separate entrances and facilities for low-income residents. His pledge followed a furore over a luxury block on the city's swanky Upper West Side which will have what US newspapers have dubbed a "poor door" for the social housing units on the site. But while the approval for segregated entrances in just one building in New York generated headlines, they are fast becoming standard practice in London. "When Ken Livingstone left office he was keen that all developments should have their social housing 'pepperpotted' – mixed in with all the other more upmarket accommodation,"
30 said Ed Mead, a director at estate agent Douglas & Gordon which sells upmarket properties in central London. "This didn't go down well with developers with the result that most developments now have a separate entrance and a different look." Tracey Kellett, a buying agent who trawls the capital looking for homes for wealthy clients, said a number of developments have separate entrances "so the two social strata don't have to meet". In one: "The affordable [housing] has vile coloured plastic panels on the outside rather than blingy glass." At one building bordering the City financial district, the Guardian discovered wealthy owners accessed their homes via a hotel-style lobby area, while social housing tenants enter through a side door in an adjacent alley alongside trade entrances. In marketing information for another development currently under construction, would-be residents have been promised that the affordable homes will have a separate entrance, no access to car or cycle parking and that post and bins will also be divided. As the London housing market has boomed the expectations of some of the capital's wealthiest homebuyers have grown and many properties now have communal areas akin to those in some of the world's best hotels. Service charges to maintain these are high, and a separate entrance means housing associations and their tenants do not face these extra costs. However, as in New York, there are concerns that it is leading to increasingly divided communities. Green party London assembly member Darren Johnson said: "This trend shows contempt for ordinary people, and is about developers selling luxury flats to rich investors who don't want to mix with local people." He added: "The mayor and councils have been turning a blind eye to this for too long, they should simply refuse applications that have separate facilities or that refuse any affordable housing on this basis." […] Side-entrance shame The brochure for the upmarket apartments of One Commercial Street, on the edge of the City, boasts of a "bespoke entrance lobby ... With the ambience of a stylish hotel reception area, it creates a stylish yet secure transition space between your home and the City streets". In common with many of London's new concrete and glass residential blocks there's a concierge, on hand 24/7 to service the every need of residents paying a minimum of £500,000 – which only buys a studio flat – to live in this booming part of the city. But the lobby is out of bounds to some of those who live in the building. What the brochure doesn't mention is a second door, with a considerably less glamorous lobby, tucked away in an alley to the side of the building, alongside the trade entrance for Pret a Manger. This is the entrance for One Commercial Street's affordable housing tenants.
31 Curzon Street, where developers argued affordable housing provision would result in 'design inefficiencies'. Photograph: Graham Turner for the Guardian In a bid to ease the housing crisis, developers are obliged to provide a set proportion of affordable homes when they draw up a new project, but they are often able to negotiate this figure down with local planners. Some provide the cheaper homes in separate blocks, but in a single structure development the affordable homes are often on separate floors – with separate entrances, lifts, car parks and even rubbish bins, so that upmarket apartment buyers have no contact with those occupying the social housing in their buildings. In some cases, developers have even used the fact they need to provide separate doors and lifts to argue against putting affordable homes on the same site as their premium apartments. Planning documents for the 56 Curzon Street development in Mayfair show that the developers told the local council "that on-site provision of affordable housing would result in significant design inefficiencies due to the need for separate entrances and building cores". Some are coy about the subject. Native Land, which is currently building Cheyne Terrace just off Kings Road in Chelsea, complete with a swimming pool and gym, refused to comment when asked if its 13 affordable housing units would be accessed via a separate door. However, the website of John Robertson Architects, which has designed the building, makes it clear this is the case. In north-west London the developers behind Queen's Park Place are more upfront about how its 28 affordable and 116 market-rate homes will co-exist – its marketing website says the external appearance will be uniform across all properties – or "tenure blind". But inside the building the two types of resident will be treated very differently: "Affordable tenants will not have use of the main private residential entrance, private courtyard gardens or basement car and cycle parking. Services including postal delivery and refuse storage are also divided." […] Through the main door of One Commercial Street the lights shine brightly in the hotel- style lobby. There is luxury marble tiling and plush sofas, and a sign on the door alerts residents to the fact that the concierge is available. Round the back, the entrance to the
32 affordable homes is a cream corridor, decorated only with grey mail boxes and a poster warning tenants that they are on CCTV and will be prosecuted if they cause any damage. Brooke Terrelonga lives here with her nine-month-old son – they moved into a social rented flat four months ago and she was surprised to find that she wasn't allowed to use the front entrance. Her mother, who doesn't want to be named, said she felt unhappy about her daughter returning home at night to the poorly-lit alleyway. She motioned towards two lights on the wall, either side of the door, which were the only lighting in sight. She said: "It's like the cream is at the front and they've sent the rubbish to the back." Another tenant, Judy Brown, had also expected to be able to get to her flat through the main entrance. "I call it the posh door. I feel a little bit insulted. It's segregation." Brown said that the lifts kept breaking down and she often had to take the stairs to her ninth-floor flat. "When both the lifts weren't working they did say that if you were pregnant, had a health problem or a baby in a buggy you could use the main entrance," she said. Otherwise, the tenants said, they were "locked out" of the main lobby. James Moody, managing director of Redrow London, which built One Commercial Street said in a statement that his firm was committed to providing homes "at all financial levels" and that 34% of the total accommodation in the building was affordable. "As One Commercial Street is located on the edge of the City, we have built a product that appeals to this market of young professionals and families who want to live close to their place of work and enjoy the benefits of a full concierge service and hotel style lobby, which they pay a premium for through their service charge. "Affordable accommodation is managed separately by Network Housing who have full control of the services and facilities provided to its tenants and have a set cap for service charges. "In addition, we have taken every step necessary to ensure that our development meets the needs of all of its residents and we go through a lengthy consultation process with housing associations to establish both a design that meets their requirements whilst making it as affordable as possible for their residents." Why doesn't Britain make things any more? In the past 30 years, the UK's manufacturing sector has shrunk by two-thirds, the greatest de-industrialisation of any major nation. It was done in the name of economic modernisation – but what has replaced it? The Guardian, 16 November 2011
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