Labour Pride - What Our Unions A brief history of the role of working-class gays and lesbians and their unions in the struggle for legal rights in ...
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Labour
Pride
New Edition Prabha Khosla
What A brief history of the role
Our Unions of working-class gays and lesbians
Have Done and their unions in the struggle
for Us for legal rights in Canada
2 3
There is no copyright on this publication. Prabha Khosla
However, should you decide to use material
from this publication, acknowledgment
of the source would be appreciated.
Author
Labour
Prabha Khosla
Title
Pride
Labour Pride:
What Our Unions
Have Done For Us.
New Edition
2021
Prabha Khosla is a researcher
What A brief history of the role
Paperback and activist on women’s rights
ISBN 978-1-77136-775-2 and cross-cutting inequalities in Our Unions of working-class gays and lesbians
urban governance, planning and Have Done and their unions in the struggle
E-book management. for Us for legal rights in Canada
ISBN 978-1-77136-777-6
Cover page artwork
The Great Wave, Kaushalya Bannerji
Design
Confédération des syndicats nationaux (CSN).
Printed in Canada by union labour.
New Edition
4 5
Acronyms Contents
BCFL British Colombia Federation of Labour Introduction 8
BCGEU British Columbia Government Employees Union A tribute to all who fought
for our rights
BCTF British Columbia Teachers’ Federation
CAW Canadian Auto Workers A note 13
Communication, Energy On Indigenous lesbian, gay
CEP and two-spirit workers
and Paperworkers’ Union of Canada
CEQ Centrale de l’enseignement du Québec The 1970s 18
CETA Canadian Telecommunications Employees’ Association Links between gay
and lesbian communities, workers,
CLC Canadian Labour Congress
feminists, and trade unions
CSN Confédération des syndicats nationaux
CUPE Canadian Union of Public Employees The 1980s 31
Fighting back in the streets
CUPW Canadian Union of Postal Workers and on the job
FTQ Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec
The 1990s 47
GATE Gay Alliance Toward Equality
No goingback
HEU Hospital Employees Union
LGBT Lesbian, Gays, Bi-sexual and Trans Into the 2000s 78
Expanding rights
Lesbian, Gays, Bi-sexuals, Trans, Queer
LGBTQ2
or Questioning and Two-Spirit
Conclusion 92
NUPGE National Union of Public and General Employees Unions and Equalities
OFL Ontario Federation of Labour
References 96
OPSEU Ontario Public Sector Employees’ Union
OSSTF Ontario Secondary Schools Teachers’ Federation
PSAC Public Services Association of Canada
SFL Saskatchewan Federation of Labour
Saskatchewan Government
SGEU
and General Employees Union
USW United Steelworkers
6 7
Acknowledgements
Many individuals and unions supported the new edi-
tion of Labour Pride. I would specifically like to recog-
nize the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE/
SCFP), National Office for their financial support and
thank the many members of CUPE/SCFP who assisted
with the new edition in numerous ways. Specifically,
my immense gratitude to François Bellemare, Cheryl
Colborne, Elizabeth Dandy, Shelly Gordon, Gina McKay,
Bill Pegler and Dwayne Tattrie. I especially also want to
thank Marie-Hélène Bonin, Confédération des syndicats
nationaux (CSN), for solidarity and assistance with the A special thanks and gratitude to all who agreed to be
design; Morgen Veres, Ontario Public Service Employees interviewed and their patience with the long journey of
Union (OPSEU); Adriane Paavo and Louise Scott, United this project.
Steelworkers (USW) Canadian National Office; Prof. Line
Chamberland, Research Chair on Homophobia at Uni- Financial assistance for this publication was provided
versité du Québec à Montréal (UQAM); Larry Kuehen, by CSN, CUPE National, OPSEU’s Social Justice Fund,
British Columbia Teachers Federation (BCTF); my sister, BCGEU/NUPGE and the Michael Lynch Grant in LGBTTQ
Sangeeta Khosla, for logistical support with the research Histories awarded by the Bonham Centre for Sexual Diver-
in Vancouver; Casey Oraa and Toufic El-Daher of the sity Studies at the University of Toronto. The French
CLC’s Solidarity and Pride Committee; Dai Kojima, Sexual language translation was provided by the USW Canadian
Diversity Studies, University of Toronto; and Mélissa Alig National Office. Marie-Hélène Bonin reviewed the French
for her assistance with French. Thank-you all! Without edition. Many thanks to all of them for their support for
them this publication would not be in your hands. the new edition.
The original version of Labour Pride was produced for the
World Pride Committee of the Toronto and York Region
Labour Council for World Pride 2014. The Committee for
that project included Carolyn Egan, United Steelworkers
(USW); Robert Hamsey, Ontario Public Sector Employ-
ees Union (OPSEU); Wayne Milliner, Ontario Secondary
School Teachers Federation (OSSTF); Prabha Khosla;
Stephen Seaborn, (CUPE) and Morgen Veres, (OPSEU).
Financial support for the first edition was provided by
CUPE Ontario. Research assistance was provided by
Mathieu Brûlé, Sue Carter and Tim McCaskell.
8 9
01 A tribute to all
who fought
Introduction for our rights
10 11
The publication honours the hundreds of gay and lesbian workers who
organized for rights and visibility – all those who came out, organized
for inclusiveness and diversity, and fought for equal rights on shop
The new edition of Labour Pride has been a few years in the making. The floors and in hospitals, libraries, hotels, schools and offices. As work-
research, interviews and connections for this publication took place in ers, activists, and staff of unions, they challenged their unions, but did
the many territories of the nations of Turtle Island. At its conclusion, I not always succeed. Many of them came out and tried to get elected to
am most grateful to be living in the unceded traditional territory of the union leadership positions but were not elected. Many tried again and
Squamish, Tsleil-Waututh and Musqueam Nations. again to raise their voices but were ridiculed and marginalized. Many
eventually quit their jobs, went elsewhere, ‘played straight’ or gave up
The history of working-class gays and lesbians in the trade union on the union movement. Many indigenous and racialized people faced
movement is as old as the early days of union organizing, when workers so much racism from workers, unions and management that coming
began to collectively demand improvements in their working conditions out was not an option. All these workers’ struggles were a passage to
and fight for better pay, rights, and benefits. This publication offers a later victories.
brief account of the role of workers and their unions in support of gay
and lesbian rights in Canada from the 1970s to the early 2000s. The
struggles and stories provide an overview of the organizing of workers
and their unions for legal rights as gay and lesbian workers in Canada. This publication primarily documents the struggles and positive changes
and victories of gay and lesbian workers and the unions that supported
them. These victories have been critical to the success of the struggle
for equal and legal rights for LGBTQ2 peoples in Canada. Without the
engagement and investment of unions in the struggle for equality, it
is doubtful we would be where we are today, even though many gains
remain to be made on several other fronts.
Many unions in Canada have contributed their strength, influence,
voice and resources in support of gay and lesbian workers. However,
“Job security for lesbians and gay men”. Toronto Pride 1977.
the engagement of unions in the struggle for lesbian and gay rights is
uneven. While some unions took up the demands of lesbian and gay
workers, others chose to not support this struggle. While some unions
have ‘caught’ up in recent years, by devoting resources and energy to
LGBTQ2 issues, others have not. Going forward it may be useful to better
understand why some answer the call and others don’t. Most certainly,
work remains to be done and all unions can and should get involved in
supporting the rights of not only LGBTQ2 workers, but the rights of all
workers including racialized workers, women workers, workers with
disabilities, indigenous workers, young workers, the organized and
unorganized and the many who have face multiple and intersecting
inequalities.
12 13
The research for this publication took sev-
02
eral forms. I contacted gays and lesbians I
knew in unions and who I knew had been
activists in unions for many years. They This publication attempts to cover some of
gave me leads to other LGBTQ2 workers. the major and not so high-profile struggles
I also contacted women’s rights, LGBT for legal rights of gays and lesbians and
rights and human rights staff of various LGBTQ2 working peoples and their unions,
A note
unions. These women and men gave me from the early 1970s to the early 2000s. By
more names to follow-up. Other LGBTQ2 no means does this publication claim to be
activists identified publications, papers the definitive history of LGBTQ2 workers
and union materials about LGBT rights and unions. There are still many gaps.
for me to follow-up with. I interviewed There were many LGBTQ2 peoples who
numerous workers documenting their lives were not in unions and who also fought
On Indigenous
as union activists and leaders. I researched for legal rights in Canada. They are not a
academic books and papers and visited focus of this publication. Their lives and
archives of cities, universities and unions. contributions are covered in other essays
lesbian, gay
A lot of historical materials such as post- and books.
ers, buttons, newsletters, etc. are in the
and two-spirit
homes of activists. I was not able to access A note on the use of terms and acronyms
many of these materials. As usual, the used to refer to gays and lesbians and what
research was more extensive than what we now broadly refer to as LGBTQ2 com-
workers
you will read in these pages. munities. An attempt has been made to
keep the use of terms to their historical
periods. For example, in the early years
the language used was gays and lesbi-
ans, then it became LGBT, to LGBTQ2S
and still others today. These acronyms
are important as they signal the growing
movements for sexual orientation and
gender identity (SOGI) rights. In this pub-
lication, I have roughly attempted to keep
to the language of the historical periods.
Towards the later part of the publication
I use the term LGBTQ2. None of the terms
used or not used here are meant to exclude
anyone who considers themselves a part
of our community.
14 15
There is a large gap in the literature in terms of the lives of indigenous Lori Johnson, Two-Spirit
LGBTQ2 workers who might have been part of unions, even if, due to rac- Métis woman
ism they did not have a good experience of the union or their co-workers.
Due to various constraints it was not possible to do unlimited research Lori is a nurse by profession. She was
to identify these workers. Given the history of colonialism and racism in also the Director of the Morgentaler Clinic
Canada and the barriers to employment faced by indigenous peoples, it in Winnipeg for ten years. Lori’s family
is likely that, if one were an indigenous lesbian, gay or two-spirit person descends from Métis people who were buf-
and had managed to get a job, one would not bring attention to oneself falo hunters, free traders and guides on the
by coming out. That would be asking to be fired and worse. While things plains of the Red River area of Manitoba.
have begun to change in recent years, working as indigenous workers Her ancestral Scrip is in Winnipeg in the
in union or non-union jobs has meant dealing with a lot of racism from area that is now called St. James. Accord-
management, unions and co-workers. I hope others will take up the ing to Lori, “It is difficult to find two-spirit “Bosses and co-workers could be overtly
challenge to document their stories. peoples who were in unions in the time racist. They would openly say things like,
horizon of your research because we often ‘We don’t hire Indians here, one paycheck
Albert McLeod, Co-director of the Two-Spirited People of Manitoba would not apply for those jobs as we knew and you’ll never see them again’. In my
Inc. and a human rights activist for the past thirty years feels that two- we would not get them. Mostly what we family my uncles used to work up north
spirit peoples have likely been in jobs which were unionized but were got were low-paying jobs with no security in the construction of dams, (the flood-
probably not out. and no protections. Métis peoples were way in Manitoba), and they were skilled
often under-represented in good paying tradesmen such as plumbers, pipe fitters,
jobs with benefits, especially two-spirit and welders etc., but they would never let
Métis people”. anyone on the job know they were Métis.
We only spoke about ourselves as Métis
within our families for fear that if employ-
Albert McLeod says, ers found out that you were Métis, you
would never get the job. My male family
“… in the intersection of the three spaces of indigenous, unions, members were never in a union, they were
and two-spirit there must have been some history about such only hired as labourers. My mum and all
engagements; but we lose history and there is still a lot of her sisters worked all their lives, but none
stigma. It was difficult to be out in those years and especially of them were ever in a union. They did
in ultra-masculine jobs. There must be history there as many traditional women’s work of that time –
administration, secretarial work, etc. Even
two-spirit peoples had/have non-indigenous partners who
though they were heterosexual, they were
were also involved in unions. Previous research on workplace not open about being Métis. The reality of
issues and 2SLGBT+ peoples probably was not looking at racism in the workplace was enough of
indigenous peoples as workers.” a barrier to Métis people accessing good
jobs, never mind adding the matter of
Additionally, Albert says, homophobia”.
“You must remember that in recent decades indigenous peo-
ples were never employed at the same rates as other people.”
16 17
Pride March. twospiritmanitoba.ca
Two-Spirit People of Manitoba
Lori says that Métis people often faced Origins of the term
somewhat less overt racism in the work- Two-Spirit or Two-Spirited
place than for example, First Nations
people. Employers were often reluctant While the term two-spirit has been
to hire people who could be more visibly A recent publication, Indigenous Workers, widely adopted across Canada, many are
identified as indigenous. Being two-spirit Wage Labour and Trade Unions: The His- not aware of its origin. Albert McLeod
was an additional barrier. torical Experience in Canada (Fernandez. (2003) traces this history, “A number of
L & Silver, J. 2017.), while not addressing papers by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal
She feels that this reality is a lot better 2SLGBT+ workers, provides a great over- authors have identified that the term was
for Métis people today. With rates of view of the engagement of indigenous introduced into the Aboriginal gay and
higher education, training and affirma- women and men in wage labour and lesbian community in Winnipeg, Mani-
tive action programs, it is her experience with unions. Using examples from differ- toba, in 1990, at one of a series of annual
that there are many more indigenous two- ent parts of Canada it demonstrates their international (primarily Canada and the
spirit people who do hold good-paying extensive engagement as waged labour- United States) gatherings (Medicine, 2002 The Manitoba gathering was held in
jobs.“Racism and homophobia remain a ers in the early centuries of colonization as quoted in McLeod, 2003.). The third August and in the fall edition of Two
reality in society but progress in awareness and the exploitation of different natural gathering in 1990 was sponsored by the Eagles, there were five letters from people
and education about diversity are having resources in different part of the country. Nichiwakan (friend) Native Gay and Les- who had attended. Three of them refer to
a positive effect for us as indigenous two- Their engagement in the waged economy bian Society in Winnipeg. The term Two- “Two-Spirit(ed) womyn, mothers, daugh-
spirit people”. Lori wants it to be clear, is also impacted by the vast distances Spirit was coined as an alternative at this ters, person, people, and brothers”. In
that she cannot speak to the experience they travelled to get waged work and their Conference. At the time some Aboriginal the earlier summer edition of Two Eagles
of First Nations people in the unionized subsistence livelihood activities in their people had alliances with the gay commu- and in other writings prior to the ‘90
workplace. different communities. The publication nity and strongly identified as gay, lesbian gathering there is no record of the term
documents how, with increasing white or bisexual. In the Two Eagles newsletter, “Two-spirit”. In 1991 the organization in
colonial settlements, racism from com- of June 1990, several organizations were Toronto changed its name to “2-Spirited
panies, settlers and workers themselves listed: Gay American Indians, San Fran- People of the 1st Nations”. Some authors
became a convenient strategy to take cisco; American Indian Gays and Lesbians, have their own opinions as to why this
away the waged livelihoods of indigenous Minneapolis; WeWah and BarcheAmpe, change occurred (Hasten, 2002 as quoted
workers. The popular strategy of divide New York; Nichiwakan Native Gay and in McLeod, 2003).
and rule was used effectively by coloniz- Lesbian Society, Winnipeg; and Gays and
ers and employers in creating divisions Lesbians of the First Nations, Toronto. Albert also cautions us that, “Although
between workers of different racial and two-spirit is an umbrella term meant to
ethnic groups and indigenous workers. be inclusive of all indigenous peoples, it
For example, the precarious situation of should be noted that Inuit gays and les-
Chinese workers in British Columbia was bians have not yet been consulted as to
used to push indigenous workers out of whether they wish to be identified with
jobs and keep wages low. it (2003, 28).”
18 19
03
The 1970s
Links between gay
and lesbian
communities,
workers, feminists,
and trade unions20 21
Article published in The Body Politic, 1976. archive.org
The 1960s was a period that saw a tremen-
dous growth in movements challenging
the status quo. These included the wom- They ensured that their demands such
en’s movement, the anti-war movement, as childcare, maternity leave, equal pay,
the civil rights movement, and the Amer- an end to separate seniority lists, pay
ican Indian Movement. It was also a time equity, employment equity and issues of
when women entered the paid labour force workplace sexual harassment and socie-
in great numbers. Women’s engagement in tal violence against women, became core
the paid labour force in such large num- union demands for equity and equality for
bers brought significant challenges and women workers. These demands evolved
changes to workplaces, to unions and to into mainstream union demands over
society at large. the following decades. The structures
and mechanisms that women set up in
There is a broad consensus in the labour unions became the models that were sub-
movement and among labour and fem- sequently reproduced by other workers
inist researchers that it was feminists such as gay and lesbian workers, racial-
in the trade union movement who first ized workers, workers with disabilities
challenged patriarchal union orthodoxies. and Aboriginal workers.
These women workers pointed out that
while unions could be a vehicle for change, In the early 1970s, there was a significant
too often the unions themselves became overlap between those involved in gay and
an obstacle to women’s equality - and thus lesbian organizing and those involved in
equality for all workers. left political parties and the independent
left. According to Ken Popert, a founding
Union sisters with support from feminists member of Gay Alliance Toward Equality
outside the trade union movement created (GATE), Toronto and The Body Politic (1971-
women’s committees and caucuses and 1987), (a gay monthly magazine which
developed and led educational and train- played a major role in the struggles of gays
ing programmes on women’s rights and and lesbians in Canada), GATE had many
leadership. They fought for their represen- members who were active in the gay liber-
tation in leadership and decision-making ation movement and were also members of
structures at all levels of their unions. trade unions. He says gay activists learned
to organize from trade unionists and from
left wing parties.1
1 Furthermore, Popert shares a little-known fact - two gay
men paid for the printing of the first issue of The Body
Politic. They were both union members and one of them
was with the Printers’ Union.22 23
An early example of gay and lesbian activists connecting with
unions was the 1973 struggle to get sexual orientation included in On September 28th, 1976, Local 881 of
an anti-discrimination policy at the City of Toronto. Members of the Canadian Union of Public Employ-
GATE had first approached City Council to get their support, but ees (CUPE) passed a resolution that was
city councillors did not support the resolution. This prompted In 1975 the University of Regina Students’ probably a landmark resolution for gay
GATE members to solicit support from the city’s unions – CUPE Union and the Canadian Union of Public workers in British Columbia. The reso-
Local 79, the inside workers and CUPE Local 43 representing Employees, (CUPE) Local 1486 signed the lution which was sent to the B.C. Feder-
the outside workers. first labour agreement in Saskatchewan ation of Labour convention in November
prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of that year, recommended that the B.C.
of sexual orientation. The second contract Federation of Labour work towards the
with this provision was signed between inclusion of an equal opportunity clause
the Saskatchewan Human Rights Com- for gay workers in all contracts ratified for
mission (SHRC) and CUPE Local 1871 on the following year. Local 881 included the
Ken Popert recalls being impressed by the union execu- August 1, 1976. greatest number of social service workers
tive’s empathy with the oppression of gays: “The workers in the Vancouver Resources Board.4 How-
and the women on the executive, like gay men, knew ever, the resolution was not adopted at
the convention.5
what it meant to be engaged in a ceaseless struggle
against powerful and antagonistic forces. Like gays they
were constantly being shat on by the powers that control
the media and most other institutions.”2 Within a week
Oct. 1976. City of Vancouver archives.
“News Items”. SEARCH Newsletter,
of the meeting between members of GATE and the Exec-
utive of Local 79, GATE received a letter of commitment
and solidarity from the union. It said, “We thoroughly
understand your attempt to correct discrimination based
on sexual orientation. As a union we feel that if someone
is qualified for a position, he/she should be judged on
merit only. We feel civil servants are to be in no way dis-
criminated against with regards to hiring, assignments,
promotions or dismissals on the basis of sexual orienta-
tion…You have our support.”3 This was a radical position
taken by a union at a time when gays and lesbians could
be fired for being homosexuals.
4 For information about the Vancouver Resources Board,
2 Popert, K. (1976). “Gay rights in the unions”, The Body Politic, April. Toronto. p. 12-13. please see https://www.memorybc.ca/
3 Ibid. vancouver-resources-board
5 SEARCH Newsletter, October 1976.p.2.24 25
In another demonstration of some of the
historic links between gays and lesbians
organizing in the “streets” and those orga- Efforts toward formal legal equality were
nizing in the workplaces, on December 17th also underway in other provinces and in
of the same year, members of Vancouver 1977 Quebec became the first province
Gay Alliance Toward Equality (GATE) and to amend its legislation to include pro-
a member of the Canadian Union of Postal hibition of discrimination based on sex-
Workers (CUPW) made a presentation on ual orientation. However, according to
gay rights to the officers of the B.C. Fed- Around the same time, Harold Desma- Chamberland et al8 the Quebec Charter
eration of Labour. They called upon the rais, an out, autoworker at Ford’s Windsor of Human Rights and Freedoms did not
Federation to include sexual orientation in Engine Plant, was subject to tremendous protect against discrimination on the basis
anti-discrimination clauses of trade union taunting and harassment from several of of sexual orientation in matters on pension
contracts, to publicly support the inclusion his co-workers. Luckily for Desmarais, plans, insurance and benefits (Article 137),
of sexual orientation in the B.C. Human the United Auto Workers union (later the even though protection against discrimi-
Rights Code and to set up a committee on Canadian Auto Workers, and now Unifor) nation on the basis of sexual orientation
gay rights within the B.C. Fed.6 had a clause in its contract prohibiting was adopted in 1977. Further, according to At this time, there was no Canadian Char-
discrimination based on sexual orienta- them, “In the years 1976-1977 the unions ter of Rights and Freedoms and none of
tion – a rarity at the time. “Back then, it offered their support to lesbian and gay the other provinces or territories included
was sort of a catch-22 situation,” he said. activists against police repression; how- sexual orientation as a prohibited ground
“People would say ‘if there’s nothing to be ever, this was more a formal show of sup- for discrimination.
ashamed about, why are you hiding your port than direct action or support”.9
sexuality,’ but a lot of people couldn’t be
open about their sexuality without putting
“Gay Rights for Gay Workers”.
their job and even their home at risk”7.
Harold was also an active member of
Windsor Gay Unity.
8 Chamberland, L., Lévy, J. J., Kamgain, O., Parvaresh, P. &
Bègue, M. (2018). L’accès à l’égalité des personnes LGBT.
In F. Saillant & E. Lamoureux (Eds.), InterReconnaissance:
La mémoire des droits dans le milieu communautaire au
7 http://www.insidetoronto.com/news-story/4059688-hu- Québec (pp. 49-112). Canada: Les Presses de l’Université
man-rights-advocate-harold-desmarais-to-be-inducted- Laval.
6 Gay Tide, February 1977, p.3. into-q-hall-of-fame/ Accessed July 18, 2019. 9 Ibid. p.7426 27
Organizing a gay
bathhouse in Toronto
In 1976 David Foreman, then On February 23rd, 1977, Don Hann, a gay day care worker in Vancouver
in his mid-thirties, moved to lobbied the Daycare Workers Union of B.C. to form a gay caucus. One
Toronto and joined the Univer- 40+ rooms, cubicles, and wash- of his arguments to his colleagues was that unions were finally recog-
nizing gay and lesbian workers and supporting them and urged uniting
sity of Toronto’s Communist Party rooms. David came close to
with gay caucuses of other trade unions. Furthermore, he stated, “Only
Club, the Gay Alliance Towards signing up fifty percent of the by coming out of the closet, demanding our civil rights, soliciting the
Equality (GATE) and worked workforce, “…but I noticed that support of sister and brother trade unionists and others will we ever
evening shifts at the Richmond the boss was also organizing win our liberation”.10 Don’s resolution was adopted by the meeting.
Street Health Emporium - a gay against me. He organized a lot
steam bathhouse cleaning rooms. of dope parties for the workers In January 1979 the Saskatoon and District Labour Council passed a
resolution calling for the province’s human rights legislation to be
According to David, “There were and I thought to myself that I can-
amended to prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation.
special perks there like you could not compete against this special
have sex sometimes and you entertainment”. Soon David was Slowly but surely, the B.C. Federation of Labour came around to acknowl-
could stay over and not have to let go from the steam bath. edging sexual orientation in its rank and file, i.e., the existence of gay
pay. But there was a little group and lesbian workers. See the letter in this page.
of privileged people there who The union filed an unfair dis-
were getting special treatment by missal complaint at the Labour
BCFL letter. October 23, 1979. City of Vancouver archives.
the management and I thought Relations Board. On the day of
that was not fair to the others. the hearing the owner of the Bath
So, I decided to look for a union proposed a $1,000 settlement for
that might help me organize the firing David. David told the union
steam baths”. that he did not want to accept the
offer as that would be a defeat.
David approached the Hotel Eventually, David accepted the
Employees and Restaurant $1,000, after the union lawyer
Employees International (HERE), said that most likely someone
a precursor of UNITE HERE. else would build on his work and
According to David, “The union be successful. However, she did
was hesitant at first because they not tell him that the settlement
had never heard of what goes on came with a ban from the Toronto
in steam baths. But they said go bath houses. The following week,
ahead and see how many names David tried to go to a bath house
you can get”. At the Bath, there but was not allowed in and the
were 20-30 people working in the same happened at another bath.
three shifts and it had about The ban lasted almost 30 years.
10 This information is from historical documents given
to the author by Don Hann.28 29
Many lesbians were also not hiding who
they were. The following case about the USW 2900 became a forward looking and
women workers of Inglis shows that les- militant Local and the union activists did
bians were active in their unions and in what they could to create an atmosphere
leadership positions in unions of predom- There was homophobia in the plant like in on the shop floor where sexuality wasn’t
inantly male workers. every workplace but courageous women an issue. Interestingly, the guy who gay
like Bev stood up to it and gained the baited Bev during her election later ran as
Solidarity on respect of their fellow workers. It wasn’t a steward on her team, proving that atti-
the Shop Floor always easy but the progressive union tudes can change as people work together.
executive, led by President Mike Hersh,
In the 1960s and 1970s women were joining It was hard work, but it was well paid. took on any harassment or bullying that It is women like Bev who not only changed
the workforce in large numbers in both Of the women who were hired or stayed went on in the workplace. The Local went union culture, but also paved the way for
the public and private sectors in Canada. on after the war, a number were lesbi- through several strikes at Inglis during the others who came later.1112
One such workplace was the John Inglis ans though it was not always spoken of eighties, building a strong camaraderie
Company, located on Strachan Avenue in openly. Bev Brown started work at Inglis in and sense of solidarity among workers.
Kitchener and Waterloo demonstrators. Toronto Pride 1975.
Toronto. The 1200 Inglis workers, members 1976. She became active in the union and Bev and another lesbian steward, Nancy
of United Steelworkers Local 2900, man- became known as someone who would Farmer, formed the first women’s com-
ufactured washing machines and other stand up for her fellow workers, particu- mittee in the United Steelworkers in Can-
appliances. During WWII the company larly women. ada. They had each other’s backs, and
had produced weapons, employing mainly Bev eventually became vice-president of
women workers known as the Bren Gun In 1979 she ran for chief shop steward. One the Local. It was rare for women in indus-
Girls, similar to Rosie the Riveter in the US. night, during the union election, workers trial workplaces to win seats on a union
After the war, most of the women were let were gathered at a local bar in advance of executive, and Bev’s was undoubtedly
go and men again became the majority. a membership meeting. The guy who was the highest position held by a lesbian at
running against Bev came up to a steward, that time. She was poised to take over the
Dave Parker, and asked for his support. presidency when the plant shut down in
Dave indicated he was voting for Bev. December of 1989.
He leaned over saying, “You know she’s
queer”. Dave shot back, “Not as queer as
this conversation. I’m voting for Bev”. He
never told her because he didn’t want to
demoralize her or hurt her, but he told
fellow workers what was going on and
Bev won the election handily – as well
as every position she stood for after that.
11 Allison Dubarry, an out racialized lesbian, was president
of USW Local 1998, the largest Steelworkers’ Local in
Canada, for three terms from 2003-2012.
12 This information provided by Carolyn Egan President
of the Steelworkers Toronto Area Council and a founding
member of Steel Pride.30 31
04
The 1980s
Fighting back
in the streets
and on the job32 33
On February 20 , 1981, a demonstration was held against
th
the police raids. Over four thousand angry people rallied at
Queen’s Park, the provincial legislature, and marched to Metro
Toronto Police’s 52 Division to protest the bath house raids
and to call for an independent inquiry. Keynote speakers at
The 1980s was an important decade in the fight for gay
the Rally included Lemona Johnson, wife of Albert Johnson, a
and lesbian rights. Gays and lesbians were openly and
proudly organizing in groups and in movements for social black man who was killed by police, Brent Hawkes, a pastor of
change in numerous cities of the country. the Metropolitan Community Church and Wally Majeski, the
President of Metro Toronto Labour Council. While Majeski took
In Toronto, the fight back decade began on February 5th, the position to support the rights of gay men against police
1981 with a massive police raid on four gay bath houses. harassment and arrests, many in the labour movement were
Two hundred and sixty-eight men were arrested and
not happy with his stand. However, his decision to speak out
charged as “found-ins” and nineteen others were charged
as “keepers of a common bawdy house”. Code named in support of gay men was an important statement of solidarity
Operation Soap, the bath house raid was the largest mass for gay and lesbian workers and underlined the need to work
arrest in Canada since the FLQ (Front de libération du in coalitions to defend the human rights of all workers.
Québec) crisis of 1970.
Labour Council at demo against police
raids on bath houses. Toronto 1981.
Demo against police raids on bath houses. Toronto 1981.
The attack on the Baths brought many “out of the closets,
(or baths for that matter) and into the streets” and raised the
volume on the need for human rights protection for gays and
lesbians. The massive organizing on the streets encouraged
gays and lesbians to also stand up for their rights in the work-
place and vice versa. Over the coming two decades there was
a dynamic and mutually supportive relationship between
organizing for LGBT rights in unions and in society at large.34 35
The 1980s was also the decade that saw the emergence of HIV and AIDS in gay
communities (and in heterosexual communities) and the tragic loss of so many
friends and colleagues. The loss of so many members of “the family”, the lack
of recognition, and inadequate and often offensive responses by governments
and medical and related institutions to the challenges of HIV/AIDS, pushed
gays and lesbians to organize “in your face” activities and challenges to the
status quo. Some unions too rose to challenge homophobia, others continued
to discriminate against their gay and lesbian brothers and sisters.
Another union actively advocating on behalf of their lesbian
Coming Out Twice and gay members during this decade was the Ontario Secondary
School Teachers’ Federation (OSSTF). Their handbook on salary
In 1983, Jim Kane was working As a result of quitting his job, policy from the 1980s stated, “… any discrimination in salary,
at CN (Canadian National Rail- Jim resigned his position on the promotion, tenure, fringe benefits based on age, sex or sexual
way) in Winnipeg. He was also orientation, marital status, race, religion, or place of national
Executive of the Union. Later, CN
origin should be opposed”. This policy was an amazing show
an active member of the union – hired him back to take a man- of solidarity from a union of teachers whose gay and lesbian
CBRT&GW (The Canadian Broth- agement position. They also told members were especially vulnerable to homophobic attacks
erhood of Railway Transport him that for them his “lifestyle” due to their work with young people.
and General Workers.) and the was not an issue. Over the years,
union’s recording secretary. This Jim worked in various positions The 1980s was the decade that pushed the struggle for gay lib-
was also the year that Jim decided eration toward the struggle for equality and human rights rec-
including human resources and
ognition. However, activists also lost many challenges for equal
to come out to his co-workers, the labour relations to change pol- rights and unions did not always support them.
union and to CN. icies and at various points the
managers asked for his inputs as
In the Fall of 1983, Jim ran for
they developed policies for inclu-
President of his Local. He lost the
siveness. When Jim was diag-
vote because some members did
nosed as HIV+ he was involved
not want to vote for him because
in developing policy for people
he was gay. Jim was so upset by
who were positive. He came out
this homophobic behaviour that
as HIV + on December 1st, 2000
he quit the union and left his job.
but was diagnosed in 1986. Jim
At this time, CN was very much
feels he came out twice.
a blue-collar male dominated
industry and women were only
just beginning to come into the
CN workforce.36 37
Eric wanted his job back; but the Nova Sco-
Fighting prejudice tia Teachers Union never really attempted
in education to get Eric reinstated. Instead, the union
wanted $200,000 in compensation for
In 1987, Eric Smith was teaching grades Eric from the School Board. However, the
five and six at Clark’s Harbour Elementary School Board did not have the money, so
School (pop. 1,200) on the south shore of Eric did not get any compensation.
Nova Scotia. Ever since he was young, As gays and lesbians were organizing
Eric Smith, 1989. Halifax Rainbow Encyclopedia.
many in the community presumed he was Eric continued to live in the community and fighting for their rights on numerous
gay. Eric was also active in the teachers’ still hoping to get his job back. However, fronts, the Canadian Charter of Rights and
union and the year before; he was presi- the police were concerned about Eric’s Freedoms, a watershed document enshrin-
dent of the union local. safety and felt they could not guarantee ing the rights of Canadians, became part
it. It was around this time that the Prov- of the Canadian Constitution in 1982. How-
In 1986 Eric was diagnosed with HIV and ince approached the Union to see if Eric ever, its equality rights provisions did not
‘outed’ by his doctor’s secretary the follow- would be willing to join the Nova Scotia become legally binding until 1985. The pro-
ing year. In this small fishing community, it Task Force on AIDS. He agreed and was hibition of discrimination on the basis of
did not take long before parents suspected seconded to the Task Force on his teacher’s sexual orientation was incorporated into
he was the person who was HIV+ as they salary. He worked there for a year. The idea the Québec Charter of Human Rights and
had always assumed, he was gay. Despite a was that after a year he would go back Freedoms as early as 1977. Sexual orien-
gross violation of his privacy, Eric decided to the school; but the parents organized tation was included in the Human Rights
not to take any legal action against the against him once again. Code of Ontario in 1986 and in the codes
doctor or his secretary. of Manitoba and the Yukon in 1987. The
The Provincial government intervened inclusion of sexual orientation as a pro-
When Eric’s HIV status became public, again and offered Eric a position for three hibited ground of discrimination was not
a meeting was called, and 500 people years with the Dept. of Education in Hal- covered in the Canadian Charter, Section
attended. At the meeting, a southern U.S. ifax to develop an AIDS curriculum for 15, until 1995, with the Supreme Court of
Baptist Church film was shown which No meetings were held by health depart- high schools. In 1991, after the three years Canada decision in the case of Egan vs.
depicted a student using the same comb ment staff to assure the public that Eric, were completed, Eric was still not able to Canada. In May 1995 the Supreme Court
as someone who had AIDS, implying that as a teacher who was HIV+, was not a dan- resume his job. Finally, Eric settled with ruled against Jim Egan and Jack Nesbit,
if any of the students in Eric’s class were to ger to the children. The kids on the other the government. His demands were that two gay men who sued Ottawa for the
use his comb, they would get AIDS. hand were supportive of Eric and they were there should be AIDS education in schools right to claim spousal pensions under the
excited to be in his class. He dressed casu- and that sexual orientation and rights of Old Age Security Act. Despite the ruling
ally, was friendly and accommodating and peoples with HIV and AIDS be included against them, all nine judges agreed that
a fun teacher who did things like play disco in the Human Rights Act. In exchange for sexual orientation is a protected ground
music for the students while they worked. this, Eric agreed to give up fighting for his and that protection extends to partner-
Despite his popularity with the students, teaching job. The Union did not support ships of lesbians and gay men.13
Eric lost his job. Eric to get his job back and neither did
they apologize.
In December 2018, Eric Smith was awarded
the Nova Scotia Human Rights Award.
13 http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/timeline-same-sex-
rights-in-canada-1.1147516 Accessed July 18, 2019.38 39
Legislation and collective
bargaining work in tandem
Unions negotiate new provisions for collective
agreements that eventually become enshrined in
law, and laws become integrated into the reading
of collective agreements. Gay and lesbian workers The first arbitration case for same-sex ben-
first organized for their rights in their locals and efits was filed by a worker of the Cana-
at the bargaining table, winning new rights in dian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) in
their collective agreements. Once same-sex rights, Quebec in 1986. She was a lesbian who
protections and benefits began to be included was denied leave to care for her ailing
in collective agreements, grievance procedures same-sex partner of 16 years. The col-
provided a mechanism to challenge discrimina- lective agreement allowed employees
tion against gays and lesbians. If a case was not leave in situations of illness if they were
resolved at the workplace; it went to arbitration “immediate family members” and even
at a Labour Relations Board. if they were “common-law spouses”. The
CUPW argued that the definitions were
applicable to the lesbian and her same-sex
partner and that they should be covered In 1988 Karen Andrews an employee of the
“For Lesbians Rights”. Montreal demo 1984. Jean-Marie Vézina, CSN.
especially since their collective agreement Toronto Public Library Board claimed that
prohibited discrimination based on sexual she and her live-in female partner, and
orientation. However, Canada Post refused her two children were entitled to family
to recognize her partner as either family coverage under the Ontario Health Insur-
or a common-law spouse (Peterson, 1999, ance Plan (OHIP). The Canadian Union
p.40-41) Needless to say, the CUPW worker of Public Employees, (CUPE) Local 1996
did not get the leave. supported her case. However, the Ministry
of Health refused to accept the application
for family coverage. The Ministry’s lawyer
argued that the definition of a family in the
relevant legislation restricted it to spouses
of the opposite sex. While Andrews did
not win her case, her challenge eventually
led OHIP to make changes by enabling
individualized coverage.40 41
Rights were won through pain and humiliation.
Below, Darlene Bown explains what happened
to her when she tried to get same-sex benefits for
her partner.
On September 13th, 1988, Darlene Bown was hired to work in Word spread like wildfire throughout the hospital that I was
food services in a hospital in Victoria, B.C. a lesbian. I was a shop steward and on the local executive
and I won the member of the year award that year. Once the
“I was out as a lesbian in my personal life but not at work as it word got out that I was a lesbian, a co-worker went to another
was not safe. My partner decided to go back to university, so I shop steward and accused me of sexually harassing her. The
applied to have my partner put onto my benefits. At this time, I accusation was never investigated, and I was removed from
was working in housekeeping. My manager was supportive, so my position as a shop steward and from the local executive.
I went to human resources to file the paperwork. When I told I was called ‘dyke’ in the halls by trades people and received
HR my partner’s name I was questioned if my partner’s name threatening phone calls at home. My coming out was not sup-
was wrong as it looked and sounded like a women’s name, I ported by my union or my co-workers. By now it was 1993 and
said she is a woman. When I left that office, I heard laugh- I was working in Central Processing Services where operating
ter breakout from the office that I had just left. I will always room instruments are sterilized. Thankfully, the Hospital
remember how it made me feel. It was my worst nightmare; Employees Union (HEU) Provincial Office did not support the
I was being discriminated against right to my face. Everyone Local’s decision to remove me from the Executive.
was laughing at me. I cried the rest of the day. I wanted to
quit my job right there and never go back. I booked off sick In that same year, HEU held a focus group for LGBT people
and only with the support of my partner did I return to work. at the summer school training. This essentially forced many
people to come out as that was the only way you could be in
My manager had his clerk process my paperwork which had the focus group. I had a woman walk up to me and tell me
my women partner’s name on it. That was back in the summer her name was Louise. She said, ‘I am a lesbian and you are
of 1992. a lesbian too’. I was shocked when she said that, but I said
‘yes’. Since then I have never looked back. I have been with
HEU from the start of its inclusion of LGBT people and even
today I am active in the union. Thanks for HEU learning and
growing with me”.42 43
The 1980s also saw several unions explicitly denounce dis-
crimination on the basis of sexual orientation. For example,
in 1980, the Canadian Labour Congress amended its constitu-
tion to include sexual orientation. In 1985, the Canadian Auto
Workers (CAW) broke away from the United Auto Workers and
formed their own union. The first CAW constitution contained
“Lesbians and Gays are Coming
Out”. Nouvelles CSN, 311, 1989.
Article 2 – Objectives: “To unite all workers who are under the
jurisdiction of CAW Canada into one organization without regard
to …sexual preference…” This reference had not been included
in the UAW Constitution. In 1994, the language was changed to
“sexual orientation”.
Quebec lesbian
and gay workers
This was also the case in Quebec. The CSN has an early history Members of the committee set themselves the following
of the self-organization of gay and lesbian workers. In June objectives: “1) conduct an inquiry into the reality of mem-
1988, at the National Congress, a gay man called for an informal bers; 2) collect testimonies; 3) integrate into the network
meeting of lesbian and gay workers. A handful of workers met of lesbian and gay organizations in order to be visible; 4)
and proposed the creation of the Comité CSN sur la condition des develop a network of activists that reaches out as much
lesbiennes et des gais. It was not part of any official structure as possible to the various regions of Quebec; 5) develop
but more of a working group. A formal Committee with an offi- various demands in order to improve the situation of les-
cial mandate from the CSN’s Conseil confédéral was created in bians and gay men in Quebec”. The Committee adopted
March 2-4, 1989. Its mandate was, “…inquire into the realities the pink triangle as its logo.14 The Committee, the Comité
of the members of these minorities in our movement and in the confédéral LGBT, became a permanent advisory body to
workplaces and propose counter-measures aimed at eliminating the confederation.
all forms of discrimination by members of these minorities”.
14 NOUVELLES CSN 311 1990-09-20 page 14.
Accessed July 24th, 201944 45
“I was one of three or four LGBT staff who formed a com- The fight against
mittee within the CUPE Local to promote LGBT issues crosscutting inequalities
within CUSO [CUSO is a Canadian organization that The struggle for equality rights of workers
recruits Canadians to work in the global South on a vol- in workplaces and in unions in the 1980s
unteer basis.]. From about 1982ish to about 1987ish we also involved organizing for the rights of
were able to achieve the insertion of non-discrimination women and racialized workers - this ben-
based on sexual orientation into our collective agree- efited gay and lesbian workers generally
and specifically those gays and lesbians According to Beverley, “It is important
ment and within the process of selection, preparation
who were also racialized and thus expe- to mention that there was not a lot of
and placement of Canadians going to work in the global rienced multiple and intersecting discrim- support in the labour movement for this
South. As a result, a section on sexual orientation was inations. In the 1980s, the Ontario Public work. Some union leaders supported it,
included in pre-departure discussions and a document Service Employees Union (OPSEU) began but many of the rest reflected the conser-
was written on conditions relating to sexual orientation a conversation on employment equity in vatism of Canadian society in terms of
in various programming countries of CUSO. Several the province and established a Race Rela- equality for racialized or gay and lesbian
tions and Minority Rights Committee in the workers or the rights of workers with
openly LGBT persons and couples were recruited and
union. The committee included workers disabilities. They were not supportive of
placed by CUSO. Lily Mah-Sen, then a CUPE member who represented the interests of women, employment equity. On the other hand,
and now of Amnesty International was instrumental in who were racialized, who were workers this work also attracted a lot of workers
this. We also did conscientization within the Union and with disabilities, who were Francophone who had faced discrimination or multi-
within CUSO. This set an important precedent among and who were gay. These committee mem- ple and intersecting discriminations and
many for CUPE and its locals.” bers came from different sectors within many more of these workers became active
OPSEU: colleges, public sector, etc. and in the Union”.15
Trevor Cook, Montreal came from both urban and rural areas of
the province. At that time Beverley John- The work of Beverley and her colleagues
son was a member of the Committee. She from OPSEU and community-based orga-
eventually became the Chair. nizations influenced the New Democratic
Party (NDP) and a few years later the
Ontario NDP introduced an Employment
Equity Bill which eventually became law.
15 Interview with the author on June 27th, 2014.46 47
05
The 1990s
No going
back48 49
In the 1990s, unions and labour federations built on the In 1991 six CAW members, with the assis-
victories won through grievances in individual unions. tance of the union, filed human rights
This was the decade that saw grievances move from complaints against Canadian Airlines for
Labour Board arbitrations to Human Rights Tribunals, its refusal to recognize same-sex spouses
to provincial courts, to the Supreme Court of Canada. As for benefit coverage. A year later a similar
the agenda for equality and social unionism advanced, complaint was brought against Air Can-
there was no going back. Throughout the 1990s, the ada. Gay men were a significant part of
workplace rights of minority workers advanced through the workforce in the airline sector.
contract negotiations winning human rights and equality
language, same-sex benefits and eventually pensions.
In 1991, the gay and lesbian committee of
Cover of CUPE Pink Triangle’s first publication, 1992.
In 1989 the Hospital Employees Union (HEU) in British CUPE, the National Pink Triangle Commit-
Columbia had negotiated same-sex benefits, well before tee, was formed. In 1992, they were the first
it was legally mandated in the province. Then, in a land- labour committee in Canada and possibly
mark decision in 1991, the union filed an historic human internationally, to prepare an information
rights lawsuit on behalf of HEU member Tim Knodel kit on sexual orientation.
against B.C.’s Medical Services Commission (MSC) when
it denied medical coverage for Knodel’s partner Ray Gar- In the fall of 1992, two gay men, Michael
neau, who was terminally ill. On August 31, 1991, the B.C. Lee and Rick Waller, members of CTEA
Supreme Court ruled in favour of HEU and ordered the (Canadian Telephone Employees Associa-
MSC to recognize same-sex partners as “spouses” and tion) filed separate grievances with Bell for
grant them medical coverage. same sex-benefits. It took until November
1994 before a judgement was delivered by
the arbitrator in their favour and led to the
same-sex benefits coverage for all the gay
and lesbian employees and managers of
In 1990, a group of union members founded the PSAC Bell. Unfortunately, Waller did not survive
Lesbian and Gay Support Group (LGSG), which lobbied to hear of their victory. He died of compli-
strongly for the rights of lesbian and gay members. Also, cations from AIDS a few months before
in 1990, the first CAW Lesbian and Gay caucuses were the decision was announced. This was a
formed in Toronto and Vancouver. A major focus of their victory for same-sex benefits in Canada
work was to tackle the issue of same-sex benefits. In 1990, before same-sex benefits were won for
the CLC Convention adopted a resolution to make same- LGBT workers in many other parts of the
sex benefit bargaining a priority for all Canadian unions. country, and it enabled LGBT workers in
other unions of Bell to also benefit from
this victory.50 51
Station 25. Montreal, 1990. André Querry.
Kiss-in to protest police violence at Police
Equity work in the 1990s included the for-
mation of several identity-based caucuses
within OPSEU and in many other unions
across Canada. The OPSEU caucuses
included Workers of Colour, Aboriginal The 1993 Quebec Human
Circle, Disability Rights and a gay and Rights Commission
lesbian caucus that eventually became Inquiry into violence
the Rainbow Alliance of today. The point and discrimination against
of the caucuses was to enable as wide a gays and lesbians
representation and engagement from the
members of OPSEU as possible. In 1992, following the killings of nine gay
men over two years in Montréal, the Table
As Bev Johnson says, “Of course, as the de concertation des lesbiennes et gais du
caucuses became more active there was Grand Montréal (The Gay and Lesbian The consultation publique sur la violence
“push-back” from other union members, Concertation Table of Greater Montreal) et la discrimination envers les gais et lesbi-
this is to be expected; one hopes that with asked the Quebec Human Rights Com- ennes (The public consultation on violence
committed leadership at the top, the rights mission to hold a public inquiry into the and discrimination against gays and les- The Confédération des syndicats nationaux
of minority workers can be advanced”. violence and discrimination perpetrated bians) was held from November 15 to 22, (CSN) and the Conseil central du Montréal
against members of the gay and lesbian 1993. This was the first inquiry of its kind métropolitain (CCMM-CSN), one of CSN’s
Early on, OPSEU participated in Toronto’s communities. in North America and was a turning point regional councils, made a joint submission
Pride Parade and, “In 1992 we had our for the gay and lesbian communities in to the Inquiry. The submission highlighted
own float in the Caribana Parade for the This same year, 1992, was also the 15th Quebec as well as for Québécois society. the need for legal protections against dis-
first time. Fred Upshaw [the President at anniversary of the prohibition of discrim- The final Report of the Commission was crimination as fundamental to gay and
the time], ‘got hell for this’ from others on ination based on sexual orientation in released in 1994. lesbian rights as workers and citizens, the
the Executive Board. They did not approve the Quebec Charter of Rights and Free- recognition of same-sex couples and the
OPSEU having a float in the Caribana doms. The Human Rights Commission inclusion of non-discrimination clauses
Parade. They did not see the point for this. was requested to explore several issues, in collective agreements. The CSN also
But that participation said to our members such as violence and discrimination from recommended that the Human Rights Com-
who were not active in their locals that the police, in workplaces and how the mission develop educational campaigns,
their union was interested in their cul- government was addressing this violence funded by the government, to raise public
tural activism and that led to a lot of them and discrimination or not. awareness about protections in the Charter
getting involved in their locals. It was a based on sexual orientation. The police,
low-cost event for such great returns. Until health, education and justice sectors were
my retirement in 2005, that was the only specifically identified for this. Their sub-
year that OPSEU had a float in Caribana”.16 mission included the results of a survey
of workers in the workplace on gay and
lesbian rights.
16 The very abridged history of the equity work in/of OPSEU
was documented by the author in conversations with
Beverley Johnson, a black heterosexual who was OPSEU’s
Human Rights Officer.You can also read
