Poles and air quality - Social norms as a source of change?
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JUNE 2020
WARSAW
ISBN 978-83-66306-80-6
Poles and air quality
Social norms as a source of change?Warsaw, June 2020 Authors: Paweł Śliwowski, Maja Trojanowska, Agnieszka Wincewicz-Price Consultation and cooperation: Andrzej Jarząbek Editing: Annabelle Chapman Graphic design: Anna Olczak Graphic collaboration: Liliana Gałązka, Tomasz Gałązka, Sebastian Grzybowski Text and graphic composition: Sławomir Jarząbek Polish Economic Institute Al. Jerozolimskie 87 02-001 Warsaw, Poland © Copyright by Polish Economic Institute ISBN 978-83-66306-80-6
3
Table of contents
Key findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
The report in numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1. Poles’ assessment of air quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2. What do Poles know about... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.1. … the sources and consequences of air pollution? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.2. … efforts to improve air quality? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
3. People’s response to air pollution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
4. Social norms and air quality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
4.1. Social norms as a behavioural tool . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
4.2. Identifying moral norms and social expectations concerning
air quality among Poles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
5. Traditional enforcement and norms as illustrated by city
and municipal guards’ activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Conclusions and recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
I. Methodological details . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
II. Processing of research results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
III. Tables of results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
List of images, charts and tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 484
Key findings
A
ir quality is one of the key civilizational Behavioural tools appealing to social and mor-
challenges ahead of Poland. The ef- al norms can support communication: show-
fectiveness of actions in this area will ing that most Poles are not ambivalent when
determine quality of life for Poles in coming dec- it comes to air quality could prompt people so
ades. In the light of the latest research regarding far discouraged by the air-polluting behaviour
possible influence of air pollution on higher death of others to take action.
rates from COVID-19, the problem of air quality Most Poles seem to have a clear, coher-
has acquired a new meaning. The existing sys- ent stance when it comes to a normative as-
tem of financial support is not enough to lead to sessment of behaviour that affects pollution
a breakthrough in the struggle against the main and air quality. Individual assessments largely
source of air pollution – so-called “low-stack overlap with assessments of social expecta-
emission” that primarily come from households tions. It means that Poles’ normative stance on
extensively using solutions based on fossil fuels behaviour that influences air quality does not re-
and other low-quality power input to generate sult exclusively from social expectations, but is
thermal energy. confirmed by subjective moral assessments that
Citizens’ attitudes need to change, too. strengthen these expectations.
House owners using outdated heating systems Most Poles personally condemn actions
need to be made aware of their direct negative that damage air quality, praising social interven-
impact on air quality,. They need to understand tions involving e.g. neighbours reporting irregu-
that their actions are punishable and, in vast larities, and the relevant services’ involvement in
majority of cases, not accepted by their neigh- enforcing regulations that aim to protect air qual-
bours. Our research shows that house and ity (e.g. inspections by city guards). Participants
apartment owners differ in their assessment of our survey believe that most of society is criti-
of moral and social acceptability of behaviour cal of practices that pollute the air (e.g. burning
that contributes to air pollution. It is worth re- rubbish, using outdated heating systems) and
membering that simple information campaigns expects the city guard to actively and diligently
are not enough to change such complex be- enforce anti-smog regulations. Given the com-
havioural patterns. Our study shows that Poles plexity of social interactions and mutual influ-
notice the problem of poor air quality and are ence, designing communication and intervention
aware of its consequences. Nevertheless, based on social norms needs to be preceded by
Poles are doing relatively little to improve air detailed analysis of the potential unintended con-
quality by eliminating the sources of pollution. sequences of using specific norms.5
The report in numbers
respondents do not know that
2 out of 3 home furnaces are the main
source of air pollution in Poland.
of a representative sample of
Polish adults consider the air
Around 40% quality in Poland bad or very bad
50% claim that air quality in
Poland has deteriorated over the
past two years.
of Poles know that most air
60% pollution is caused by humans,
rather than natural phenomena.
of Poles consider air pollution’s
Almost 2/3 impact on their and their loved
ones’ health.
of respondents said that they
have carried out a thermal
Over 1/3 insulation project or considered
one in the past two years.
30% of respondents changed
(35%) their heating system to a more
environmentally-friendly one or
considered doing so.
of respondents know there
Over 3/4 are subsidies for replacing old
furnaces and 44% have at least
heard of the Clean Air Programme.6 The report in numbers
of people who live in blocks of
flats (and just 54% of house
owners) condemn heating homes
using furnaces that do not meet
Over 70% current technical standards and
approve of reporting neighbours
who use the wrong furnace or
fuel to competent authorities and
fining people who use furnaces
that are not allowed.
of furnace inspections conducted
84% in 2019 by half of city and municipal
guards in Poland did not reveal
any irregularities.
In just 7%
of cases analysed, the inspection
resulted in a fine.7
Introduction
T
he air in Poland is among the most pol- replace heating and insulation systems. The pro-
luted in the European Union. The main gramme aims to improve the energy efficiency of
source of this pollution, is non-indus- 4 million houses by 2029 (an average of 400,000
trial – so-called “low emissions”, primarily from per year). However, during its first editionover
households burning coal and wood. Needless a period of more than a dozen months, just
to say, high level of air pollution is considered around 131,000 applications were submitted.1
to have a serious, negative impact on human Does this mean that Poles are not interested in
health, the environment and the economy as modernising their home energy systems, which
a whole. Successive studies extend the list of is not only good for the air quality, but also for
confirmed negative consequences of worsening their wallet? This would be too hasty aconclu-
air quality. The latest ones are especially alarm- sion, for many reasons.
ing as they point to a link between air pollution Considering the high cost of replacing old
and a higher death rate caused by COVID-19 furnaces and the necessary renovations, sub-
(Setti et al., 2020; Wu, Nethery, 2020), which has sidy programmes are a welcome form of aid
paralysed the global economy in recent months. for many Poles, especially since, based on the
To reduce emissions of harmful substances, Po- regulations, these actions need to be conduct-
land has been introducing so-called anti-smog ed within the next few years. Relatively low in-
resolutions for the past few years, which ban the terest in these programmes seems to confirm
use of outdated boilers and furnaces and select- the results of behavioural research that shows
ed types of fuel. The implementation of these that cost-benefit analysis (mainly from a finan-
regulations is supported by the city guard, which cial perspective) alone does not offer sufficient
has been granted the power to inspect furnac- motivation to change environment affecting be-
es and reprimand or fine people who break the haviour (Steg et al., 2014; Steg et al., 2015; White-
rules. National and local subsidies for modern- head, Cherry, 2007). Deciding to replace a heat-
ising houses’ energy infrastructure (Clean Air, ing systeman expensive investment, – is not just
Stop Smog, Get Rid of the Dirty Furnace, etc.) the result of a rational calculation; people must
have been introduced. These efforts show that also be convinced that it needs to and should
improving air quality has become a major ob- be done.
jective in the state’s policy, which cannot be This behavioural observation is the start-
achieved without citizens’ cooperation. ing point for the research summarised in this re-
An important mechanism to boost this co- port. It also informs our recommendation that
operation is the Clean Air, a priority programme the tools designed to improve air quality should
launched by the government in 2018. Its task is include interdisciplinary insights about the fac-
to issue subsidies and loans enabling people to tors that shape human behaviour.
1
Data from the Ministry of Climate (from 8 May 2020)8 Introduction
↘ Image 1. Factors influencing actions that protect the environment
INDIVIDUAL FACTORS DECISION-MAKING ENVIRONMENT
Perception The scale of the problem
(I see the problem) (e.g. the extent of the pollution)
Knowledge
Ability to act
(I understand the problem
(financial, technical, infrastructural)
and know what I should do)
Individual cost-benefit calculation
Legal regulations
(is this effort worth it for me
(time horizon, penalties)
in financial and non-financial terms)
Moral norms, convictions, values Financial support
(I consider the problem important (subsidies)
and requiring action)
Institutional support
(technical/formal assistance)
Social norms
(others expect me to act)
PRO-ENVIRONMENTAL BEHAVIOUR
Source: prepared by PEI based on Steg et al. (2015); Geiger et al. (2019)
Pro-environmental behaviour (Image 1) is the real scope for action (the presence of neces-
influenced by many factors – individual (knowl- sary infrastructure, housing or financial situation,
edge and awareness, attitudes, norms, values, etc.). These factors do not operate automatically
calculations of profits and losses) and the de- - their presence or absence does not determine
cision-making environment, which determines concrete actions. Knowledge or awareness ofIntroduction
9
pollution (or other phenomena harmful for the For this reason, the reform of the programme
environment) does not guarantee increased pro- announced at the start of April was prepared
pensity to act. One of the best known problems (Florek, 2020).
of human motivation, characterised as the inten- The changes in place since 15 May contain
tion-behaviour gap is particularly strong with re- a series of simplifications when it comes to the
gard to pro-environmental behaviour (Kollmuss, rules for providing subsidies, putting together an
Agyeman, 2002). The variety of factors shaping application and the documents required. When
people’s behaviour and attitudes towards the submitting the application, people will not have
environment implies that the effectiveness of to provide technical information and most of the
traditional tools influencing citizens’ behaviour documents have been replaced by statements.
(orders, prohibitions, education, incentives and Moreover, the regional fund for environmental
fines) is limited. Traditional public policy ap- protection is supposed to consider applications
proach based on an unrealistic vision of a per- within 30, rather than 90 days (www1).
fectly rational and fully-informed citizen does not It can be expected that these simplifica-
take into account the conditions that largely dis- tions will mobilise more people to participate in
rupt this idealistic vision. The new public policy the programme and help achieve its aims. The
paradigm, which accommodates insights from restrictions introduced by successive voivod-
a number of disciplines (e.g. psychology, anthro- ships as part of anti-smog resolutions could
pology, sociology and neuroscience), instructs have a similar effect. A particularly important
policymakers to recognise citizens’ cognitive, part of them is how they highlight the legal con-
decision-making and motivational limitations. sequences of failing to comply with require-
It also helps to understand that noblest goals ments within the timeframes specified in the
and solutions designed by the administration do resolution (such as replacing a given class of
not always coincide with people’s aspirations. It furnace within the next few years). However,
demonstrates that calculations of benefits and lasting improvements of the state of the natural
losses are not limited to financial categories but environment, including air quality, requires more
extend to many other psychological, social and comprehensive actions aiming to change peo-
even moral factors. Constantly-deepening knowl- ple’s awareness, perception and preferences,
edge about our preferences and determinants of and, subsequently, their behaviour and habits.
our choices provides decision-makers with inno- The purpose of this study was to diagnose
vative and increasingly well-calibrated tools that Poles’ awareness, knowledge, behaviour and
improve the effectiveness of classical methods attitude when it comes to air pollution. Data on
for influencing citizens’ behaviour. The tool map these is needed to better understand how seri-
below juxtaposing the traditional approach with ously Polish society is treating this problem, and
the “deepened” behavioural perspective (Image how aware it is of the resulting threats, as well
2) seems particularly relevant to tools for improv- as whether and to what extent Poles are inclined
ing air quality. It shows how the existing methods to change their habits for this common cause –
to design programmes for Polish households’ en- clean air. This knowledge is extremely important
ergy transformation can be added to. There has for effectively communicating with citizens, help-
already been an attempt to apply one behavioural ing those who are convinced carry out difficult
tool, simplification, to the Clean Air Programme. and expensive modernisation, and those who are
Numerous analyses criticised the programme’s unaware or unconvinced understand the essence
formal flaws and ineffective implementation. of the problem and then take appropriate action.10 Introduction
↘ Image 2. Tools shaping citizens’ behaviour used by public institutions
TOOLS SHAPING CITIZENS’ BEHAVIOUR
USED BY PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS
TRADITIONAL COGNITIVE-BEHAVIOURAL
Regulations Simplification
(prohibitions and orders) (e.g. procedural, elimination of barriers)
Highlighting the consequences
Educational and information campaigns
(e.g. financial or health-related)
Supervision Shaping social and civic attitudes
(reminders, admonitions, fines) by appealing to moral
or social norms
Financial support
Source: prepared by PEI based on: Ruggeri (2018).
A particularly important part of our diagno- quality or, on the contrary, worsening it, can
sis was an attempt to identify Poles’ normative be observed in Polish society. Poles also show
attitudes about behaviour that affects air quality. awareness of social expectations concerning
Referring to the norms that exist in a given so- behaviour that affects air quality.
ciety is one of the best-known and widely-used The report has six chapters. In Chap-
behavioural tools, especially when it comes to ters 1-4, we present the results of a survey con-
protecting the environment. It involves shaping ducted in December 2019 on a representative
desirable behaviour by showing how the praise- sample of 1965 Polish adults. The data shows
worthy majority (e.g. saving energy) or shameful residents’ subjective assessment of air qual-
minority behaves (e.g. not sorting waste). Iden- ity in Poland, their knowledge of the sources
tifying a norm is the first step towards design- and consequences of pollution, their actions
ing an intervention based on it. Our study shows in response to smog, and their normative as-
that a few moral norms influencing Poles’ at- sessment of selected behaviour that affects
titudes towards actions serving to improve air air quality. In Chapter 5, we sum up the dataIntroduction
11
from a survey conducted among city and mu- recommendations for decision-makers design-
nicipal guards, whom we asked about their ing regulations and entities managing support
monitoring and preventive actions to improve programmes and communication with citizens
air quality. Chapter 6 contains conclusions and concerning air quality.
“For the land where it's a great travesty
To harm a stork's nest in a pear tree,
For storks serve us all...
I am homesick, Lord!...”
- C.K.Norwid
My Song (II), 185412
1. Poles’ assessment of air quality
T
he effectiveness of public policy and its them for their subjective assessment of air qual-
tools largely depends on mutual con- ity in Poland and where they live, as well as the
vergence between its initiator’s aims perceived change over the past two years.
and those of citizens. For this reason, the first 39% of Polish adults consider the air in Po-
stage of our study involved checking how Poles land bad or very bad. However, just 27% say this
perceive the problem of air pollution by asking is the case where they live (Chart 1).
↘ Chart 1. Subjective assessment of air quality (%)
What is your assessment of the air quality...
10 29 43 12 3 2
in Poland
8 19 35 26 10 2
where you live
0 20 40 60 80 100
Very bad Bad Average Good Very good I don’t know, I’m not paying attention to it
Source: prepared by PEI based on research results.
↘ Chart 2. Subjective assessment of changes in air quality (%)
Would you say that over the past two years...
9 41 33 12 2 3
in Poland
7 28 47 14 3 2
where you live
0 20 40 60 80 100
It has worsened a lot It has worsened It has not changed
It has improved It has improved a lot I don’t know/hard to say
Source: see Chart 1.1. Poles’ assessment of air quality
13
Half of society thinks that air quality in Po- there is not good. One-third of residents of the
land has deteriorated over the past two years Świętokrzyskie and Masovian voivodships hold
and 33% has observed this tendency where they this view. It is slightly better in the Lower Sile-
live. The negative assessment varies between sian, Opole, Subcarpathian and Greater Poland
voivodships.2 It is worst in southern Poland – voivodships. Residents of the northern voivod-
almost 50% of residents of the Lesser Poland ships were the least negative about the air qual-
and Silesian voivodships say that the air quality ity in their voivodship (Image 3).
↘ Image 3. Negative assessment of air quality where one lives by voivodship (%)
Pomeranian
Voivodship
15 Warmian-Masurian
West Pomeranian Voivodship
Voivodship 8
11 Kuyavian- Podlaskie
Pomeranian Voivodship
Voivodship
22 8
Lubusz Masovian Voivodship
Greater Poland
Voivodship Voivodship
33
28
14
Łódź
Voivodship
Lublin
Lower Silesian 25 Voivodship
Voivodship 18
28 Opole Świętokrzyskie
Voivodship Silesian Voivodship
29 Voivodship
33
48
Subcarpathian
Lesser Poland
Voivodship
Voivodship
48 31
Source: prepared by PEI based on research results
2
Lack of representativeness at the voivodship level.14 1. Poles’ assessment of air quality
In light of the air quality monitoring con- end of 2019 are in western, central and southern
ducted by Poland’s Inspectorate of Environ- Poland: the West Pomeranian, Lubusz, Greater
mental Protection, these perceptions are not Poland, Kuyavian-Pomeranian, Masovian, Łódź,
surprising. Areas in the Silesian and Lesser Po- Lower Silesian, Opole, Silesian, Lesser Poland
land voivodships were classified as “C”, which and Subcarpathian voivodships. One-third of
means that the target or permitted level not people living in voivodships with a resolution
just of PM10 and benzo[a]pyrene, but also of consider the air in their area bad or very bad. In
very dangerous PM2.5 particles, was exceeded voivodships without anti-smog resolutions, this
. Such serious pollution is becoming more vis- percentage is significantly lower (17%). The sur-
ible and onerous, as confirmed by the observa- vey results show that the more negative assess-
tions of residents in the most polluted voivod- ment of air quality among inhabitants of voivod-
ships. It is worth noting the minimal percentage ships with anti-smog resolutions, compared to
of “I don’t know/hard to say” responses here. those that do not have one, overlaps with the
In both cases, just 2% of respondents chose objectively worse air quality in voivodships with
it, which may suggest that most Poles are not these regulations.
indifferent to air quality and have personal opin- Grass-roots initiatives and social move-
ion on the subject. However, a large percent- ments play a major role in raising awareness
age of respondents say the air quality is av- about smog in society and among decision-
erage and has not changed over the past two makers. These organisations inform the public
years, which can be interpreted as a lack of about the level of pollution in individual voivod-
clear stance. ships and how it can combat smog. At the insti-
When this study was conducted, 11 of Po- tutional and non-governmental level, they moni-
land’s voivodships had adopted anti-smog res- tor and assess state initiatives and regulations.
olutions. They set out which fuels can be used They are especially active in the most polluted
to heat homes and the class of furnace permit- voivodships, which may increase awareness
ted. The voivodships that had resolutions at the among their inhabitants.15
2. What do Poles know about...
P
olicymakers usually know much more certain conditions, be more in line with a public
about the challenges addressed by policy’s aims. Behavioural science reminds us
public programmes than citizens. that knowledge alone is not enough to change
At the same time, reading government docu- behaviour, but it can make this change signifi-
ments shows that lack of knowledge is consid- cantly easier. However, for officials to present
ered the fundamental source of unwanted be- facts and information effectively, they need to
haviour by citizens. For this reason, information have a good idea of what citizens know – and
campaigns that educate society and inform it what is missing. In our survey, we tested Poles’
about the problem are one of the most com- knowledge concerning the sources of air pollu-
mon responses. Better-informed and more tion, its health consequences, and the central
aware citizens are more likely to identify with and local administration’s actions to improve
the state’s actions and their behaviour can, in air quality.
2.1. … the sources and consequences of air pollution?
Poles are relatively aware of the dangers of source of smog in Poland (Figure 3). Interest-
breathing polluted air. Over three-quarters know ingly, this awareness is higher among residents
that the smog is particularly harmful for children of blocks of flats than among those who live in
and senior citizens, and that breathing polluted houses.
air causes the same damage as smoking ciga- The average score in the test on the sourc-
rettes. An equally large group has more detailed es and consequences of smog was 61%. Re-
knowledge of smog’s impact on health – that it is sults differed significantly between age groups:
not only bad for the respiratory system, but also on average, people aged 45 or over did better
the nervous system. Knowledge of the sources than those in the 18-24 and 25-34 age groups
of smog is slightly lower. 60% of Poles know (Table 1), although the younger generation is
that most air pollution comes from human ac- usually considered particularly sensitive to
tivity, not natural phenomena. Problematically, environmental problems (www2). Knowledge
though, there is low awareness concerning the is slightly higher in the southern voivodships –
main culprit. Almost two-thirds of respondents Lesser Poland and Silesian – than in Poland’s
do not know that low-stack emission is the main other voivodships (Image 4).16 2. What do Poles know about...
↘ Chart 3. Correct answers in response to statements about the sources and consequences
of air pollution (%)
Polluted air is especially bad for children’s
82
and senior citizens’ health
Breathing polluted air causes similar
77
damage to smoking cigarettes daily
Air pollution not only damages the lungs,
but also the brain 76
Poland has some of the cleanest air
62
in Europe
Most air pollution is caused by natural
phenomena, such as volcano 60
eruptions or processes in plants
In Poland, more carcinogenic substances
are emitted by household furnaces 35
than by industry, e.g. factories
In Poland, MORE people are killed by
33
the poor air quality than in road accidents
0 20 40 60 80 100
Note: the key to the answers is in part II of the Appendix.
Source: see Chart 1.
↘ Table 1. Correct answer averages in test on the sources and consequences of air pollution
Result of the average
Average share of comparison test.
Size of sample/
Description correct answers Average value
subgroup
(%) significantly higher
than [group number]
Total sample 61 1965
Age group 18-24 years [1] 56 247 -
25-34 years [2] 53 404 -
35-44 years [3] 59 359 2
45-54 years [4] 61 342 1.2
55 and over [5] 67 613 1.2
Source: prepared by PEI based on research results2. What do Poles know about...
17
↘ Image 4. Percentage of correct answers in response to statements about the sources
and consequences of air pollution among residents of each voivodship
Pomeranian
Voivodship
63 Warmian-Masurian
Voivodship
West Pomeranian
Voivodship 56
60 Kuyavian-
Podlaskie
Pomeranian
Voivodship
Voivodship
62 62
Lubusz Masovian Voivodship
Greater Poland
Voivodship Voivodeship
60
56
62 Łódź
Voivodship
Lublin
Lower Silesian 61 Voivodship
Voivodship 55
60 Opole Świętokrzyskie
Voivodship Silesian Voivodship
63 Voivodship
60
65
Subcarpathian
Lesser Poland
Voivodship
Voivodship
65 59
Source: see Image 3.
2.2. … efforts to improve air quality?
Knowledge about actions by public in- voivodships; in Lesser Poland, 57% of people
stitutions varies and depends on the type of are aware of the regulations, 38% in the Sile-
initiative. Knowledge concerning legal regula- sian Voivodship and 35% in the Lower Silesian
tions was the poorest – just 29% of Poles are Voivodship (Image 5). In four voivodships – West
aware of the existence (or lack) of an anti-smog Pomeranian, Lubusz, Greater Poland and Sub-
resolution in their voivodship (Chart 4). Aware- carpathian – no more than 15% of respondents
ness of the existing resolution varies between are aware of it.18 2. What do Poles know about...
↘ Chart 4. Correct answers in response to statements about the administration’s actions (%)
Owners of old furnaces can receive subsidies
for replacing them from government 77
or local government programmes
The Inspection for Environmental Protection
measures the level of air pollution in Poland 61
The voivodship where I live
has an anti-smog resolution 29
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Source: see Chart 1.
↘ Image 5. Awareness of existing anti-smog resolutions among residents of particular
voivodships (%)
West Pomeranian
Voivodship
12 Kuyavian-
Pomeranian
Voivodship
22
Lubusz Masovian Voivodship
Greater Poland
Voivodship Voivodeship
26
14
11
Łódź
Voivodship
Lower Silesian 18
Voivodship
35 Opole
Voivodship Silesian
19 Voivodship
38
Lesser Poland Subcarpathian
Voivodship Voivodship
57 14
Source: see Image 3.2. What do Poles know about...
19
Over three-quarters of the population is 44% of Poles have at least heard of the
aware of the possibility of obtaining subsidies Clean Air Programme. Even though people who
for replacing old furnaces as part of government live in housing blocks are more likely to show gen-
programmes (Chart 4). Even though these pro- eral knowledge about the existence of govern-
grammes are for people who live in houses, they ment support programmes, knowledge of con-
are less aware of them than people who live in crete programmes’ names, especially the Clean
blocks of flats. Awareness of these programmes Air one, is higher among people who live in houses
increases with people’s level of education, but (Table 5 in the Appendix). The exception is the Stop
is not related to the size of the town where they Smog programme, mentioned more often by peo-
live or how their house is heated. ple who live in flats, who are not its target group.
↘ Chart 5. Level of knowledge concerning financial support programmes (%)
The Clean Air Programme 44
Local government programme 27
in my municipality
The Stop Smog Programme 23
Commercial service offered by banks, 13
e.g. green loans
No, I haven’t heard of these kinds
30
of programmes
0 10 20 30 40 50
Source: see Chart 1.20
3. People’s response
to air pollution
D
oes perception of worsening air In terms of actions to improve air quality,
quality and knowledge of its nega- Poles are most likely to replace an old electric
tive consequences encourage Poles device with a newer one that uses less electric-
to take action? We checked how seriously ity (44%). Admittedly, this affects CO2 emissions,
Poles treat the problem of low-stack emission rather than smog, but it shows some relevant
by asking them about initiatives and behaviour tendencies. Almost equally often (41%), people
dictated by awareness of pollution and its use public transport or cycle, rather than driv-
consequences. Our study showed that pollut- ing. Of course, this decision depends on access
ed air is a real source of concern. Almost two- to infrastructure, so it is more common in cities
thirds of Poles consider its impact on their (51%) or big towns (46%) than in villages or small
and their loved ones’ health. Almost equally towns (37%). Social activist is the rarest form of
often, these concerns are the subject of con- environmental action (24%) (Chart 7).
versation, especially in the oldest age group Since low-stack emission– non-industrial
(Chart 6). Actions taken or abandoned in the and mainly from households – is the main source
face of worsening air quality take two forms: of smog in Poland, the best step that citizens
levelling the negative effects of breathing in can take to improve air quality involves mod-
harmful air (shorter timeframe) and reduc- ernisation and renovation, such as replacing the
ing the sources of pollution (usually requiring heating or improving thermal insulation of their
more money or energy, which means that they house or flat. Over the past two years, slightly
are considered within a longer timeframe). In over one-third (35%) of Poles have carried out
the first category, Poles were most likely to a thermal insulation project or considered one.
mention surrounding themselves with plants 30% of Poles replaced their heating system with
that improve air quality (48%) and avoiding a more environmentally-friendly one or consid-
opening their windows (38%). Over one-fifth ered doing so (Chart 7). Any renovation or mod-
consciously avoids spending time outside due ernisation initiative (such as replacing electric
to the poor air quality. Using an air-purifying devices) is more likely to be done by people in
device or purchasing an anti-smog mask are older age groups. For understandable reasons,
the least popular responses to breathing in people in the 18-24 age group are less likely to
polluted air (Chart 6). make such decisions (Chart 7).3. People’s response to air pollution
21
↘ Chart 6. Impact of awareness of air pollution on Poles’ everyday behaviour and actions (%)
Thinking about how air pollution
affects my or my loved ones’ health 64
Talking about air quality with others 58
Surrounding myself with plants
that improve air quality 48
Checking information about local air quality,
e.g. using an app or online 45
Avoiding opening the windows due to the air
quality, e.g. its smell or data on pollution 38
Deciding not to spend time
outside due to the air quality, 29
e.g. its smell or data on pollution
Using an air purifier
or considering buying one 25
Using an anti-smog mask
or considering buying one 12
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Source: see Chart 1.
↘ Chart 7. Environmentally-friendly actions taken or considered over the past two years (%)
Replacing or considering replacing
an old electric device with 44
a newer one that uses less electricity
Using public transport or cycling rather than
driving to reduce air pollution 41
Considering or conducting renovations
that improve my house or flat’s thermal 35
insulation, such as replacing the windows
Replacing or considering replacing
the heating system in my home with 30
a more environmentally-friendly one
Signing a petition or participating
in a different social campaign 24
concerning air quality
0 10 20 30 40 50
Source: see Chart 1.22
4. Social norms and air quality
4.1. Social norms as a behavioural tool
From the perspective of behavioural sci- them behaves, many will deem this appropri-
ence, informing and educating citizens has ate behaviour that should be emulated. Even if
a limited ability to shape their behaviour. Con- they are not fully convinced about the rightness
sequently, policymakers should use unconven- or positive consequences of behaviour such
tional tools to influence behaviour by shaping as sorting waste or cleaning up after their dog,
the decision-making environment and chang- they copy others’ socially-desirable behaviour
ing how people think. The most common be- anyway.3
havioural tool discussed in the literature is the Social interventions can also be based on
nudge. Unlike traditional orders and prohibi- the norms in a given community. In many cases,
tions, the nudge and similar forms of interven- these tools are extremely effective (Brent et al.
tion (Hertwig, Grune-Yanoff, 2017) by the state 2017; Cialdini, Reno, Kallgren, 1990). Their suc-
aim to get citizens to behave in a way that is cess depends on many factors and a thorough
beneficial for themselves and, in the long term, understanding of the context in which a given
for society. norm functions, as well as the norm’s charac-
The social nudge constitutes a specific ter. The mechanism involves communicating
category of behavioural intervention. It involves detailed data on compliance with the norm or
shaping an individual’s behaviour by referring creating a mutual expectation that the norm
to behavioural habits and views in its entou- will be complied with in a given community.
rage. For example, this can be used to encour- In one of the major publications on analysing
age people to save water or energy, as well as norms,
many other forms of pro-environmental behav- Brennan et al. (2013) define them as a set
iour. The concept of the social nudge was ini- of attitudes that make us mutually responsible
tially put forward by Thaler and Sunstein (2008) for each other’s behaviour. This function is per-
in their famous book Nudge. They distinguish formed by various types of norms: legal, social,
a category of behavioural intervention using moral, and so on. They stem from our convic-
a psychological mechanism based on the prin- tion that others have the right to set require-
ciple that people do not like to stand out from ments and expectations for us. Norms allow us
others in their actions. If they are informed how to achieve personal and social goals and under-
their neighbours or another group relevant to takings, and give them social meaning.
3
One of the best ways to reduce electricity consumption in the US involves sending people their electricity bill
with information about the average power consumption in the neighbourhood and graphics showing whether the
they use more or less electricity than their neighbours. This saved USD 1 billion over seven years (Benartzi et al.,
2017). A campaign in which the amount of water people use to wash themselves was reported had a similar effect.
Those who found out that they use more of it started to take shorter showers (Bernedo, Ferraro, Price, 2014).4. Social norms and air quality
23
Bicchieri (2019) defines a norm as a rule of strength of which may vary depending on
behaviour that dictates or prohibits a specific the problem being considered. A descrip-
behaviour in a given group in a certain context. tive norm differs from a moral one; common
A norm can be considered social when an in- habit is a different category, too. A descriptive
dividual complies with it convinced that a suf- norm is purely based on empirical observation
ficiently large group of others are behaving in of a given behaviour. Social norms contain an
a similar way (the empirical element) and that empirical component (“others do this”) and
a sufficiently large group of others expects him a normative one (“this should be done”). So-
or her to comply with that norm (the normative cial norms play an important role in soothing
element). The norm’s functioning is determined conflict between individual preferences and
by knowledge of it in a given group and a pref- the common good.
erence for complying with it among the group’s Social norms are an example of interde-
members based on the conditions above. pendent behaviour: my compliance with a giv-
Norms’ conditionality means that they en norm is dictated by the social expectation
might exist but not be complied with (e.g. cor- that it will be applied. This means that shap-
ruption). Sensitivity towards norms is an indi- ing behaviour with the help of social norms
vidual matter that depends on many factors, involves changing expectations. This is not
such as personal convictions, the serious- the case with moral norms, which are uncon-
ness of the problem involved, social pressure ditional and motivated by internal convictions,
and control, and even how long the norm has rather than other people’s behaviour or con-
been around. Usually, longstanding norms are victions (which is why they are much harder to
treated more seriously than those that are change). The role of normative and moral fac-
only just being formed. Moreover, the preva- tors, both social and individual, is also empha-
lence of anti-social behaviour (such as using sised in studies on the determinants of pro-
polluting fuels in heating systems) can be a se- environmental behaviour. These factors play
rious obstacle to individuals changing their an important mobilising function. While simply
behaviour, especially if it requires spending informing people about others’ behaviour can
money or other types of unwanted effort.4 The be misinterpreted(often to justify one’s own
bad behaviour of the majority is often treated undesirable actions), it is more difficult to
as permission not to comply with norms that question references to obvious moral norms
benefit society. and behaviour expected by one’s neighbours
It is extremely important to distinguish that benefits society.
between separate categories of norms, the
4.2. Identifying moral norms and social expectations
concerning air quality among Poles
In our study, we attempted to identify nor- behaviour and inaction that influences air qual-
mative attitudes – social expectations and sub- ity. Given the effectiveness of norm-based in-
jective moral assessments – concerning action, terventions relating to the environment in other
4
This was noticed by the authors of the latest video clip promoting the Clean Air Programme (www3).24 4. Social norms and air quality
countries, we wanted to research the potential authorities about alleged irregularities in heat-
to use similar tools to inform people in Poland ing practices observed by random passers-by
about air pollution and how air quality can be and neighbours. Over 60% of Poles are per-
improved. In particular, we checked Poles’ at- sonally in favour of it and consider it socially
titude to their neighbours’ behaviour affecting acceptable. There was slightly less support for
air pollution, their readiness to report undesir- reporting irregularities in a neighbour’s prac-
able practices to the appropriate authorities, tices, but the level of acceptability was over
their attitude to the monitoring and punishment 60%, too.
of these practices, and the tightening of legal There was similar approval for fining the
regulations in this area. owners of houses that use unpermitted furnac-
To identify social expectations concerning es (positively assessed by 65% of respondents
specific behaviour, we asked half of respondents from both perspectives – moral and social). Sim-
to assess to what extent the behaviour in the fol- ilarly, Poles condemn city guards’ failure to carry
lowing seven scenarios seems socially accept- out inspections when this is required (65% per-
able to them. To identify the attitudes’ moral sonally condemn it and 62% consider it socially
sources, we asked the second half of respond- unacceptable). Opinions are more split when it
ents to what extent the behaviour is morally ac- comes to the ban on burning coal and wood in
ceptable from their own perspective.5 household furnaces, but even in this case the
Chart 8 juxtaposes both groups’ replies. majority – though a less clear one – considers
It shows that there is a consensus among most the ban morally and socially acceptable.
Poles when it comes to a negative assessment Poles’ subjective assessment of the be-
of behaviour that has a negative impact on air haviour described in the survey is consistent
quality and a positive assessment of actions with their expectations concerning the social
that enact existing regulations that aim to lim- acceptability of this behaviour, which indicates
it air pollution. Respondents’ assessments of that Poles’ normative attitudes do not result
most of the behaviour are similar, regardless exclusively from social expectations, but are
of whether we asked them about their person- confirmed in individual moral assessments that
al conviction (moral norm) or their assessment strengthen these expectations.
from the perspective of society as a whole (so- People who live in flats are significantly
cial norm). Burning polluting fuels in furnaces is more likely to condemn behaviour that damages
particularly frowned upon. In that case, more air quality and praise behaviour that improves it
Poles personally condemn it (over 80%), com- than those who live in houses, who often share
pared to how many expect a similar assessment responsibility for the poor air quality and low
in society as a whole (78%). Using a furnace that emissions. This relationship was observed in
does not meet standards was met with a slight- both perspectives studied, moral and social.
ly higher level of acceptance, but was still criti- This does not mean that residents of houses
cised by a clear majority of respondents. 64% do not share the assessment of social expecta-
condemned it themselves and 59% considered tions in this regard, but acceptance of positive
it socially unacceptable. behaviour and rejection of negative behaviour is
Some readers might be surprised that re- less intensive in this group, compared to peo-
spondents supported informing the competent ple living in blocks of flats. Moreover, the larger
5
For how the questions were formulated, see the Appendix.4. Social norms and air quality
25
number of “hard to say” answers among people reluctant for local governments to introduce re-
who live in houses indicates that it is more dif- strictions regulating furnaces (Charts 9 and 10),
ficult for this group to define its position clear- which is understandable, as they would have di-
ly. Residents of houses are significantly more rect consequences for house owners.
↘ Chart 8. Social and moral acceptability of behaviour that affects air quality (%)
Heating one’s house using a furnace that does not meet current technical standards*
Social norm
Moral norm
Burning rubbish in the furnace*
Social norm
Moral norm
City guards fining someone for polluting the air
Social norm
Moral norm
A passer-by asking city guards to inspect a furnace
Social norm
Moral norm
Asking city guards to inspect a neighbour’s furnace
Social norm
Moral norm
Lack of action by city guards despite the power to do so*
Social norm
Moral norm
The municipality introducing restrictions concerning furnaces
Social norm
Moral norm
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Definitely unacceptable Probably unacceptable Hard to say
Probably acceptable Definitely acceptable
* Statements with a reverse score.
Source: see Chart 1.26 4. Social norms and air quality
↘ Chart 9. Assessment of social acceptability of behaviour that affects air quality based on
what kind of building the respondent lives in (%)
Heating one’s house using a furnace that does not meet current technical standards*
House owners
Flat owners
Burning rubbish in the furnace*
House owners
Flat owners
City guards fining someone for polluting the air
House owners
Flat owners
A passer-by asking city guards to inspect a furnace
House owners
Flat owners
Asking city guards to inspect a neighbour’s furnace
House owners
Flat owners
Lack of action by city guards despite the power to do so*
House owners
Flat owners
The municipality introducing restrictions concerning furnaces
House owners
Flat owners
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Definitely unacceptable Probably unacceptable Hard to say
Probably acceptable Definitely acceptable
* Statements with a reverse score.
Source: see Chart 1
We checked how the level of acceptabil- institutional actions to improve air quality in
ity of specific behaviour, both socially and indi- Poland. The acceptability of behaviour that is
vidually, changes with people’s perception of good or bad for the environment is correlated
air quality, declared environmentally-friendly with the level of knowledge about the causes
actions and level of knowledge concerning and effects of smog and the administration’s
the sources of smog, its consequences and actions to improve air quality. As the level of4. Social norms and air quality
27
knowledge increases, the acceptability of posi- short-term ones and more demanding ones
tive behaviour and the unacceptability of nega- that are done less often. Those who did more
tive behaviour increases (Table 7 in the Appen- of them also had a more restrictive attitude to-
dix). This is similar when it comes to conscious wards the behaviour described in the survey
actions to protect the environment, both (Table 7 in the Appendix).
↘ Chart 10. Individual acceptability of behaviour (moral norms) improving air quality based on
what kind of building the respondent lives in (%)
Heating one’s house using a furnace that does not meet current technical standards*
House owners
Flat owners
Burning rubbish in the furnace*
House owners
Flat owners
City guards fining someone for polluting the air
House owners
Flat owners
A passer-by asking city guards to inspect a furnace
House owners
Flat owners
Asking city guards to inspect a neighbour’s furnace
House owners
Flat owners
Lack of action by city guards despite the power to do so*
House owners
Flat owners
The municipality introducing restrictions concerning furnaces
House owners
Flat owners
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Definitely unacceptable Probably unacceptable Hard to say
Probably acceptable Definitely acceptable
* Statements with a reverse score.
Source: see Chart 1.28 4. Social norms and air quality
↘ Chart 11. Assessment of the social acceptability of behaviour depending on perceived
air quality in Poland (%).
53 64 76
A passer-by asking city guards
to inspect a furnace
52 63 72
City guards fining someone
for polluting the air
50 57 70
Asking city guards to inspect
a neighbour’s furnace
31 43 55
The municipality introducing restrictions
concerning furnaces
13 16 39
Lack of action by city guards despite
the power to do so*
12 14 31
Heating one’s house using a furnace that
does not meetcurrent technical standards*
7 8 25
Burning rubbish in the furnace*
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Perceived air quality: bad, average or good
* Statements with a reverse score.
Source: see Chart 1.
We have already mentioned that aware- polluting behaviour. When air quality is consid-
ness of the problem of air pollution is the ered bad, there is a much higher expectation
foundation shaping behaviour in this area. We that society will support intervention by the city
therefore assume that perceived air quality – guard, while expecting marginal social approval
especially a negative assessment – is a start- for heating one’s house using unpermitted fuel
ing point for taking action to improve it in line (Chart 11). There is a similar tendency in people’s
with existing norms or social expectations. This subjective assessment of specific behaviour:
is confirmed in the results of our study. People less approval for harmful behaviour and greater
who think that the air quality is bad are much support for behaviour that improves air quality
more likely to expect social approval for behav- among people who perceive the air quality in Po-
iour that improves air quality and lack of it for land as negative (Chart 12).4. Social norms and air quality
29
↘ Chart 12. Subjective approval for behaviour depending on perceived air quality in Poland (%)
55 58 83
A passer-by asking city guards
to inspect a furnace
49 61 79
City guards fining someone
for polluting the air
54 55 77
Asking city guards to inspect
a neighbour’s furnace
33 33 61
The municipality introducing restrictions
concerning furnaces
10 11 33
Lack of action by city guards despite
the power to do so*
7 9 33
Heating one’s house using a furnace that
does not meet current technical standards*
4 5 20
Burning rubbish in the furnace*
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Perceived air quality: bad, average or good
* Statements with a reverse score.
Source: see Chart 1.
Our study has shown that most Poles have public programmes that aim to improve air qual-
a clear and consistent position on the normative ity in Poland and execute existing legal regula-
assessment of behaviour that affects air qual- tions in this area. Referring to the dominant nor-
ity. Individual assessments largely overlap with mative attitudes in society can be an important
people’s assessment of social expectations way to motivate citizens to take necessary ac-
concerning this behaviour. This finding is crucial tions to mitigate air pollution. We set out a few
when it comes to designing communication for ways in which this tool could be used below.30
5. Traditional enforcement
and norms as illustrated by city
and municipal guards’ activity
S
ociety’s involvement in spreading the taken, as well as other actions (training, informa-
right attitudes is an important part tional) and the infrastructure available.
of using norms to shape behaviour The data concerns the actions of 226 city
that improves air quality. Behavioural research or municipal guard divisions, almost half of
shows that traditional ways of enforcing exist- those in Poland (474). Although this is not a rep-
ing environmental regulations can be supported resentative sample for the whole country, our
by local leaders who are not necessarily linked analysis shows clear regional tendencies and
to environmental organisations. This support varying activity depending on the factors being
manifests itself in civic attitudes that serve the studied, such as the existing legal regulations
local community, such as informing the compe- (anti-smog resolutions) and perceived air qual-
tent authorities about improper practices. The ity. In particular, they show the low activity of
effectiveness of the civic actions requires deep city and municipal guards (defined by the num-
authority engagement and tools enabling them ber of furnace inspections) in voivodships that
to perform their duties. do not have an anti-smog resolution (especially
We juxtaposed the assessments of hypo- Podlaskie, Lubusz and Warmińsko-Mazurskie),
thetical situations presented in the survey with which suggests that, in the absence of formal
data showing what some of these scenarios restrictions, the guards do not treat furnace
look like or may look like in reality. We were es- inspections as a priority. At the same time, in
pecially interested in examining to what extent eastern voivodships, residents reported poten-
referring to moral norms and social expecta- tial abuses more actively (in these voivodships,
tions can increase the effectiveness of tra- there were more reports than inspections). In
ditional enforcement actions by the relevant contrast, in voivodships with a resolution, in-
services. We collected data from city and mu- spections initiated by the guards dominate
nicipal guards in Poland concerning furnace in- (Image 6). Detailed statistics on the results on
spections in 2019. We asked about the number the inspections come from 131 guards’ divisions.
of these inspections in 2019, the number of ir- Most of the inspections, 84%, did not reveal any
regularities reported by residents of a given mu- irregularities. 7% resulted in a fine and 9% in an
nicipality and the type of enforcement actions admonition.5. Traditional enforcement and norms as illustrated by city and municipal guards’ activity
31
↘ Image 6. Relationship between number of inspections and number of reports by residents
More reports by residents than inspections
More inspections than reports by residents
Source: prepared by the authors based on data from city and municipal guards.
↘ Chart 13. Results of furnace inspections in 2019 (%)
7 9 84
0 100
Fine Admonition No irregularities
Source: prepared by the authors based on data from city and municipal guards.32 5. Traditional enforcement and norms as illustrated by city and municipal guards’ activity
The very high percentage of inspections a neighbour. This kind of local activism in sup-
that did not reveal irregularities seems surpris- port of clean air could make it easier to create
ing. It might be that the inspections were con- a separate number for reports concerning fur-
ducted in places that did not require interven- nace inspections. Our survey shows that just 32
tion or that, for unknown reasons, the guards out of the 232 cities and municipalities that took
decided that fines and admonitions are unjusti- part in our study have a number of this kind. The
fied. Analysing this data in detail would require study’s results suggest that creating a number
separate analysis and additional information. in other municipalities – combined with inform-
The data obtained in our survey shows, in most ing residents about the possibility of reporting
cases in which residents did not comply with re- these incidents and the social acceptability of
quirements, guards used traditional measures: doing so – could mobilise local communities
inspections, fines and admonitions, as well as and thereby influence harmful behaviour by
educational activity. house owners, while increasing the number of
Behavioural science shows that unconven- inspections where they are needed.
tional methods can increase the effectiveness of Actions activating the right attitudes are
these traditional enforcement actions. Howev- also supported by informing residents about the
er, these measures require a minimum of social current level and type of air pollution in a given
and/or technical infrastructure. The results of town or region. For this, the appropriate meas-
the diagnosis of normative attitudes described uring devices are needed. Some municipalities
above shows that reporting irregularities to the use drones or special smog vans for this pur-
competent authorities is acceptable to a clear pose. However, our survey indicates that just
majority of Poles. Moreover, there is a consen- a small share of municipalities do this (drones
sus among them that these kinds of attitudes – 10%, smog vans – less than 4%). Again, tradi-
are expected by society. Interestingly, Poles tional communication methods dominate: 70%
are inclined to accept this kind of reporting by of guard divisions surveyed organised informa-
a random passer-by, but also when it is done by tional and educational campaigns for residents.You can also read
