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May 2021
Spinning around workers’ rights
International companies linked to forced labour in
Tamil Nadu spinning mills
Pauline Overeem
Martje Theuws
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 1
Diewertje HeylColophon
AUTHORS Pauline Overeem (SOMO), Martje Theuws (SOMO), Diewertje Heyl (Arisa).
TEXT CORRECTIONS Leigh Chambers
LAYOUT Karen Paalman. www.getlos.nl
Contributions by Meike Skolnik (SOMO) and Hans Maas (Arisa).
Mondiaal FNV has actively supported and contributed to the research.
Thanks to Martha Kapazoglou and Eva Loeve, who supported work on this report during their internships at SOMO
in 2020 and 2021. Also, many thanks to the Dutch anthropologist1 who joined the research team in a volunteer
capacity, from mid-October 2019 to mid-January 2020.
Arisa and SOMO are part of the Dutch coalition of the Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC).
This publication has been made possible with financial assistance from Mondiaal FNV and the Dutch Ministry of
Foreign Affairs (Strategic Partnership - FGG).
Disclaimer: The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Arisa and SOMO and does not necessarily
reflect the views of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Mondiaal FNV.
May 2021.
SOMO
SOMO investigates multinationals. We conduct action-oriented research to expose the impact and
unprecedented power of multinationals. Cooperating with hundreds of organisations around the
world, we ensure that our information arrives where it has the most impact: from communities and
courtrooms to civil society organisations, media and politicians. www.somo.nl
Arisa
Arisa is an independent human rights organisation aiming to support and strengthen human rights
in South Asia, together with local NGOs and trade unions. The focus of our work is on the rights of
vulnerable groups in global supply chains. www.arisa.nl
Indian partners
The Indian counterparts are well-respected and well-established labour rights and human rights organisations and
labour researchers based in Tamil Nadu who SOMO and Arisa have been working with for years. We cannot reveal
their identities in this public report, for fear of retaliation.
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 2Preface
It would be easy to assume, as a consumer in a globalised economy, that there are no secrets about how prod-
ucts are made. We are bombarded daily with images of new clothes, worn by models on billboards, or endorsed
by influencers on social media around the world. And with brands increasingly committed to safeguarding both
environmental standards and human rights, and governments slowly imposing laws to prevent violations of these
rights throughout supply chains, then surely a fair apparel production process seems within reach? Unfortunately,
as this report shows, such a situation is still a long way away.
Behind the scenes - and away from the scrutiny of buyers, brands, and inspectors - millions of people are working
in conditions you do not wish upon anyone, to create the yarn and fabric required for clothing.
The apparel supply chain is highly fragmented, both vertically and horizontally. Yarn and fabric can be sold from
one entrepreneur to another before finally ending up in factories producing branded goods. To the brands, it may
seem like their t-shirts, shirts and trousers are created under fair circumstances because the working conditions
and labour standards at the factory are regularly inspected, and the brands receive positive assessments of what is
happening there. The same applies for factories where household textiles are produced.
Yarn and fabric suppliers further up the supply chain receive, however, much less attention. This report by SOMO
and Arisa, supported by Mondiaal FNV, includes a detailed description and analysis of the human rights situation
in the textile mills of Tamil Nadu where workers’ rights are being violated, workers are too afraid to object to sub-
standard working conditions and excessive overtime for fear of losing their jobs, women are suffering harassment
on the factory floor and in the hostels where they are obliged to live, and workers are not being paid a proper wage.
This report makes painfully clear that there is a dire need for all corporate actors along the apparel supply chain
to commit to heightened Human Rights Due Diligence in all phases of product development, also in the upstream
supply chain. It includes clear recommendations to brands on what action they should take, and where their focus
should lie. One such recommendation is engaging in rigorous supply chain mapping, along with, and this recom-
mendation is close to my heart, actively committing to furthering freedom of association and collective bargaining.
Facilitating the establishment and functioning of democratically elected, independent, factory-level trade unions
that give workers a voice in improving their working conditions is essential to finally creating supply chains.
Karen Brouwer
Managing Director
Mondiaal FNV
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 3Table of contents
Executive summary 6
1. Introduction 12
1.1. Why this research? 12
1.2. Reading guide 12
2. Methodology 13
2.1. Selection of mills 13
2.2. Field research 14
2.3. Supply chain research 15
2.4. Company review 15
2.5. Methodological challenges 15
3. Context 17
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and garment industry 17
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and garment industry 18
3.3. Trade unions 20
3.4. Social exclusion based on caste and tribal background 20
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment factories and spinning mills in Tamil Nadu 21
4. Normative framework - fundamental labour standards 22
4.1. International guidelines for responsible business conduct 22
4.2. Fundamental labour standards 22
4.3. Forced labour indicators 23
4.4. Legislative developments and existing supply chain legislation 27
4.5. Labour laws in India and Tamil Nadu 27
4.6. Caste-based discrimination legislation in India 30
5. Evidence of existence and risk of forced labour 32
5.1. Characteristics of the 29 investigated mills 32
5.2. Respondents’ profiles 33
5.3. Evidence of forced labour – using the 11 ILO indicators 37
6. Impact of COVID-19 68
6.1 Loss of income 68
6.2 Emergency relief 68
6.3 After lockdown 69
6.4 Safety measures inadequate 70
7. Responses to the research 71
7.1 Supply chain links 71
7.2 Links established based on corporate disclosure 73
7.3 Links with vertically integrated manufacturers 75
7.4 Company responses with regard to the draft research findings 77
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills – a sector risk analysis 79
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced labour 79
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and supply chain transparency 82
8.3 Flawed business model 82
8.4 Restricted interpretation of supply chain responsibility 83
8.5 Reliance on social auditing 83
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt 83
8.7 Leverage 84
9. Recommendations 85
9.1 Corporate actors 85
9.2 Government actors 89
9.3 Need for further independent research 91
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 4Abbreviations
AGT: Dutch Agreement on Sustainable Garments and Textile
AITUC: All India Trade Union Congress
CITU: Centre of Indian Trade Unions
BC: Backward Caste
BCI: Better Cotton Initiative
BHRE: Business, Human Rights and the Environment Research Group
CMT: Cut Make Trim
CoC: Chain of Custody
ESI: Employee’s State Insurance
EPF: Employees’ Provident Fund
ETI: Ethical Trading Initiative
FC: Forward Caste
FGD: Focus Group Discussion
FLA: Fair Labor Association
FNV: Federatie Nederlandse Vakbeweging
FWF: Fair Wear Foundation
GOTS: Global Organic Textile Standard
HRDD: Human Rights Due Diligence
ICC: Internal Complaint Committees
ICN: India Committee of the Netherlands (now Arisa)
IDSN: International Dalit Solidarity Network
ILO: International Labour Organization
ITUC: International Trade Union Confederation
MBC: Most Backward Caste
mHRDD: Mandatory Human Rights Due Diligence
MSI: Multi-Stakeholder Initiative
NGO: Non-Governmental Organisation
OBC: Other Backward Class
OT: Overtime
PST: German Partnership for Sustainable Textiles
RBC: Responsible Business Conduct
RBI: Responsible Business Initiative
SAI: Social Accountability International
SC: Scheduled Caste
SIMA: Southern India Mills’ Association
ST: Scheduled Tribe
TASMA: Tamilnadu Spinning Mills Association
TEA: Tirupur Exporters’ Association
UNGP: United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights
WC: Works Committee
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 5Executive summary
1. Introduction
Executive summary
1.1. Why this research?
1.2. Reading guide
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
2.2. Field research
2.3. Supply chain research The state of Tamil Nadu in the southern part of India, is a major hub in the global cotton-based textile and garment
2.4. Company review industry. Countless foreign factories, brands and retailers are sourcing a variety of products made in Tamil Nadu,
2.5. Methodological challenges from yarns and fabrics to apparel items and household textiles. Hundreds of spinning mills operate around the
3. Context
clock to churn out huge quantities of yarns and fabrics. Over sixty per cent of all Indian spinning mills are located
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and
garment industry in this state and employ over 280.000 workers. Tamil Nadu is the second largest contributor to the national Indian
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and textiles industry, accounting for 19 per cent of the country’s overall textile output.
garment industry
3.3. Trade unions
But the Tamil Nadu textile industry is also the scene of persistent labour rights violations. In the past ten years,
3.4. Social exclusion based on
caste and tribal background
SOMO and Arisa2, along with other civil society actors3 have reported on a range of labour rights violations, includ-
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment ing child labour, discrimination on the basis of caste and tribal background, and forms of forced labour in garment
factories and spinning mills in and textile factories.
Tamil Nadu
4. Normative framework - fun-
damental labour standards ‘We are working non-stop, without knowing whether it is day or night.’
4.1. International guidelines for
About the research
responsible business conduct
4.2. Fundamental labour standards
4.3. Forced labour indicators
For this research, Arisa and SOMO4 again looked at labour conditions in the Tamil Nadu textile industry, this time
4.4. Legislative developments and
existing supply chain legislation focusing on the risk and existence of forced labour, using the 11 indicators of forced labour as defined by the In-
4.5. Labour laws in India and ternational Labour Organization (ILO) as a guide?
Tamil Nadu
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
These 11 indicators are:
legislation in India
5. Evidence of existence and
risk of forced labour 1. Abuse of vulnerability;
5.1. Characteristics of the 29 2. Deception;
investigated mills
3. Restriction of movement;
5.2. Respondents’ profiles
4. Isolation;
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
labour – using the 11 ILO 5. Physical and sexual violence;
indicators 6. Intimidation and threats;
6. Impact of COVID-19 7. Retention of identity documents;
6.1 Loss of income
8. Withholding of wages;
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3 After lockdown 9. Debt bondage;
6.4 Safety measures inadequate 10. Abusive working and living conditions;
7. Responses to the research 11. Excessive overtime.
7.1 Supply chain links
7.2 Links established based on
corporate disclosure
The aim of SOMO and Arisa is to help enable structural improvements to employment, working, and living con-
7.3 Links with vertically integra- ditions for workers in the Indian textile and garment industry, and in particular, for the most vulnerable worker
ted manufacturers groups (such as child and adolescent workers, female workers, migrant workers, and workers with a tribal, ethnic
7.4 Company responses with or low caste background, including Dalits5).
regard to the draft research
findings
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills
– a sector risk analysis
Methodology
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced For this report we conducted desk research to chart the trade flows of textiles and apparel items from Tamil Nadu
labour to their export destinations, and uncover the supply chain relationships between buying companies and spinning
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and
mills.
supply chain transparency
8.3 Flawed business model
8.4 Restricted interpretation of At the centre of this report are the findings from the large-scale field research we undertook, which looked in-
supply chain responsibility depth at 29 spinning mills, located in various districts in Tamil Nadu. Our Indian counterparts conducted lengthy,
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
structured interviews with 725 workers: 441 men and 284 women. This sample was enough to give us a good
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt
8.7 Leverage
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 6Executive summary
1. Introduction
1.1. Why this research? insight into the Tamil Nadu textile sector, which encompasses more than 2,000 spinning mills. As well as individual
1.2. Reading guide
interviews, we organised focus group discussions on three specific topics, with groups of workers from four mills.
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
All the interviews took place between October 2019 and January 2020 and, to increase our understanding of the
2.2. Field research impact of the corona crisis on the sector and workers, we conducted further interviews with 15 workers in October
2.3. Supply chain research 2020.
2.4. Company review
2.5. Methodological challenges
3. Context
Before publication, we shared parts of the draft report with the garment manufacturers, brands and retailers that
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and we found to have links with the 29 investigated mills. The outcomes of this review are described in detail in the
garment industry report.
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and
garment industry
For security reasons, we anonymised the mills in this report; the mills have numbers (1-30). As the mills are not
3.3. Trade unions
3.4. Social exclusion based on mentioned recognisably in the report, we have not included the mills in the review.
caste and tribal background
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment We do not disclose the names of the interviewed workers. Quotes of workers have been anonimised. This is for
factories and spinning mills in
seccurity reasons, there is a conceivable risk of retaliation by employers and local authorities.
Tamil Nadu
4. Normative framework - fun-
4.1.
damental labour standards
International guidelines for
Forced labour in the Tamil Nadu textile industry – existence and risk
responsible business conduct In this report, we present evidence of the existence and/or the risk of forced labour in the 29 spinning mills that we
4.2. Fundamental labour standards
investigated. The indicators of most concern to us are: abuse of vulnerability, deception, intimidation and threats,
4.3. Forced labour indicators
4.4. Legislative developments and
abusive working and living conditions, and excessive overtime. These indicators were most present in our sample
existing supply chain legislation of mills.
4.5. Labour laws in India and The new findings presented in this report, combined with analysis done earlier by Arisa, SOMO and other organ-
Tamil Nadu
isations, allow us to conclude that the problems we found are not limited to the researched mills; forced labour is
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
a major risk throughout the entire Tamil Nadu textile sector.
legislation in India
5. Evidence of existence and
risk of forced labour ‘I am not happy, I am feeling trapped. This makes me feel angry. I feel like running
5.1. Characteristics of the 29
investigated mills
away from this place but I can’t leave due to my family’s situation.’
5.2. Respondents’ profiles
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced This research shows that a considerable proportion of workers in this sector are labour migrants. From various
labour – using the 11 ILO lingual groups, these workers face language barriers that complicate their communications with employers, HR
indicators
managers, and supervisors, as well as with other workers, both socially and on work-related topics. This situation
6. Impact of COVID-19
6.1 Loss of income
makes workers vulnerable and isolated.
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3 After lockdown ‘Only my salary keeps my family alive. It is very difficult to work here but there is no
6.4 Safety measures inadequate
7. Responses to the research
other choice.’
7.1 Supply chain links
7.2 Links established based on The majority of the workers we interviewed had received incorrect information during their recruitment, about
corporate disclosure the working and living conditions in their prospective jobs. Only once they began working, and were living in the
7.3 Links with vertically integra-
hostel, did they discover that their wages were lower than expected, their working hours were longer than they
ted manufacturers
7.4 Company responses with had been told, and annual leave was unpaid. They also found that money was being deducted from their wages
regard to the draft research for food and accommodation, contrary to what they had been told during recruitment. This situation amounts to
findings deceptive recruitment.
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills
– a sector risk analysis
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
Interviewed workers described the huge pressure they are under to do overtime to meet their employer’s schedule
labour and demands. This pressure can take all forms: scolding, getting ‘a black mark on our record’, having to do an extra
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and shift, threat of dismissal, delayed payment of wages, and deductions from wages. The picture painted by those
supply chain transparency
interviewed was of a climate of fear within the spinning mills. The workers internalise the threats they receive, and
8.3 Flawed business model
think that whatever their employers and superiors are threatening them with will actually happen.
8.4 Restricted interpretation of
supply chain responsibility
8.5 Reliance on social auditing Spinning mill workers work extremely long hours. Interviewed workers spoke of 12-hour shifts, and having to work
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt two 8-hour shifts in a row is not uncommon. Occasionally, workers are even made to work three 8-hour shifts
8.7 Leverage
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 7Executive summary
1. Introduction
1.1. Why this research? back-to-back. Hostel workers reported that they are regularly woken up in the middle of the night in order to work.
1.2. Reading guide
This is clear evidence of excessive and involuntary overtime.
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
2.2. Field research ‘Most of my life I am spending with the machines. There is absolutely no contact
2.3. Supply chain research
with the outside world.’
2.4. Company review
2.5. Methodological challenges
3. Context Low wages are another obvious problem. Interviewed workers said their wages were not sufficient to maintain
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and their families. Wages are often further reduced by deductions or financial penalties imposed by management for
garment industry ‘misconduct’. Many workers have no formal written confirmation of their employment terms and employment rela-
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and
tionship, so have nothing to fall back on to claim what was promised to them. This is evidence of abusive working
garment industry
3.3. Trade unions conditions, deception, and the abuse of vulnerable workers.
3.4. Social exclusion based on
caste and tribal background
‘We can’t take leave, if we take leave our wages will be delayed. We have to keep
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment
factories and spinning mills in working for the sake of our families and most of us have debts and loans to pay off.’
Tamil Nadu
4. Normative framework - fun-
damental labour standards
4.1. International guidelines for Linking Tamil Nadu spinning mills to international garment brands
and retailers
responsible business conduct
4.2. Fundamental labour standards
4.3. Forced labour indicators
The Tamil Nadu textile and garment industry is mainly export-oriented, producing various goods for foreign gar-
4.4. Legislative developments and
existing supply chain legislation ment factories, brands, and retailers, including yarns, fabrics, apparel items and household textile. We focused, in
4.5. Labour laws in India and this research, on the European and US brands and retailers that cater to Dutch and European markets. Despite
Tamil Nadu painstaking desk research, it proved difficult to establish concrete links between the 29 spinning mills we investi-
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
gated, and buying companies, because of the pervasive lack of transparency about trade flows and supply chain
legislation in India
5. Evidence of existence and relationships. This lack of transparency is a major issue in the global textile and garment industry.
risk of forced labour
5.1. Characteristics of the 29 On the basis of our supply chain research, we were able to establish direct and/or indirect links between 10 gar-
investigated mills
ment brands and retailers, and the mills we investigated. SOMO and Arisa use the term ‘direct link’ to mean cases
5.2. Respondents’ profiles
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
where yarn and/or fabric used in the brand/retailer’s products comes from one of the investigated mills. This does
labour – using the 11 ILO not mean that the brand/retailer has a contractual relationship with the investigated spinning mill; there may be
indicators one or more suppliers and/or agents in between (for example, garment factories). We speak of indirect links be-
6. Impact of COVID-19 tween brands/retailers and the mills under investigation, in cases where a brand/retailer sources from a CMT-unit
6.1 Loss of income
that is part of the same vertically integrated company as the mill we investigated but yarn/ fabrics do not come
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3 After lockdown from the investigated mill but from another spinning unit within this company; or even from a spinning unit out-
6.4 Safety measures inadequate side this company.
7. Responses to the research
7.1 Supply chain links
SOMO and Arisa are of the opinion that also in the latter case, there is a responsibility to conduct ‘heightened hu-
7.2 Links established based on
corporate disclosure
man rights due diligence’. If labour rights and human rights issues become apparent, for example by means of CSO
7.3 Links with vertically integra- reports like the current SOMO-Arisa report, in units belonging to the same company as where branded products
ted manufacturers are made regardless of the direct or indirect relation to the unit where issues are reported, then these are signals
7.4 Company responses with
to be taken seriously and require the buyers to investigate and take action.
regard to the draft research
findings
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills We are aware that we have only been able to establish a limited number of supply chain links. There are many other
– a sector risk analysis corporate actors involved besides the ones mentioned in this report.
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
labour
In alphabetical order these ten companies are:
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and
supply chain transparency 1 Carrefour 6 Sainsbury’s
8.3 Flawed business model 2 GAP 7 Tesco
8.4 Restricted interpretation of 3 IKEA 8 The Cookie Company
supply chain responsibility
4 Marc O’Polo 9 WE Fashion
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt
5 NEXT 10 Zeeman
8.7 Leverage
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 8Executive summary
1. Introduction
1.1. Why this research? We distinguish five ways, or scenarios, in which brands and retailers could be linked to spinning units. Note: more
1.2. Reading guide
than one scenario may apply in the supply chain of a buyer company.
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
2.2. Field research Scenario 1. (direct link) The spinning units are part of the supply chain of a brand/retailer because the brand/
2.3. Supply chain research retailer works with a sourcing model which identifies the spinning mills that should supply yarn and/or fabrics
2.4. Company review
(‘nominated’ or ‘preferred’ suppliers) for the production of end-products.
2.5. Methodological challenges
3. Context
Example: Tesco (mill 14).
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and
garment industry Scenario 2. (direct link) A brand/retailer is linked to a spinning unit through a garment factory - that may be based
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and In India or another country – that sources yarn/fabrics from the spinning unit in question. The brand/retailer out-
garment industry
sources the responsibility to select the yarn/fabric supplier to the first-tier supplier (a garment factory or an agent).
3.3. Trade unions
3.4. Social exclusion based on Examples: Zeeman (mill 6), WE Fashion (mill 3).
caste and tribal background
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment Scenario 3. (direct link) A brand/retailer sources from a CMT unit of a vertically integrated company that also
factories and spinning mills in
encompasses one or more spinning units. Yarn/fabrics are supplied by the spinning unit of the umbrella company.
Tamil Nadu
4. Normative framework - fun-
damental labour standards Scenario 4. (indirect link) A brand/retailer sources from a CMT unit of a vertically integrated company that also
4.1. International guidelines for encompasses one or more spinning units. Yarn/fabrics are supplied by a different unit or company.
responsible business conduct Examples: IKEA (mill 19), GAP (mill 7), NEXT (mill 7), Sainsbury’s (mill 7), The Cookie Company (mill 27), Marc
4.2. Fundamental labour standards
O’Polo (mill 14).
4.3. Forced labour indicators
4.4. Legislative developments and
existing supply chain legislation Scenario 5. Brands and retailers source from a garment factory that sources from one of the investigated spinning
4.5. Labour laws in India and mills. Yarns and/or fabrics used in the products of the brand/retailer are, however, sourced from another supplier.
Tamil Nadu
There are obviously many more international brands and retailers - both big and small – that are linked to Tamil
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
legislation in India
Nadu spinning mills. The lack of supply chain transparency makes it impossible to identify the specifics of these
5. Evidence of existence and links. In some cases, we found brands/retailers to be sourcing from (or to have had sourcing relations with) a CMT
risk of forced labour unit within a vertically integrated companies that also encompasses one of the 29 spinning units that we investi-
5.1. Characteristics of the 29
gated, without us being able to establish the full details of the sourcing relation.
investigated mills
5.2. Respondents’ profiles
One example is Carrefour (mill 7) and The Cookie Company (mill 9).
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
labour – using the 11 ILO Summing up: the brands and retailers that we found to have direct or indirect links with the mills we researched
indicators are (in alphabetical order): Tesco, WE Fashion, Zeeman (direct links), and Carrefour, GAP, IKEA, Marc O’Polo, NEXT,
6. Impact of COVID-19
Sainsbury’s, The Cookie Company (indirect links).
6.1 Loss of income
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3
6.4
After lockdown
Safety measures inadequate
The bigger picture
7. Responses to the research Hundreds of companies must be sourcing from garment factories in Tamil Nadu, given the size of the Tamil Nadu
7.1 Supply chain links
industry. The following 25 apparel importers (listed in alphabetical order) are selected on the basis of information
7.2 Links established based on
corporate disclosure derived from the trade database Panjiva, particularly the number of shipments, and shipment value 2019 – 2020:
7.3 Links with vertically integra-
ted manufacturers 1. Ann Taylor (US) 13. NEXT (UK)
7.4 Company responses with
2. Asda (UK) 14. Orchestra (France)
regard to the draft research
findings
3. ASOS (UK) 15. P&P Loyal (Italy)
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills 4. G-Star Raw (The Netherlands) 16. PEPCO (Poland)
– a sector risk analysis 5. GAP (US) 17. Primark (Ireland)
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced 18. Ralph Lauren (US)
6. Guess (US)
labour
7. H&M (Sweden) 19. River Island (UK)
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and
supply chain transparency 8. J. Crew (US) 20. Takko (Germany)
8.3 Flawed business model 9. Jockey (US) 21. Tesco (UK)
8.4 Restricted interpretation of 10. Kidiliz Group (France) 22. The Children’s Place (US)
supply chain responsibility
11. Marks & Spencer (UK) 23. Tom Tailor (Germany)
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt 12. Mast Industries (US) 24. Sainsbury’s (UK)
8.7 Leverage 25. Walmart (US)
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 9Executive summary
1. Introduction
1.1. Why this research? For GAP, Next, Sainsbury’s and Tesco we found direct or indirect links with the investigated spinning mills or with
1.2. Reading guide
the larger companies of which the investigated spinning units are part of. It is likely that the other 21 apparel im-
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
porters on this list are also using yarns and fabrics produced by Tamil Nadu spinning mills. So far, we have been
2.2. Field research unable to find information about direct or indirect links between these apparel importers and a specific spinning
2.3. Supply chain research mill or spinning unit.
2.4. Company review
2.5. Methodological challenges
3. Context Frontrunners catching fire
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and
garment industry Brands and retailers that are frontrunners in terms of supply chain transparency are allowing themselves to be
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and linked to potential human rights and labour rights violations in their supplier factories. If these links to violations
garment industry
and abuses are discovered, it could result in exposure in the media, public disapproval, and reputation damage.
3.3. Trade unions
3.4. Social exclusion based on
Competitors that lag behind in terms of supply chain transparency may very well have human rights and labour
caste and tribal background rights violations occurring in their supply chain, but do not face the same type of exposure, and so stay quietly
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment under the radar. A level playing field does, therefore, not exist; Arisa and SOMO are calling for this to change.
factories and spinning mills in
Tamil Nadu
4. Normative framework - fun- Impact of the coronavirus crisis
damental labour standards
4.1. International guidelines for In July 2020, we conducted additional interviews with 15 workers to hear first-hand from them how the corona
responsible business conduct crisis had affected their lives. These interviews gave us an impression of the problems facing workers since the
4.2. Fundamental labour standards pandemic. None of the workers had received their regular wages during the period of lockdown. The Tamil Nadu
4.3. Forced labour indicators
state government made a one-off payment of INR 1,000 (€ 12), but only six workers received the additional
4.4. Legislative developments and
existing supply chain legislation promised ration cards for food. Only two of the interviewed workers were able to stay in the hostel during the
4.5. Labour laws in India and lockdown, the others were sent home. All the respondents said that, following lockdown, the workforce had been
Tamil Nadu almost halved, due to a dramatic decrease in demand for products, and difficulties with delivery of inputs (cotton),
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
because businesses had closed. Post-lockdown, workers who were rehired were no longer paid for overtime.
legislation in India
5. Evidence of existence and
Workers also described inadequate measures being taken against coronavirus, in the workplace and especially in
risk of forced labour the hostels.
5.1. Characteristics of the 29
investigated mills
5.2. Respondents’ profiles Conclusions and recommendations
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
labour – using the 11 ILO
This report presents clear evidence of the existence and/or risks of forced labour in the 29 spinning facilities in
indicators Tamil Nadu that we investigated. This evidence has led us to conclude that the risk of forced labour practices
6. Impact of COVID-19 throughout the Tamil Nadu textile industry is sky-high.
6.1 Loss of income
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3 After lockdown
Foreign brands and retailers, directly or indirectly sourcing yarn and/or textiles from spinning facilities in Tamil
6.4 Safety measures inadequate Nadu, risk becoming linked – directly or indirectly - with such inhumane practices.
7. Responses to the research
7.1 Supply chain links For many years now, Arisa and SOMO have been reporting on the appalling labour conditions in the garment and
7.2 Links established based on
textile industry in Tamil Nadu. It is deeply depressing that we are now reporting again on similar issues, but this
corporate disclosure
7.3 Links with vertically integra- time in a much larger sample than previously.
ted manufacturers
7.4 Company responses with In the past years, all kinds of voluntary corporate improvement schemes and activities have been implemented
regard to the draft research
but, given the situation we found, we can only conclude that these initiatives are not enough, as there has been
findings
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills
insufficient change in the respect for, and protection of, human and labour rights. More, and stronger, measures are
– a sector risk analysis required to bring about the necessary structural changes to labour conditions in the Tamil Nadu textile industry.
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
labour
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and
supply chain transparency
8.3 Flawed business model
8.4 Restricted interpretation of
supply chain responsibility
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt
8.7 Leverage
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 10Executive summary
1. Introduction
1.1. Why this research? This report offers a set of concrete, detailed recommendations. The main points are:
1.2. Reading guide
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
• International buying companies (brands and retailers) must acquire detailed insight into their upstream sup-
2.2. Field research ply chains, and map their suppliers beyond first-tier end-product manufacturers up to the level of spinning
2.3. Supply chain research mills/units. Using blockchain-based documentation is one option;
2.4. Company review
2.5. Methodological challenges • International buying companies (brands and retailers) must publicly disclosure full supply chain details;
3. Context
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and
• At the very least, international buying companies must insist with their first-tier suppliers (end-product
garment industry manufacturers) that the latter make sure that their suppliers of yarns and fabrics (spinning mills) adhere
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and to international labour standards. A minimum requirement that end-product manufacturers must demand
garment industry from spinning mills is that all spinning mill workers receive proper employment contracts and monthly pay
3.3. Trade unions
slips;
3.4. Social exclusion based on
caste and tribal background • International buying companies must gain control over and consolidate their supply chain, and establish
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment
direct relationships with spinning mills. A sourcing model based on ‘preferred or nominated mills’ and ‘dec-
factories and spinning mills in
Tamil Nadu larations of traceability’ is one option;
4. Normative framework - fun-
• International buying companies must take responsibility for the communication about human rights and
damental labour standards
4.1. International guidelines for labour rights with spinning mills, the setting of standards at spinning mills and the monitoring thereof;
responsible business conduct
• International buying companies should base HRDD policies and practices on a progressive interpretation
4.2. Fundamental labour standards
4.3. Forced labour indicators
of what constitutes the production network. If non-compliance practices - such as human rights or labour
4.4. Legislative developments and rights issues -become apparent, for example by means of CSO reports, in units belonging to the same com-
existing supply chain legislation pany as where your products are made regardless of the direct or indirect relation to the problematic unit,
4.5. Labour laws in India and
then these are signals to be taken seriously and require the buyer to investigate and take action;
Tamil Nadu
4.6. Caste-based discrimination • As part of their human rights due diligence obligations, companies must increase and improve collaborative
legislation in India efforts to prevent, mitigate, and remediate human rights and labour rights violations;
5. Evidence of existence and
risk of forced labour • At all stages of the human rights due diligence processes, companies must include rights-holders, their rep-
5.1. Characteristics of the 29 resentative organisations, and other relevant stakeholders in a meaningful way;
investigated mills
5.2. Respondents’ profiles • Alongside the voluntary actions companies are urgently required to take, Arisa and SOMO also advocate for
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced brands and retailers to join enforceable brand agreements;
labour – using the 11 ILO
indicators • SOMO and Arisa argue for legislative and regulatory measures, at both national and international levels, to
6. Impact of COVID-19 force companies to take responsibility for human rights violations happening in their international supply
6.1 Loss of income
chains, and hold them accountable if they fail to do so.
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3 After lockdown
6.4 Safety measures inadequate
7. Responses to the research
7.1 Supply chain links
7.2 Links established based on
corporate disclosure
7.3 Links with vertically integra-
ted manufacturers
7.4 Company responses with
regard to the draft research
findings
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills
– a sector risk analysis
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
labour
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and
supply chain transparency
8.3 Flawed business model
8.4 Restricted interpretation of
supply chain responsibility
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt
8.7 Leverage
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 11Executive summary
1. Introduction
1. Introduction
1.1. Why this research?
1.2. Reading guide
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
2.2.
2.3.
Field research
Supply chain research
1.1. Why this research?
2.4. Company review Tamil Nadu in south India, is a major hub in the global cotton-based textile and garment industry. Yarn and fabric
2.5. Methodological challenges
producers based in Tamil Nadu supply garment factories in India and elsewhere; these factories then go on to
3. Context
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and
supply countless brands and retailers around the world. Tamil Nadu is also the location of persistent labour rights
garment industry violations.
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and
garment industry In the past years, SOMO and Arisa (formerly the India Committee of the Netherlands (ICN)) have conducted
3.3. Trade unions
repeated research into labour issues within the export-oriented garment and textile industry in Tamil Nadu.6 In
3.4. Social exclusion based on
caste and tribal background previous reports, SOMO and Arisa mapped out the risks and presented evidence of the ongoing violations of
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment fundamental labour rights in this region, such as child labour, discrimination on the basis of caste and tribal back-
factories and spinning mills in ground, and forced labour. In other publications, we have also flagged up the problems caused by lack of supply
Tamil Nadu
chain transparency and ineffective grievance mechanisms7.
4. Normative framework - fun-
damental labour standards
4.1. International guidelines for The main purpose of this research was to investigate the scale and risks of the forced labour - as defined by the
responsible business conduct International Labour Organization (ILO) – occurring in the textile industry in Tamil Nadu. Furthermore, we aimed
4.2. Fundamental labour standards to establish and define the links that exist between international garment brands and retailers, and a number of
4.3. Forced labour indicators
spinning mills in Tamil Nadu.
4.4. Legislative developments and
existing supply chain legislation
4.5. Labour laws in India and The main objective of this, and previous research projects, is to help bring about structural improvements of em-
Tamil Nadu ployment, working and living conditions in the Indian textile and garment industry. We are particularly concerned
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
for the groups among the labour force prone to abuse and susceptible to becoming victom of forced labour, such
legislation in India
5. Evidence of existence and as: child and adolescent workers; female workers; migrant workers; workers with a distinct tribal, ethnic or caste
risk of forced labour background;workers that have more than one of the aforementioned characteristics.
5.1. Characteristics of the 29
investigated mills
In this research, we focus on European and US buying companies. Firstly, as organisations based in Europe, we
5.2. Respondents’ profiles
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
work to hold companies headquartered in Europe to account. Secondly, the purchasing practices that prevail in
labour – using the 11 ILO the sector contribute to the continued exploitation of labour in global garment supply chains. Brands and retailers
indicators have a responsibility to cease, prevent, mitigate and remediate adverse impacts on human rights occurring in their
6. Impact of COVID-19 supply chains. In practical terms, SOMO, Arisa, and our Indian counterparts will use these research findings to
6.1 Loss of income
communicate and engage with industry and government actors.
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3 After lockdown
6.4
7.
Safety measures inadequate
Responses to the research
1.2. Reading guide
7.1 Supply chain links Chapter 2 gives details of the research methodology. In chapter 3 we describe the textile and garment industry in
7.2 Links established based on
India and Tamil Nadu. Chapter 4 identifies the existing normative frameworks on forced labour. Chapter 5 presents
corporate disclosure
7.3 Links with vertically integra- the findings of the field research and describes the labour conditions of the workers in the spinning mills (using
ted manufacturers the 11 indicators of forced labour as categories). Chapter 6 studies the interviews with workers which focused
7.4 Company responses with on the impact of the coronavirus crisis. Chapter 7 summarises the responses from brands, retailers, certification
regard to the draft research
initiatives and Responsible Business Conduct (RBC) initiatives. In chapters 8 and 9 we present our conclusions and
findings
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills
recommendations.
– a sector risk analysis
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
labour
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and
supply chain transparency
8.3 Flawed business model
8.4 Restricted interpretation of
supply chain responsibility
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt
8.7 Leverage
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 12Executive summary
1. Introduction
2. Methodology
1.1. Why this research?
1.2. Reading guide
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills
2.2. Field research The current report is the result of findings from large-scale field research and desk research into the recruitment,
2.3. Supply chain research and the working and living conditions, of intrastate and interstate migrant workers in Tamil Nadu spinning mills,
2.4. Company review focusing on the risk and existence of forced labour.
2.5. Methodological challenges
3. Context
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and 2.1. Selection of mills
garment industry
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and There are more than 2,000 spinning mills in the state of Tamil Nadu8 but up-to-date information about where these
garment industry mills are in the various districts is hard to find.
3.3. Trade unions
3.4. Social exclusion based on
caste and tribal background For this research, we looked at 29 spinning mills. We recognise that, while this cannot be a statistically represent-
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment ative sample), we believe it is enough to draw conclusions about what is happening in the sector.
factories and spinning mills in
Tamil Nadu
In this chapter, we explain how we came to select these 29 mills. Chapter 3 includes more information on the
4. Normative framework - fun-
damental labour standards
spinning mill industry in Tamil Nadu.
4.1. International guidelines for
responsible business conduct We first contacted various stakeholders and corporate actors, and asked them to nominate mills to investigate. We
4.2. Fundamental labour standards approached member companies of AGT, contacts at FWF, FLA, and at various Indian NGOs. These organisations
4.3. Forced labour indicators
did give us some suggestions but, unfortunately, not as many concrete leads as we had hoped.
4.4. Legislative developments and
existing supply chain legislation
4.5. Labour laws in India and We formulated a number of criteria to help identify which mills to investigate, including: geographical distribution
Tamil Nadu across the districts of Tamil Nadu; the size of the workforce at the mill; the presence of intrastate and/or interstate
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
migrants, and the presence of factory hostels. We also included mills that were not part of the improvement pro-
legislation in India
5. Evidence of existence and jects currently being run by AGT and PST.
risk of forced labour
5.1. Characteristics of the 29 We ensured that stand-alone and vertically integrated mills9 were included in our research, and we also looked at
investigated mills
membership of relevant mill associations and employers’ associations in Tamil Nadu.
5.2. Respondents’ profiles
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
labour – using the 11 ILO Interviews were conducted at 30 facilities
indicators but, during the review process, we became
6. Impact of COVID-19 aware that one of the 30 facilities (number
6.1 Loss of income
10) was not a spinning unit but a garmenting
6.2 Emergency relief Salem
6.3 After lockdown unit. Because this report focuses on spinning
6.4 Safety measures inadequate mills we have since removed all references Namakkal
Erode
7. Responses to the research to facility number 10. The other 29 spinning
7.1 Supply chain links
mills under investigation have retained their
7.2 Links established based on
corporate disclosure
original numbering (which explains why there
7.3 Links with vertically integra- is a spinning mill number 30 in the report).
Coimbatore
ted manufacturers
7.4 Company responses with
Tirupur
regard to the draft research
findings
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills Dindigul
– a sector risk analysis
THE MILLS ARE LOCATED IN 9 Theni
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
labour
DIFFERENT DISTRICS IN
Virudhunagar
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and
TAMIL NADU
supply chain transparency
8.3 Flawed business model
8.4 Restricted interpretation of Thoothukudi
supply chain responsibility
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt
8.7 Leverage
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 13Executive summary
1. Introduction
1.1.
1.2.
Why this research?
Reading guide
2.2. Field research
2. Methodology
2.1. Selection of mills Individual interviews
2.2. Field research
2.3. Supply chain research Key to this research are the structured interviews conducted with spinning mill workers. Between October 2019
2.4. Company review and January 2020, 725 workers (women and men) were interviewed. 25 workers were interviewed at each of the
2.5. Methodological challenges 29 mills being investigated.
3. Context
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and
garment industry
The selection of respondents was done by our Indian counterparts.
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and
garment industry All the interviews were conducted outside the workplace, usually at, or near, the markets where workers shopped
3.3. Trade unions after leaving the factory premises, or near churches and temples, in public parks, etc.
3.4. Social exclusion based on
caste and tribal background
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment In about half of the cases, the interviewed worker was accompanied by either co-workers, friends or relatives.
factories and spinning mills in
Tamil Nadu Most interviews were not done all at once, but took place over a number of short conversations.
4. Normative framework - fun-
One interview was 15 minutes long but the rest lasted between 30 minutes and 1.5 hours.
damental labour standards
4.1. International guidelines for
4.2.
responsible business conduct
Fundamental labour standards
Focus group discussions (FGD)
4.3. Forced labour indicators As well as the 725 individual interviews, there were 12 focus group discussions (FGDs) on three topics: recruit-
4.4. Legislative developments and
ment; disciplinary measures; and occupational health and safety. 95 workers - from four mills (number 4, 11, 16
existing supply chain legislation
4.5. Labour laws in India and
and 22) - also took part in the FGDs.
Tamil Nadu The FGDs were held in December 2019 and January 2020.
4.6. Caste-based discrimination
legislation in India
5. Evidence of existence and Additional interviews to gain insights into the impact of COVID-19 outbreak
risk of forced labour
5.1. Characteristics of the 29
15 female workers were interviewed for a second time, between 10 and 16 July 2020, about how they fared dur-
investigated mills ing the COVID-19 outbreak. One interview was conducted by telephone; the other interviews were held in-per-
5.2. Respondents’ profiles son. The in-person interviews took place at a range of locations including the worker’s home, a workers’ hostel,
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
and in public places such as teashops. These interviews took an average of 48 minutes, and all the interviewers
labour – using the 11 ILO
indicators
were female.
6. Impact of COVID-19 All the female workers were migrant workers from districts within Tamil Nadu. Ten of the workers self-identified as
6.1 Loss of income Scheduled Caste, the other five as Most Backward Caste.
6.2 Emergency relief These 15 workers worked for eight different mills (number 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19 and 22) .
6.3 After lockdown
6.4 Safety measures inadequate
7. Responses to the research
7.1
7.2
Supply chain links
Links established based on
Research tools
corporate disclosure Specific sets of questions were developed for the individual interviews, the FGDs, and the COVID-19 interviews.
7.3 Links with vertically integra-
SOMO, Arisa, and our Indian counterparts, worked together to formulate the questions which were originally
ted manufacturers
7.4 Company responses with
in English and later translated into Tamil. The interview questions took the following order: about the respond-
regard to the draft research ent’s background (gender, age, marital status, level of education, caste or tribal background, mother tongue, etc.);
findings work-related questions about a range of topics including recruitment, function at the mill, working hours, wage,
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills deductions, leave, grievance mechanism, etc; living conditions. The interviews included open and closed questions.
– a sector risk analysis
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
labour An open interview format was used for the FGDs, which were facilitated by a discussion leader, with a notetaker
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and also present. FGDs lasted between 2 and 2.5 hours.
supply chain transparency
8.3 Flawed business model
The COVID-19 interviews focused both on the lockdown period upto July 2020 and the re-opening of the mills
8.4 Restricted interpretation of
supply chain responsibility
post-lockdown. The questions examined loss of wages and bonuses, basic needs, relief provisions, layoffs, and
8.5 Reliance on social auditing the worker’s current working conditions (working hours, workload, COVID-19 measures, and the workers’ needs
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt and concerns). All the interviews concluded with open questions, inviting workers to comment upon their current
8.7 Leverage
working life and suggest possible changes.
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 14Executive summary
1. Introduction
1.1.
1.2.
Why this research?
Reading guide
Interviewers
2. Methodology The interviews were conducted by a team of 20 interviewers, hailing from the Indian labour rights and human
2.1. Selection of mills
rights organisations working with SOMO and Arisa on this research project. The team comprised 15 male inter-
2.2. Field research
2.3. Supply chain research
viewers, and five female interviewers. Most interviewers spoke Tamil; four interviewers also spoke Hindi. Five
2.4. Company review interviewers used local interpreters when interviewing non-Tamil speaking respondents. All interviewers were
2.5. Methodological challenges extensively prepared and briefed.
3. Context
3.1. India’s cotton, textile, and
garment industry
From mid-October 2019 to mid-January 2020, the Indian research team was joined by a Dutch anthropologist10, in
3.2. The Tamil Nadu textile and a volunteer capacity, who conducted interviews with civil society experts, labour recruiters, and workers. For some
garment industry interviews, this volunteer used local interpreters.
3.3. Trade unions
3.4. Social exclusion based on
caste and tribal background 2.3. Supply chain research
3.5. Caste discrimination in garment
factories and spinning mills in Links between the spinning mills and buying companies were established using the Open Apparel Registry (OAR)11
Tamil Nadu and the Panjiva trade database12(a subscription-based database which includes detailed shipment information for
4. Normative framework - fun- a number of countries, including India).
damental labour standards
4.1. International guidelines for
4.2.
responsible business conduct
Fundamental labour standards
2.4. Company review
4.3. Forced labour indicators In December 2020, a drafts of chapters 5 (findings of the field research) was sent to a number of companies –
4.4. Legislative developments and garment manufacturers, brands and retailers – identified as having links to the investigated mills. In some cases,
existing supply chain legislation
because of the lack of supply chain transparency throughout the sector, we were unable to establish any links
4.5. Labour laws in India and
Tamil Nadu between the investigated spinning mills and their customers. The companies – brands, retailers or garment manu-
4.6. Caste-based discrimination facturers –included in the review, were only given the names of mills that we were able to link to them. We asked
legislation in India these companies if they had been, or still were, sourcing from the named spinning mill(s). We also asked for details
5. Evidence of existence and
of the company’s sourcing relationship with the mill(s) (direct sourcing, indirect sourcing, nominated mills, etc.),
risk of forced labour
5.1. Characteristics of the 29
when the sourcing relationship started, when the sourcing relationship ended (if applicable), and what specific
investigated mills products and volumes/values per product, they sourced.
5.2. Respondents’ profiles
5.3. Risks and evidence of forced
We also asked the companies to inform us of any factual mistakes in the draft chapters they were sent.
labour – using the 11 ILO
indicators
6.
6.1
Impact of COVID-19
Loss of income
2.5. Methodological challenges
6.2 Emergency relief
6.3 After lockdown Restricted access to workers
6.4 Safety measures inadequate
Because, in most spinning mills, young female workers live in hostels located inside the factory premises, these
7. Responses to the research
7.1 Supply chain links workers can only be interviewed when they are on leave or allowed to leave the premises for a (weekly or monthly)
7.2 Links established based on trip to the market. In most cases, interviewers were not able to enter the factory grounds or hostels. The oppor-
corporate disclosure tunity to interview female hostel workers was, therefore, limited, and explains why female workers are underrep-
7.3 Links with vertically integra-
resented in this research.
ted manufacturers
7.4 Company responses with
regard to the draft research Male migrant workers often stay in hostels outside the factory grounds where, in principle, they are able to receive
findings visitors. While interviews could take place at the hostel, or in nearby teashops, the presence of interviewers did
8. Conclusions: Beyond 29 mills not always go unnoticed. Spinning mills are often located in small, out-of-the-way places where the coming and
– a sector risk analysis
goings of strangers are easily spotted. Hostels are often near the factories. During the field research, hostel war-
8.1 Incidence and risks of forced
labour dens or factory supervisors sometimes noticed that the workers had ‘unknown’ visitors and came to check what
8.2 Lack of publicly available data and was going on. This form of social control made the workers and interviewers very uneasy, with interviewers forced
supply chain transparency to give evasive answers to questions, or even pause the interview and continue at a later moment.
8.3 Flawed business model
8.4 Restricted interpretation of
supply chain responsibility Time
8.5 Reliance on social auditing
8.6 Frontrunners bear the brunt As this research shows, workers in the spinning mills industry in Tamil Nadu have little free time. The working days
8.7 Leverage are long – with overtime a near standard element of a working week – and workers have very few days holiday in a
9. Recommendations
9.1 Corporate actors
9.2 Government actors
9.3 Need for further independent
research
SPINNING AROUND WORKERS’ RIGHTS | 15You can also read
