A Confluence of Cultures: The Child Virgin Spinning Paintings of Colonial Peru

A Confluence of Cultures:
The Child Virgin Spinning
Paintings of Colonial Peru
                                                                Casey Lesser
          Colonial Peruvian paintings depicting the young Virgin Mary
spinning present the perfect artistic rendering of harmony between Spanish
and Pre-Conquest Andean ideals. This harmony is easily perceived in The
Child Virgin at the Spinning Wheel (Fig. I), where there is undeniable Spanish
baroque influence in the treatment of the Virgin child and Andean influence
in her task at hand. In his illustrative chronicle of Pre-Columbian Latin
America Nueva Crónica y buen gobierno (c. 1615), the Andean author Felipe
Guaman Poma de Ayala presents the centrality of textile production as a
typically female chore and as a respected profession. This fact is exemplified
in the case of the Aclla Coyas of the Inkas, also known as the Chosen Women
or virgins of the sun, who were a select group of virgins given the task of
spinning and weaving the finest textiles for Inka ceremonies and offerings.
          Ironically, colonial Peruvian paintings depicting the young Virgin
Mary spinning actually derive from Spanish models, which were themselves
illustrations of passages from ecclesiastical texts and the Bible. 1 Nonetheless,
the colonial Peruvian paintings bring a vitality that the Spanish models
lacked, with less emphasis on the hagiography of the Virgin Mary and
more emphasis on textile production and elaborate artistic techniques.
These new, vibrant depictions of the child Virgin spinning became a means
by which colonial artists could express the rich culture and artistic talent
of colonial Peru using a traditionally European template. The child Virgin
spinning paintings of colonial Peru are rich cultural artworks because they
link the important Andean tradition of cloth making with the Spanish
traditions of Christianity and Marian worship, presenting a new, unique
image of the Virgin Mary that held potent significance for both cultures.

Casey Lesser is a senior at The College of William and Mary majoring
in Hispanic Studies. She would like to thank Professors Susan V. Webster and
Francie Cate-Arries for inspiring her interest in and study of the art of Spain
and Latin America.

The Child Virgin Spinning Paintings of Colonial Peru 51

         The textual sources for the European depictions of the child
Virgin spinning appear in the Bible and other accounts of Christ’s life.
One source in the Bible appears in the Book of Proverbs in a discussion
of the “virtuous woman.” Here it says that “She seeketh wool, and flax,
and worketh willingly with her hands” 2 and “She layeth her hands to
the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff.”3 Thus, the Bible dictates
that a “virtuous woman,” must partake in the making of cloth, and
this skill of cloth making is a virtue. Therefore, religious texts that
demonstrate the Virgin’s participation in cloth making are testaments
to her virtuosity. One such example is found in the Gospel of Pseudo-
Matthew, which describes the early life of the Virgin Mary, specifically
her early years in the Temple, and states:
         And she occupied herself constantly with her wool-
         work, so that she in her tender years could do all
         that old women were not able to do. And this was
         the order that she had set for herself: From the
         morning to the third hour she remained in prayer;
         from the third to the ninth she was occupied with
         her weaving; and from the ninth she again applied
         herself to prayer.4
       This account illustrates that cloth making was the only activity
that Mary performed other than prayer. The fact that Mary, such an
exemplary, holy young woman, took time out of her prayer to weave
cloth emphasizes the virtuosity and spiritual value of cloth making.
The Protevangelium of St. James references the Virgin weaving cloth:
         And there was a council of the priests, saying: Let
         us make a veil for the temple of the Lord. And the
         priest said: Call to me the undefiled virgins of the
         family of David. And the officers went away, and
         sought, and found seven virgins. And the priest
         remembered the child Mary, that she was of the
         family of David, and undefiled before God. And
         the officers went away and brought her. And they
         brought them into the temple of the Lord. And the
         priest said: Choose for me by lot who shall spin the

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          gold, and the white, and the fine linen, and the silk,
          and the blue, and the scarlet, and the true purple.
          And the true purple and the scarlet fell to the lot
          of Mary, and she took them, and went away to her
          house… And Mary took the scarlet, and span it.5
         Here, the priests of the Temple who look for virgins worthy
enough to spin a veil for the temple choose Mary to perform the task.
Thus, Mary’s virtuosity is rewarded with the honor of spinning the
temple veil. In the first homily of Proclus of Constantinople, the Virgin
is referred to as “the awesome loom of the divine economy upon which
the robe of union was ineffably woven.”6 In this instance, the Virgin
Mary is the metaphorical loom through which mankind and God are
woven together; she is the “weaver” of Jesus. Mary is also cited many
times in the Bible as the provider of clothing for Jesus, from when “she
brought forth her firstborn son, and wrapped him in swaddling clothes,
and laid him in a manger,” to Christ’s youth, where she is cited as the
maker and mender of his clothes.7 Gail McMurray Gibson explains the
role of the seamstress Virgin as “literally as well as figuratively, clother
of the messiah.”8 Here, the act of giving clothing to Christ is equated
with giving life to Christ, and this powerful message is likely what
drove European artists to portray the Virgin making cloth. It is through
these references to Mary as “virtuous woman,” “producer of Christ”
and “clother of Christ” that the image of the Virgin spinning appeared
in European art as early as Middle Ages. These images and references
serve as the foundation for the Virgin Mary spinning paintings of
Europe, which evolved into the child Virgin Mary spinning paintings
of colonial Peru.
         In Master Erfurt’s fifteenth-century century German rendition
of the Virgin spinning, Virgin Mary with a Distaff (Fig. II), Mary sits at
a loom, drawing a thread across her body. This same imagery is present
in a contemporary work from Hungary, Virgin Mary at the Spinning
Wheel. The thread passes directly through an image of the Christ child
located in front of the Virgin’s womb, indicating her pregnancy. To her
right, the face of a man emerges, most likely representing Jesus’ father,
Joseph. Mary is an attractive young woman with long blonde hair, is
dressed in relatively plain clothing, and sits in a simple ecclesiastical

The Child Virgin Spinning Paintings of Colonial Peru 53

setting. Her eyes look down as all her attention is focused on the task
of spinning. Gibson describes the Virgin in this scene as holding the
“Thread of Life in her hand, clothing the Word in flesh.”9 The “Word”
here undoubtedly refers to the Word of God; thus, Mary acts as a
vehicle facilitating Jesus’ mission to spread the Word of God. This early
European depiction of the Virgin spinning connects Mary as mother of
Jesus to the act of creating new life, the life of the Christ.
         On the Iberian Peninsula, starting with Juan de Roelas,
Spanish portrayals of the Virgin Mary spinning took a new direction,
representing the Virgin not at the time of her pregnancy with Jesus, but
in her youth.10 Images of the Virgin as a child can also be attributed to
the Protevangelium of James, where Mary is said to have learned to sew
from her mother, Anne.11 In comparison to the two previous paintings,
the composition has changed drastically, and so has the message behind
the Virgin and her actions. One can be sure that this child is indeed
the Virgin Mary, owing to the inclusion of the vase of lilies and the
halo of cherubim, which are traditional Marian symbols of purity.12
Mary also occupies an interior domestic space, which associates her
with the home and household tasks. Roelas’s young Virgin also breaks
from tradition in her fine clothing, signifying the upper-class or, more
prevalent in this case, royalty, because she is a virtuous woman and the
future mother of Christ. While in the previous European works the
adult Virgin holds a long thread outstretched across her body, in this
work the young Virgin child holds a short strand of thread in front of
her and to the side, perhaps because she has yet to become the mother
of Christ. She is in the process of spinning the strand of thread— in
the process of living her life out for Christ, preparing for his arrival,
and making him clothes. This Virgin also stares straight at the audience
instead of at her work, engaging the audience and de-emphasizing the
act of spinning.
         Pedro Nuñez Villavicencio, another Spaniard, followed Roelas’s
lead, and painted a Virgin child, Virgin Spinning (Fig. III). This work was
created within the context of “the height of Murillo-style sentimental
piety,” and so the “Sevillian artist Villavicencio separated young
         Mary from her old domestic environment and enriched her
appearance, adorning her with the headdress and jewels.”13 Villavicencio

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followed most of Roelas’s conventions, including the specific form of
the chair in which the child Virgin sits However, he exaggerated the
Virgin child’s jewelry and gave her a fuller figure, with a facial expression
suggesting wistfulness. The Virgin child appears to be more interested
in reflection and in looking presentable than in spinning yarn. Unlike
the Erfurt work, that portrays a devout adult Virgin devoted to her
spinning, this Villavicencio child Virgin appears disengaged from her
work as she gazes toward the viewer. This new child Virgin of Spain not
only differs from her predecessor in her age, “but also in her demeanor.
As she gazes straight at her audience it is as if she challenges the viewer
to meditate on the meaning of her spinning.
         In analyzing the young Virgin spinning paintings of Peru,
it is important also to recognize the Andean origins that may have
informed her development, evident most prominently in her task of
spinning. In the Pre-Columbian Andes, women were expected to be
skilled at “weaving, spinning, and cooking.”14 Weaving and spinning
were especially important to Inka society and each Inka woman
was a “cloth-producing ‘specialist.’”15 Not only did women produce
cloth for themselves and their families, but also for the state. And
so, commoner women between the ages of 25 and 50 were primarily
known as makers of cloth (129-30). Cloth was at the heart of the
economy and politics, and also a form of currency, a sign of status,
and even a means of communication and documentation.16 Guaman
Poma includes the spindle in his drawings of the average Inka female,
at each stage of her life. The female at age twelve, whose duty is to
herd goats, brings her spindle along with her in this task, suggesting
that the young girl brought her spinning tools with her everywhere,
no matter the circumstances. Guaman Poma’s depiction of an Andean
woman at thirty-three years depicts her as a professional weaver,
justifying weaving as a respectable profession in Inka society. The
value of cloth making is also evident in a colonial painting of an Inka
princess from the eighteenth century (Fig. IV). In this painting, the
Inka princess, a member of the highest class, is dressed in traditional
Inka attire, including elaborate textiles. She holds in her hand a
spindle signifying the virtuous task of spinning, her skill at it, and
how this was even an accepted activity for royal women. She not only

The Child Virgin Spinning Paintings of Colonial Peru 55

wears fine cloth, but also makes it, justifying spinning and weaving as
more than an activity of the lower classes. The previously mentioned
Accla Coyas or Aqllakuna, the select group of chaste young women
who lived in enclosure, provides another example Their task, among
others, was to produce the finest Inka cloth, known as the cumbi.17
In one of Guaman Poma’s illustrations a crowd of these women sit in
what appears to be a courtyard, hard at work with spindles and wool.
The prevalence and high value of spinning in the Pre-Hispanic Andes
is important in understanding the child Virgin spinning paintings,
especially since they were unique to the colonial Andes and spinning
was an activity that was accepted among high and low classes.
         Understanding the colonial child Virgin spinning paintings
requires an understanding of the interaction between Spaniard and
Andeans. Europeans during the colonial period were guilty of lumping
all of the peoples of the Americas into the single category of people of
the New World even though, for example, the Inka peoples of the Andes
were completely different than the Aztecs of modern-day Mexico. This
European fault is most evident in the allegorical images that emerged
and circulated in the 16th century depicting America as a voluptuous
woman wearing little clothing but adorned with feathers and weapons
and often accompanied by an exotic crocodile or armadillo.18 This
popularized image and the diaries kept by the conquistadores attest
to the fact that Spaniards felt that the Americas needed civilizing, and
the main way to do civilize them was through imposing Christianity.
With this mindset, Francisco Pizarro and his entourage of nearly two
hundred men conquered the Andean Inka Empire in 1532, ending a
tradition that had existed for over one hundred years.19 Following or
accompanying conquistadores, Catholic missionaries were sent to the
colonial Andes to set up centers of conversion, and to replace the Andeans’
Inka faith with Christianity. In the process of propagating Catholicism,
these missionaries found that the Virgin Mary was a “potent ally.” To
the Inka peoples she resembled the goddesses they were accustomed
to worshipping, like Pachamama, “the earth-mother goddess of Inca
religion.” 20 Therefore, the Virgin Mary became popularized in colonial
Peruvian religious art not as a figure that allowed Spaniards to impose
Christianity but as a familiar concept to the native Andeans.

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         The depictions of the child Virgin spinning in colonial Peruvian
society emerged with a certain template that was adhered to by virtually
all artists (Fig. I). The Virgin is an adolescent, and she sits in front
of a dark background with a floral garland framing her. The vase of
lilies that Roelas included is not present. However, in most cases, the
floral garland frame includes the white lilies and other Marian flowers.
Her body points towards her left, and she is seated in a wooden chair
with a red cushion and gold decoration, holding the distaff under her
left arm, a thread in her left hand with her pinky finger extended,
and the spindle in her right hand. She engages the viewer with round
black eyes and appears distracted from her spinning, perhaps inviting
participation or emulation from the viewer. The halo of cherubim that
Villavicencio and Roelas represented is not present here. Instead, a star-
shaped halo of gold rays emanates from the child Virgin’s head like
a crown. Draped over her shoulders is a cape-like coverlet with lace
trimming that closes above her chest with a round broche, accompanied
by a matching dress with a corset-like top made of fine textiles in red,
gold and silver with floral designs. Her outfit is completed with jewelry,
dangling gold earrings, a set of red beaded bracelets on either wrist, red
bows, and a ring on the pinky finger of her right hand. A red and gold
headband adorned with a circular decorative broche on the left side
of her head pushes back her short, cropped dark hair. The majority
of these characteristics are found in the Spanish child Virgin spinning
models of Roelas and Villavicencio, but the Peruvian depictions are
undeniably more elaborate. With the addition of a significant amount
of gold and decorative elements like the floral garland and dress
adornments, these Peruvian child Virgins appear to be of a higher class
than their Spanish counterparts. The Peruvian examples also present a
more doll-like figure, as opposed to that of a child with a round face,
rosy cheeks, and big eyes. Of my sample of seven paintings of Peruvian
child Virgin spinning paintings, six of them possess the majority of
these characteristics. There is one painting, known as Young Virgin
Spinning from the 17th or 18th century, that is an exception because
it lacks the floral garland border and the golden halo and instead sits
beneath a halo of winged cherubim. This example borrows from the
Roelas and Villavicencio models, but the cherubim here play a more

The Child Virgin Spinning Paintings of Colonial Peru 57

dominant role: they are solid figures as opposed to their ethereal
predecessors. This child Virgin is also different in her dress. She wears
a dark brown cloak and a simpler dress, also reflective of Roelas and
Villavicencio. A single ring on her ring finger is a characteristic that is
unique to this example, perhaps alluding to her future marriage. The
lack of decoration and adherence to Spanish models in this painting
suggests it is an early, perhaps even a Spanish import.
         Luis Eduardo Wuffarden explains in reference to the Peruvian
child Virgin spinning paintings that “all the elements of her attire were
already present in her Spanish predecessors, and, in principle, it would
be a mistake to interpret them as the pre-Columbian Andean lliclla
[shawls] or tupu (ornamental brooch) being given a contemporary
recreation.”21 However, Carol Damian explains, “Mary is dressed in a
combination of noble Spanish and Inka costumes. The golden patterns
of the cloth incorporate both the floral brocades of European origin
and the geometric patterns of the Inka.”22 Therefore, due to the Spanish
models of the child Virgin spinning, and Andean textile traditions, it
is fair to characterize the dress of the Peruvian child Virgin paintings
as Spanish but infused with Andean textile traditions. The connection
to Andean tradition was surely recognized by indigenous peoples,
and undoubtedly gave these paintings some of their power within the
colonial context.
         Another example of the confluence of Spanish and Andean
traditions is present in the child Virgin’s hairstyle. Although the child
Virgins in both Spanish and colonial Peruvian paintings have short,
dark cropped hair, Villavicencio appears to have initiated the elaborate
headband trend that the Peruvians continued. The curl that the child
Virgin wears on her forehead can also be attributed to Villavicencio.
This curl is of great interest within colonial Peru, as Damian explains:
         To the Spanish observer, the curl is a delightful
         addition of the native artist. To the native viewer, the
         headband and curl represent royal insignia. The Child
         Mary is the equivalent of the Inka princess (Ñusta)
         and the Chosen Women…Also, for the Andean
         observer, the golden radiances behind her head are
         symbolic of Inka royalty’s homage to the sun.23

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         Damian claims then that the colonial Andean people see this child
Virgin as the successor to the accla coyas (Fig. II) and the ñustas. The “royal
insignia” to which Damian refers is the Inka headdress, the maskapaycha—
“a crimson fringe worn over the forehead, the essential part of the royal
headdress.”24 During the Inka Empire, only the Inka ruler, the Sapa Inka,
wore the maskapaycha, and in colonial Peru, it continued to be a sign of
nobility. However, controversy centered on who was worthy of wearing the
Inka headdress in colonial society. Women were never allowed to wear the
maskapaycha, and in portraits of noble Andean women, the maskapaycha
was only present on a table beside the woman, “indicating that [she] derived
[her] status from [her] husband’s right to wear it.” 25 Therefore, according
to Damian’s interpretation when Andeans viewed the child Virgin spinning
with her headband and the curl, they were reminded of the red tuft of the
maskapaycha. The representation of an actual maskapaycha on the Virgin
Mary’s head would not only go against Christianity, but would also subvert
Andean tradition. For this reason, the allusion to the Andean headdress
is subtle, yet it still associates the Virgin with Andean nobility and would
likely have received attention and respect from Andean audiences.
         Although the colonial image of the child Virgin serves as a sort
of hybrid of Spanish and Andean tradition, one cannot ignore her bright,
pale skin. While her skin color functions artistically to seize viewers’
attention and put all focus on the little Virgin’s face, it is certainly not the
skin of an indigenous Andean person. In some cases, the color used on the
face and hands is so pale it no longer resembles human skin. The pattern
among examples of this child Virgin with bright white skin proves the
intentionality of the decision to make her skin light to resemble Spaniards.
Therefore, since this child Virgin was a figure of Christian worship that
Andean peoples could relate to, artists were careful to designate that this
figure was more Spanish than indigenous.
         Ideological intentions aside, these child Virgin spinning paintings
are remarkable testaments to the skill of colonial Peruvian artists. There
is an unmistakable close and careful attention to detail in creating these
delicate child Virgins. From the intricate gold lace trimmings, to the
complex headbands, to the elaborate floral garlands, these paintings reflect
painstaking effort and a large time commitment. This careful attention to
the subject emphasizes their importance and suggests that the paintings

The Child Virgin Spinning Paintings of Colonial Peru 59

were of great value within colonial Peru. While there are a few Peruvian
depictions of an older Virgin Mary, in her early adulthood when she is
engaged in spinning, this large grouping of child Virgin’s suggests that the
tradition of the Virgin spinning as a child was more common and popular
in colonial Peru. This can be understood through observing one of these
older spinning Virgins, the Young Virgin Mary Weaving, who undoubtedly
lacks the appeal that the child possesses.
         It is also important to recognize that textile production continued
to occupy a place of great significance in colonial Peruvian society.
Spaniards were mesmerized with the elaborate and “exotic” textiles of the
Andes and demanded the production of textiles through tribute to the
state, to the point where they established factories for textile production
known as obrajes.26 With the introduction of the obrajes, men and women
began to work in these factories, using new European upright looms,
while many women remained in domestic space, employing traditional
weaving methods like the distaff and whorl that the child Virgin uses.27
Owing to the continued prevalence of spinning, and the Spaniards’ desire
for fine Andean cloth, the child Virgin spinning paintings elevated the
task of spinning, thereby encouraging women to make cloth through its
association with the affluent Virgin and with the accla coyas.
         Although this tradition began in Spain, one might wonder why this
child Virgin translated so well into Peruvian society? And would this idea of
the Virgin spinning have meant less in colonial Peru if the Virgin were an
adult? While it is possible that images of the child Virgin spinning were the
only models that reached Peru, this does not explain their establishment
and popularization, or their remarkable exclusivity to Peru. One solution
to this conundrum is that the well-established cloth making traditions in
the pre-Hispanic Andes provided the perfect environment to receive this
image of the child Virgin. For the Andean people, this Virgin resembled
and recalled the young Accla Coyas so highly respected by the Inka as well
as the Inka ñustas and coyas with distaffs and spindles. These associations
worked to the favor of Spaniards because presenting an image of the Virgin
Mary to which indigenous people could relate facilitated their mission of
implementing Christianity. By aligning the Virgin Mary with one of the
greatest Andean professions, Spaniards could create an association between
the two, making the Virgin Mary a personage that indigenous people could

60 The Monitor - Summer 2011

understand more easily and would be more likely to accept. Upon learning
the effectiveness and power of these paintings, it is likely that Spaniards
would have commissioned more of this type of painting, disseminating
them across the colony. The centrality of spinning in Andean culture, the
worship of Accla Coyas, and the respect for elite ñustas and coyas to some
extent account for why these paintings thrived in the Andes and not in the
viceroyalty of New Spain.
         The endearing child Virgin spinning paintings are an expression
of the confluence of Spanish and Andean cultures. Although the paintings
derive from Spanish prototypes, their connection to Andean culture is
irrefutable. Whether these paintings were executed by Spanish or by
Andean artists, it seems inevitable that the Spaniards favored the power
these paintings held, and commissioned many copies of them. Although
the child Virgin does not resemble the indigenous woman of colonial
Peru, she is familiar in her activity and dress, and was likely to have been
understood as a figure of worship. For women of the upper classes, the doll-
like, charming appearance would likely have been adored and associated
with a daughter figure. The artistic craftsmanship and skill that the
paintings evince are representative of the fine artists of colonial Peru and of
their respect for this subject. Through the fusion of Andean and Christian
traditions, the child Virgin Mary spinning paintings were masterful artistic
means of colonization, presenting Christianity within its new context of
Colonial Peru in a non-threatening, harmonious way.

Fig. I. Anonymous, The Child Virgin at the Spinning Wheel, ca. 1680-
1710, Museo Pedro de Osma, Lima, Peru. MDID.

The Child Virgin Spinning Paintings of Colonial Peru 61

Fig. II. Master of Erfurt, Virgin Mary with a Distaff, ca. 15th C.,
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Germany. MDID.

Fig. III. Pedro Nuñez Villavicencio, Virgin Spinning, ca. 17th C.,
Museo del Prado, Spain. MDID.

Fig. IV. Anonymous, An Inca Princess and a Dwarf, ca. 1700-1800,
Colonial Peru. MDID.

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                                           Notes
1
      Carol Damian, “The Virgin of the Andes: Inka Queen and Christian Goddess,”
     Woman and Art in Early Modern Latin America (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 79.
2
      The Book of Proverbs, (New York: Sheldon & Co, 1872), 31:13.
3
      Ibid., 31:19.
4
      “The Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew,” The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of
     the Writings of the Fathers Down to A.d. 325, Eds. Alexander Roberts, James
     Donaldson, A.C. Coxe, Allan Menzies, Ernest C. Richardson, and Bernhard Pick
     (New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1903), 371.
5
      “The Protevangelium of James,” The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of
     the Writings of the Fathers Down to A.d. 325, eds. Alexander Roberts, James
     Donaldson, A.C. Coxe, Allan Menzies, Ernest C. Richardson, and Bernhard Pick
     (New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1903), 363.
6
     Nicholas Constas and Proclus, “Homily I,” Proclus of Constantinople and the Cult
     of the Virgin in Late Antiquity: Homilies 1-5, Texts and Translations, Supplements to
     Vigiliae Christianae, 66 (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 137.
7
      Luke, 2:7.
8
      Gail McMurray Gibson, “The Thread of Life in the Hand of the Virgin,” Equally
     in God’s Image: Women in the Middle Ages, Eds. Julia B Holloway, Constance S.
     Wright, and Joan Bechtold (New York: P. Lang, 1990), 50.
9
      Ibid., 51.
10
      Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “The Child Virgin Spinning,” The Arts in
     Latin America, 1492-1820, eds. Joseph J. Rishel and Suzanne L. Stratton,
     (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 2006), 463.
11
      Damian, 79.
12
      George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art: With Illustrations from
     Paintings of the Renaissance (London: Oxford University Press, 1976), 33.
13
      Wuffarden, 463.
14
      Irene Silverblatt, “Andean Women in the Inca Empire,” Feminist Studies, 4:3 (1978), 42.
15
      Cathy L. Costin, “Housewives, Chosen Women, Skilled Men: Cloth Production
     and Social Identity in the Late Prehispanic Andes,” Archaeological Papers of the
     American Anthropological Association, 8:1 (1998), 129.
16
      Silverblatt, 42.
17
      Costin, 135.
18
      Clare Le Corbeiller, “Miss America and Her Sisters: Personifications of the Four
     Parts of the World,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, 19:8 (1961), 210.
19
      Damian, 70.
20
      Duncan, 32.
21
      Wuffarden, 463.
22
      Damian, 88.
23
      Ibid., 89.
24
      Marie Timberlake, “The Painted Colonial Image: Jesuit and Andean Fabrication
     of History in Matrimonio de García de Loyola con Ñusta Beatriz,” Journal of
     Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 29:3 (1999), 573.
25
      Ibid., 580-581.
26
      Karen B. Graubart, “Weaving and the Construction of a Gender Division of
     Labor in Early Colonial Peru,” American Indian Quarterly, 24:4 (2000), 554.
27
      Ibid., 555.