Fit for Purpose? Prime Minister Johnson's Two Bodies and the UK Better Health Strategy
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Science, Medicine, and Anthropology
http://somatosphere.net
Fit for Purpose? Prime Minister Johnson’s Two
Bodies and the UK Better Health Strategy
2020-09-10 20:44:24
By
Amongst the UK’s current Conservative Government, rhetorically
invoking the body politic is common practice. For example, in 2019
Number 10 Special Advisor Dominic Cummings argued that a European
reformist faction within the Tory party “should be treated like a
metastasising tumour and excised from the UK body politic” while UK
Prime Minister (PM) Boris Johnson deployed the metaphor as a means to
characterize Parliament during Brexit as “a blocked artery at the heart of
the British body politic.” In the same speech, Johnson suggested that said
blockage was preventing the democratic delivery of “the will of the
people.” Neither Cummings nor Johnson is a medical professional; yet
they each speak knowingly of the body and its workings. In fact, they
seem to share between them a common (mis)understanding of bodily
health that they mobilize with dangerous effects as they do the work of
international politics. In this blog post I demonstrate how particular,
exaggeratedly masculinised, and outdated, enlightenment era and
dualistic knowledge about bodies – internalised by British elites and PM
Johnson – has reverberated around the body politic and materialises as
policy responses to COVID-19 which individualise and ‘blame’ particular
bodies for ‘failing’ to stay strong and protect the NHS to the very
detriment of the health and thriving of the community of bodies comprising
and indeed materialising as the collective body politic.
As a metaphor, the body politic is a rhetorical device used to make political
communities knowable and intelligible as a particular kind of human being.
In this way alone, the thinking and practice of national and indeed global
politics is already profoundly embodied, with the international system
populated by these bodies politic and littered with body parts. As Stefanie
Fishel has already highlighted, “one can find bodies in the very words of
IR: organs of the United Nations, the family of nations, and head of state”
(2017: 25). To add to the list of limbs we referred to regularly in
international politics, did you know the word “parliament” refers to the
feet? Then of course there is the “public eye” and the “arm” of the army
while, during the COVID-19 pandemic the UK’s National Health Service
(NHS) has been (re)constructed as the “heart” of the British body politic.
Bodies politic have all of these things and more and beyond; their limbs
and organs are uniquely collective and profoundly embodied in the form of
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human beings.
However, I expect Cummings and Johnson are unaware of metaphoricity:
the power of metaphor through which the body politic entails the physical
body underlying the body politic [1] [2] performatively materializing as
such. Thus, what is written and ‘known’ about the physical body in
general, as common sense, plays out at the level of the body politic[3] [4] .
Rosemary Shinko has made this connection well and explains clearly how
particular this common-sense bodily knowledge comes to matter at this
‘higher’ and collective level of embodiment:
“the body is the site around which and on which meaning is made
and attached. This meaning reverberates throughout the entire
body politic and thus the point is to provoke a struggle over the
meaning and import of bodily enactments because writing the body
is writing the ethico-political history of our present.” (2010: 17)
From Shinko’s and indeed my perspective, the metaphor of the body
politic comes to be with material effects according to the particularities of
the body on which the materialising metaphor is based; thus, the
particularities of the body at the source of the metaphor the body politic
really matter.
In 2005, Johnson, then editor of The Spectator magazine, referred to
himself in a news article as “a mere toenail in the body politic.” Johnson
was paraphrasing Shakespeare’s Coriolanus, wherein Shakespeare
mobilizes his own “background notion of a hierarchy of body members”
through an insult dished out by the character Senator Menenius at the end
of the Act I (Mussloff, 2020: 26). Johnson called himself a “toenail” in
response to criticism that he was combining politics and journalism by
sitting as Member of Parliament (MP) for Henley upon Thames and being
lined up for a front bench position while still sitting as editor of The
Spectator.
Certainly, as PM, Johnson’s public and globally-facing body and image
are imbued with state power – coming to symbolize the formal institutions
of the state he presides over as PM – playing a vital role in re-shaping
national identity and with material effects at the personal-local-national
and international levels. State leaders’ masculine bodily prowess is a well
examined trait of 20th- and 21st-century fascism and J.A. Mangan (1999
2014) has extensively chronicled the fetishization of the intensely
masculinized body as a hallmark of the fascist state and governance.
Meanwhile, Feminist International Relations scholarship has thoroughly
traced how norms of exaggerated masculinity and other gendered
discourse circulated through leaders’ body language and gait (see for
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example Dean 2002, Shepherd 2006) to inform, be projected on to, and
shape state identity and international relations in gendered ways.
However, as I detail in the following section, as the COVID-19 pandemic
went on, not only did Johnson become more overtly bodily and
“macho”-presenting himself but this logic about his own and other bodies
— and, most importantly, the body at the source of the metaphorical body
politic — reverberates around the body politic. These longer and stronger
reverberations came to (re)shape and move bodies comprising the
collective body politic, materializing and demonstrating the metaphoricity
of the body politic — and, in this case — the unhealthy body at its source.
The English Patient
I don’t particularly care for PM Johnson or anything he stands for but
when I heard he had been transferred into St Thomas’ Hospital’s
intensive care unit (ICU) on 6th April, I was concerned. I felt on edge for
the three nights he would spend in the ICU – as if Johnson surviving or
succumbing to the virus would have a significance beyond the addition of
one more to the tally of survivors or victims. The updates from Number 10
were curt and daily:
“The Prime Minister’s condition is stable and he remains in intensive care
for close monitoring. He is in good spirits.” (07/04/2020);
“The Prime Minister continues to make steady progress. He remains in
intensive care.” (08/04/2020).
In the days following the PM’s hospital admission, well wishes began to
fly in. United States President Trump described Johnson in the past tense
as “a really good friend. He’s been really something very special.
Strong. Resolute. Doesn’t quit. Doesn’t give up.” Foreign Secretary
Dominic Raab MP, by now standing in for Johnson, took it upon himself to
reassure the nation, saying: “I’m confident he’ll pull through because if
there’s one thing I know about this Prime Minister: he’s a fighter.” The
PM’s aged father, Stanley Johnson, also weighed in:
“Boris is not just a classicist but a countryman and that will give
him a lot of strength at this time. He is not just ‘rus in urbe’ but
‘rus in rus’, meaning he is a countryman to boot…Ours was not a
household that had dinner parties, we were not hunting,
shooting…Boris was there, mucking in at all times. A part of the
very person he is, optimistic, determined, resilient, came from this
Exmoor valley.” (Bhatia 2020)
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Here, Stanley Johnson connects his son’s body to the very land of
England, suggesting that Boris’s rural upbringing makes him superiorly
embodied then his urban counterparts and even those urbanites claiming
to be of country stock – the rus in urbe. In doing so, the elder Johnson and
Boris’s other well-wishers demonstrate their devotion to an exaggerated
masculinity. However, their ideas about a correlation between hard work,
fighting, and determination and COVID-19 recovery are misguided as
there’s not evidence of a correlation between work ethic, determination,
and likelihood of recovering from the virus.
PM Johnson did not speak to the press or send out any tweets from
hospital. However, in the absence of any statement from the ailing PM,
others attempted to speak for him, including his biographer Sonia Purnell:
“[H]e has a weird attitude to illness. He was intolerant of anybody
who was ill. Until now, he has had a very robust constitution. He
has never been ill until now, and this will be a huge shock to him.
His outlook on the world is that illness is for weak
people” (Mendick and Yorke 2020)
Former Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and current
backbencher Sir Ian Duncan Smith released a similarly telling statement
upon hearing the news, saying: “I know him very well so I am deeply
saddened really that it should come to this. He has obviously worked like
mad to try and get through this but it’s not good enough so far.” In fact,
those claiming to know the PM project the same misguided bodily and
medical knowledge on to the PM. Perhaps more troublingly, those close to
Johnson appeared to be correct about the PM’s views on the relationship
between physical strength, vulnerability, and susceptibility to COVID-19.
Meanwhile, inside St Thomas’ hospital, PM Johnson would, if conscious,
be experiencing first-hand what it means to ‘fight’ COVID-19. Particularly
clear would be the collective nature of the effort required to keep Johnson
alive, which also required the PM to give up any sense of control to those
around him. In a July 17 New Yorker article on the realities of life inside a
COVID-19 ward, Dr of Internal Medicine Ricardo Nuila described exactly
how patients are treated and provides particular details on a procedure
known as “proning,” which involves:
“carefully flipping an unconscious, paralyzed patient can require
as many as six people—nurses, assistants, therapists, and
sometimes doctors, each gowned in [personal protective
equipment]—to coordinate their efforts, as though they are moving
a large sculpture.”
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On being discharged, the PM duly conceded that he did indeed, like all
bodies, require substantial support from others in order to recover from
COVID-19 and referenced what may well have been his own proning by
nurses in the St Thomas’ ICU: “the reason in the end my body did start to
get enough oxygen was because for every second of the night they were
watching and they were thinking and they were caring and making the
interventions I needed.”
Quite. The notion of the independently sovereign body is a naive fiction –
inexcusable and rather dangerous for those in positions of power and
influence to be espousing and bringing into being through policy and
practice. Bodies rely existentially and ontologically on one another in order
to first be – to exist – and then to be healthy. However, the PM emerged
from the ICU even more steadfast in his commitment to exaggerated
masculinity as prophylaxis. Moreover, continued reliance on Cartesian
dualism and steadfast commitment to individualism attempt to force
independent, sovereign, strong, masculinized, Leviathan bodies into
existence. Further, the emphasis on this type of body has a moral
dimension, wherein responsibility, like agency, is located in the apparently
rational, bounded, individual who, as the sole master of their body, can
then be blamed for having failed to stay strong.
Prior to his positive COVID-19 diagnosis, Johnson did other things to
indicate he shared his father’s and others’ beliefs. For example,
Johnson’s persistent hand-shaking, even with hospitalized COVID-19
patients during spring 2020, which continued even after the UK
Government’s own appointed Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies
(SAGE) issued guidance against the act – only reconfirms the PM’s
steadfast belief in at least keeping up appearances of strength. It was
clear that Johnson wanted to be seen shaking hands and indeed was
heard bragging about it afterwards to the press: “I was at a hospital the
other night where I think there were a few coronavirus patients and I shook
hands with everybody, you will be pleased to know, and I continue to
shake hands.”
As the pandemic went on and the UK Government were able to catch their
breath in the post-peak lull of June and July, Johnson’s bodily logic
continued to prevail even and especially as it was found to have failed –
as the PM’s campaign of pandemic hand-shaking demonstrates well.
Indeed, by mid-July, the UK had the highest excess death rate in Europe
and over 45,000 of those deaths had been attributed to COVID-19.
However, coming to form the centrepiece of the UK Government’s
response to the first wave of the pandemic was not a relief package for the
fledgling National Health Service or measures to tackle inequality (given
how the virus exacerbated and afflicted the most deprived British
communities the most severely), but a host of interventions into the
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individual physical bodies of those comprising the body politic. These
interventions were aimed at exactly (re/dis)embodying the British populace
in the image of the now slimmer and hegemonically and militarily
masculinized PM.
Where before, Johnson had seemingly cared little about his appearance,
declaring “I’m fat!” while speaking at an event about body positivity in
2006,[1] on his release from hospital the PM became more self-consciously
bodily. Claiming in a post-ICU interview with the Mail on Sunday to be “fit
as a butcher’s dog” Johnson went as far as asking “do you want me to do
some press-ups to show you how fit I am?” before getting down on to his
office floor to prove that he was over the virus by doing the exercise.[2]
Johnson’s personal experience and very body then came to provide the
blueprint for a UK Government policy launched on Monday 27th July and
hinted in the PM’s 24th July interview with the BBC’s Laura Kunessberg
to mark his first year in office where he explains, using himself for
reference, how “being overweight” can interfere with individuals’ ability to
“withstand the virus”:
“One thing by the way that I think did make a difference and for
me and for quite a few others is the issue of frankly being
overweight… and that’s why we need to tackle our national
struggle with obesity… If we’re fitter and healthier and we lose
weight we’ll be better able to not only individually withstand the
virus but we’ll be better places to protect our NHS and that’s why
we’re bringing forward an obesity strategy…We will bounce back
stronger than before.”
Johnson’s logic here is unchanged, seeing that he failed to defeat the
virus on his own because he was not fit and strong enough. However, the
PM’s reference to ‘us’ and ‘we’ in the above begins to hint at and
expose the contradiction within dominant discourse and the inability of an
individual – such as Johnson himself – to beat it alone, without help, and
not from friends or family, but from the NHS, crucially.
The official launch of the Better Health strategy the following day saw
Johnson describing his body in detail in a promotional video, apparently
filmed mid-dog walk and released on Twitter through the @BorisJohnson
‘personal’ prime ministerial account rather than through @Number10 or a
Government Department account or platform: “I’m more than a stone
down… I’m only about five foot ten” he tells the audience. Indeed the
Better Health launch was framed very much as a personal and paternal
message and instruction from the PM to the public and saw the UK
executive moving from conservatism towards a more typically fascist
fixation on the body of the leader and his post-COVID
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hyper-masculinization. During the week of the Better Health launch
members of the cabinet appeared in public and were made visible
following Johnson’s advice to work on their bodies, with for example
Health Secretary Matt Hancock doubling down on the PM’s performance
of press-ups for a photo shoot and multitasking by jogging while being
interviewed by The Sun newspaper.[3]
Further, and while being encouraged to Eat out to Help Out the UK’s
hospitality industry, the Better Health strategy focused on promoting
weight loss via fitness and food-tracking programs. For example, under the
Better Health strategy, the UK Government issued guidance for
restaurants to begin listing the calories contained in each item listed on the
menu, banning sweet displays at store checkouts and ‘buy one, get one
free’ promotions on crisps and chocolate and ‘junk’ food adverts being
shown on TV and online before 9PM.[4] Measures aimed at individuals are
listed on the public facing Better Health website and include a host of
resources and services including: online fitness programs and classes,
free and paid apps for members of the public to download including
“Couch to 5K,” a “Food Scanner’” to check items for calories before
purchase, a “BMI calculator’” to track Body Mass Index, and various links
to weight loss company sites and apps including Weight Watchers and
Slimming World.[5] On top of this, the Government has specifically asked
the “overweight” British public to lose five pounds in order to save the
NHS one hundred million pounds.
By forcing Johnson’s body upon the British nation through a campaign of
“fat-shaming” and by pressuring people to lose weight, the UK
government equated weight loss with a moral responsibility to stay
healthy and not use the NHS. Thus, the underlying aim of the Better
Health strategy – at the level of the body politic itself – is to keep the next
wave of COVID-19 infected bodies out of hospital beds and relieve the
extra pressure on the NHS. Indeed, the case explored in this piece
demonstrates the consequences of an outdated and unwell body lying at
the source of the metaphorically materializing body politic as
enlightenment era ideas about strong, sovereign, and individual bodies
have re-shaped not only the PM’s body but national Government policy
and in turn the bodies comprising the collective body politic. With specific
reference to the COVID-19 outbreak and responses to it globally, this is
extremely pertinent as outdated ideas about what it means to be a strong,
weak, and/or vulnerable bodies continue to circulate and shape policy
responses to the pandemic as it endures. As immunologist Samantha Le
Sommer attempted to clarify in a tweet responding to common
explanations for why some bodies ‘catch’ the virus on 30th March:
“Immunoscense & “weak” immune systems aren’t the same thing… this
idea of a “weak” immune system is a myth, its “dysfunctional” immune
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system.”
From the PM’s very own (re/dis)embodiment through the spring and into
the summer of 2020 – through his diagnosis, hospitalization, and
discharge, to the press-ups performed in public by a lighter Johnson telling
the British public to ‘lose 5 pounds’ in preparation for a second wave of
COVID-19 and the launch of the UK’s Better Health strategy – what the
responses to COVID-19 discussed in this post reveal is twofold.
Firstly I have demonstrated that the persistence of outdated bodily
metaphors used within policy circles to (mis)explain the threat of
COVID-19 are acutely problematic at the level of the bodily health of the
individuals – as bodies including the PM’s have been placed in danger by
attempting to work on and through COVID-19 with a false sense of
immunity conflated with exaggerated masculinity facilitating this. However,
secondly, this post also underlines how the outdated and indeed unwell
body at the source of the metaphor – the body politic – forcibly
materializes, as an apparently strong and independent body politic that the
COVID-19 pandemic reveals is actually inherently vulnerable and
precarious – unable and ill equipped to cope with COVID-19 and
accordingly facing economic, social, and political crises of an entirely new
order.
Indeed, it is perhaps more important than ever to return to Michel
Foucault’s observation (1980: 58), that ‘one needs to study what kind of
body the current society needs’ – especially as the COVID-19 death
toll hovers at 65,000 at the time of writing and during the second wave
those bodies deemed responsible for their own infection (the overweight)
are being threatened with house arrest in the name of protecting the NHS
and facilitating the continued flow of capital via the circulation of bodies
deemed healthy and strong according to what has been found to be
severely outdated criteria. Moreover, as the UK’s not unique experience
of the onset of COVID-19 demonstrates, the apparent ‘Leviathan’ bodies
materializing through such thinking are outdated and unfit for the purpose
of facilitating good, supported lives and any local, national, let alone global
thriving.
Kandida Purnell is Assistant Professor of International Relations at
Richmond, the American International University in London. Having
previously published on the body politics of COVID-19, the Global War on
Terror, war commemoration, and army/artist collaboration, Kandida’s
monograph Rethinking the Body in Global Politics is due for publication 1st
April 2021 (Routledge Interventions). Kandida is also continuing to
collaborate with Natasha Danilova and Emma Dolan on the
Carnegie-funded ‘War Commemoration, Military Culture, and Identity
Politics in Scotland’ project while her solo research into Feeling
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COVID-19 and Bringing Bodies Back: Repatriation and War Performance
within Forever War are ongoing.. Twitter: @KandidaPurnell
Notes
[1]
See
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OD_Gl96hzOM&feature=youtu.be.
[2]
The number of press ups Johnson completed is unknown and with
many thanks to Benjamin Nutt for making me aware of this event.
[3]
See Sabey, 25/07/2020
[4]
See Brown, 27/07/2020.
[5]
See https://www.nhs.uk/better-health/?WT.mc_ID=Google&gclid=CIq5k
a6q9-oCFRVjGwod2F0BnA
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AMA citation
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