Media Perceptions and Academic Responses to South African President Thabo Mbeki
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© Kamla-Raj 2006 J. Soc. Sci., 13(3): 163-176 (2006)
Media Perceptions and Academic Responses to South African
President Thabo Mbeki
Anand Singh
School of Social Sciences and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
KEYWORDS South Africa; politics; president; compassionate despotism; pathological patrimonialism; personal
rule syndrome
ABSTRACT This paper is about South Africa’s first successor to Nelson Mandela, viz. Thabo Mbeki. The paper
covers issues pertaining to the country’s politics at national, regional and local levels and his perceived influence at
each of these levels. It seeks to demonstrate the enigmatic and interesting political leader that Thabo Mbeki is and
the possible directions that can be taken by the end of his term of office. The paper concludes with an assessment of
possibilities that range from ‘compassionate despotism’, to ‘pathological patrimonialism’, to ‘personal rule syndrome’.
In a recent book edited by Jacobs and Calland powerful ally in Africa, Nigeria’s President
(2002) on South African President, Thabo Mbeki, Olusegun Obasanjo, because of South Africa’s
only one of the 12 contributions, viz. by Sahra obstinate support for Zimbabwe at the Common-
Ryklief (2002) does not see his leadership and wealth’s Heads of Governments (CHOGM)
ideological make-up as riddled with ambiguity and meeting last month. The rift has large implications
inconsistency. Ryklief asserts that Mbeki’s for African unity4.
ideological orientation is in fact clear and that the The three statements above were respectively
“principle versus pragmatist” argument is a non- interspersed over a four-year period. The first
issue. She has declared Mbeki to be an “unabash- was made in June 1999 when Mbeki formally
ed conservative”, with a fundamentally pro-capi- assumed the post of President of South Africa,
talist approach to economic power. South African while the latter was made in March 2002 and
President Thabo Mbeki’s recent courtship with January 2004 respectively, after much widespread
deposed Haitian President Jeanne Bertrand public response to the unfolding of his presidency
Aristide and his ongoing relationship of “quiet and the first ten years of democratic rule. In a
diplomacy” with Zimbabwean President Robert recent assessment on the cleavage between neo-
Mugabe, among other controversial leaders in liberalism and empowerment of the people of
Africa, has raised serious questions in the media South Africa, Chetty5 (2002) concluded that his
and academic circles about his leadership style evidence reflected a rather bleak picture for
and his longer term intentions as head of state. transition from authoritarianism to democracy -
While there was a generally warm welcome for despite the miraculously peaceful elections in
him in the media when he replaced his erstwhile 1994 and 1999. This paper expands upon this
President, Nelson Mandela, perceptions about bleakness through discussion of issues on the
him changed rapidly in his first term of office, as national, regional, local and institutional levels,
the quotations below indicate. with evidence that presumably fits into the
“Mbeki is much more intellectual than paradigms that are offered here as models for
Mandela. More importantly, he has unchallenged locating analyses on contemporary and future
control over the structures of the ANC.”2 politics in South Africa.
“When a weary President Thabo Mbeki flew In focussing on the President, analysts are
into a wet and blustery London at 5am on Tuesday, simultaneously engaging in debates or alluding
he was left in no doubt by Western leaders, his to the prospects of the entrenchment of partici-
closest aides and diplomats that the Zimbabwean patory democracy under the African National
crisis was damaging his reputation and putting Congress (ANC). In a recent paper John Daniel
his plans for Africa’s rejuvenation in jeopardy.”3 (2002) produced an assessment ‘of the perfor-
“South Africa’s President Thabo Mbeki mance of and prospects for the Thabo Mbeki
begins his political year alienated from his most regime’6, illustrating historical and contemporary164 ANAND SINGH performance and perceptions of the ANC. His use ished understanding of the power relations of the word ‘regime’ immediately conjures up an between the African continent and the G8 image of totalitarianism and political rigidity that countries. does not place emphasis on participatory Barely a year after Mbeki was sworn in as democracy. While Daniel is correct, his obser- President of South Africa his policies and prac- vation is not entirely new. Two eminent scholars tices have raised more questions than remarks of on Southern African political formations and satisfaction about the suitability of his leadership processes had already picked up on these issues. - within and outside the rank and file of the ANC. While Tom Lodge (1996)7 wrote on the erosion of Widespread dissatisfaction locally and inter- state capacity since the ANC’s assumption of nationally has prompted media responses that power in1994, Kenneth Good (1997: 547) made a suggest serious rifts within the ranks of the ANC similar point to Daniel: “While public attention and about Mbeki’s future as President, as several has focused on the stature of Nelson Mandela, media captions below suggest: “Challenge the there has been at a deeper level in South Africa President? Don’t even think about it”10, “Aids since 1990 a steep decline in state capacity, and a blunder or not, Mbeki is safe”11 , “New dawn or marked deterioration in democratic practice. The false hope? Thabo Mbeki’s Nepad is increasingly participatory democracy which had so character- becoming the focus of South Africa’s foreign ised the decade of the 1980s was brought to a policy and his presidency”12, “The ANC needs a sharp end after the return of the nationalist lead- lot more sanity”13, “How can Mbeki support a ers, and the workings of even a liberal repre- tyrant?”14 , “Tip toeing towards our very own sentative democracy have also suffered under Zimbabwe” 15 . Given the ongoing negative the rise since 1994 of a predominant party system perceptions in the media about Mbeki’s perfor- and elitism.” Several issues of national and mance, it is not surprising that these captions international importance to South Africa have and reports are complimented by a Markinor actually, in the eyes of many, assumed such an survey that reveal a growing discontent with the inclination since Mbeki became President in June government’s performances. A striking feature 1999. Daniel’s analysis is actually a response to of the report was the worsening perceptions by this inclination and to the growing media, public voters of the government’s poor record on trans- and international interest in Mbeki’s style of parency and accountability. Their endorsement leadership - both in South Africa and in the entire and confidence slid rapidly from 52% to 35% continent. Daniel’s analysis finds much support between May 2000 and March 200216. It was the from the contributions of Filatova (2001)8 and government’s handling of several critical issues Bond (2002)9. Both writers focus on the contra- that produced the crisis of perceived poor leader- dictions of Mbeki’s rhetoric and his under- ship and management. The handling of the arms standing of the world order, as well as in his close procurement deal since early 2001 entrenched the collaboration with hostile transnational corporate suspicion that the government was not only and multilateral forces whose interests are essen- being closed and defensive but also dishonest in tially unsympathetic to the African continent. the way they were protecting its members from Their focus on the legitimation of the new elite open public scrutiny. Dissatisfaction with the way (Filatova) or of compradorism (Bond) serve as in which the President personally handled the convincing illustrations of how the class structure political crisis in Zimbabwe, his denial of the link in the post-apartheid era is re-entrenching itself between HIV and AIDS and the accessibility of and re-racialising South Africa’s political eco- nevarapine to pregnant women in the Aids crisis nomy. While Filatova places an interesting slant in South Africa, has led to the development of on how Mbeki is attempting to invert the inter- grassroots mobilisation from across racial and nationally known practices of democracy, class boundaries that raise serious questions transparency and accountability to be viewed in about Thabo Mbeki’s denialism of the disease opaque African terms, Bond provides an and of his commitment to the needs of the poor. exemplary illustration of how Mbeki’s ambiguous The list of such eerie media articles has attacks against and courtship with the G8 generated a flood of interest in whether South countries is actually an acceptance of their Africa is leading towards participatory democracy political, economic and moral order. Bond’s in the sense that it was being touted during the evidence is an indication of Mbeki’s impover- twilight years of apartheid under the opposition
MEDIA PERCEPTIONS AND ACADEMIC RESPONSES 165
extra-parliamentary leadership of the United Against the data that is produced below, either
Democratic Front (UDF) and the Mass Democratic one or a combination of the following three
Movement (MDM). Or is South Africa gradually models alludes to what South Africans are likely
veering towards a system of government that to expect under Mbeki’s continued reign:
generates more social and political instability than · Compassionate despotism - as outlined by
orderliness and confidence? It also raises another Kenneth Good (1997)19 with respect to the
question of fundamental importance to the future presidential style of governance in Botswana -
political leadership in South Africa: “For how is a model that views leadership in Botswana
long will Mbeki want to remain as President of as one that allows for only limited participation
South Africa?” It was only momentarily in decision making by the electorate but marked
reassuring to read of Mbeki’s stance on Zambia’s by a patrimonial leader who prevails over most
ex-President Frederick Chiluba’s thwarted of the state’s interests and who remains in office
manoeuvres to secure a third term in office. Mbeki for an unlimited term, protected by the
felt that this was “a most disturbing development constitution.
indeed….Such proceedings in Zambia would · Pathological patrimonialism - raised by Zaki
communicate the message that, despite Ergas (1986)20 as a situation where a person
prostestations of commitments to democracy, our acquires absolute and irresponsible power,
region was in fact, intent on acting in unconsti- characterised by greed and nepotism, to the
tutional ways and was regressing to the situation detriment of the entire country, as in the case
when there were presidents for life”17 - such as of Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire (now Democratic
the late President Banda of Malawi. Although in Republic of Congo). Although the situation is
a face to face meeting in Namibia, Mbeki rife in Africa and prevails through ruling elites
congratulated Chiluba for the second time for despite the ideology they profess, be it
honoring his pledge to step down after his second capitalist, socialist or communist.
term of office and the Zambian people for not · Personal rule syndrome - introduced by Robert
tampering with the constitution - in the presence Jackson and Carl Rosberg21 (1982) and used
of other Southern African leaders. But the leaders by Larry Diamond22 to describe Uganda under
included President Sam Nujoma, who changed Idi Amin and Guinnea Bissau under Sekou
Namibia’s constitution so that he could rule for a Toure. Under such leadership the state is
third term and is demanding a fourth; Robert characterised by institutionalised corruption
Mugabe, aged 78, who ruled Zimbabwe since 1980 throughout, exceeding what may be called
and ‘won’ the Presidential election in March 2002 ‘ordinary’ levels, primarily because of the bad
under international claims of widespread vote example set by the excessive greed of the
rigging; and President Joaquim Chissano of leaders themselves23.
Mozambique, who was appointed in 1986 and is These models are derived from the widely
scheduled to step down only in 2004. publicised literature that covers the massive
The question is why is Mbeki so selective violations in human rights (including genocide,
about who he chastises for remaining in office as torture and arbitrary incarceration); rampant
President and what does it mean for the future of corruption (embezzlement of public funds,
the presidency in South Africa? An answer to kickbacks on foreign contracts, bribes, etc),;
this convincingly lies partly in Mbeki’s support capricious and unpredictable governments;
of these leaders because, as one of several excessive exploitation; and gross administrative
assessments now indicate, they led liberation ineptitude24. Ergas (1986) rightly points out that
movements like he did18. But a pivotal question these are not exclusively African phenomenon,
here arises and must be asked: “For how long will but they may have indeed reached comparable or
Mbeki himself want to remain as President and even higher levels in for example the Cambodia
what form will politics take under his leadership of Pol Pot, the Nicaragua of the Somozas, and the
in the next few years?” While it is impossible to Haiti of the Duvalliers. While these comparisons
respond to this with an accurate prediction, it will are important in the assessment of these issues,
be feasible to contextualise the functioning of my concern here is the extent to which the South
state and civil society structures within at least African political-economy, under Thabo Mbeki’s
one paradigm or more to ascertain present leadership is showing signs of such inclinations.
patterns and future scenarios. In commenting on the authoritarian streaks within166 ANAND SINGH
the ANC and raising the question as to whether an understanding of the years prior to his
the party will concede defeat in time, Daniel ended assumption of the position. South Africans
his paper stating: “The question may seem expectations of democratic practice by the ANC
preposterous now, but so would it have seemed while in exile was based upon its understanding
in Zimbabwe 10 years ago.”25 of the structures and modus operandi of its
surrogate partner, the UDF. Formed by activists
THE NATIONAL LEVEL who remained in the country but who lent their
entire support to the ANC, they organised
In the celebration of South Africa’s hard won
themselves into viable democratic structures and
political emancipation a new liberal democratic
operated differently from their exiled counterparts
constitution was spawned - from an agreement
- but largely unknown to the masses. United by
between two major political forces - the National
the common purpose of defeating apartheid, the
Party and the ANC. Despite their major differen-
UDF was made up of a coalition of hundreds of
ces - the former being an all-White Afrikaner
different types of organisations that transcended
dominated political party functioning within a
class, racial, urban and rural boundaries in all the
parliamentary system, and the latter being a
provinces. This accomplished for the ANC what
political movement opposed to White domination
they were unable to achieve in exile. With a
and functioning as an extra-parliamentary
leadership that was intent on establishing a
movement - their commonality lied in their resolute
scenario for future democratic practices, the UDF
rejection of liberal democracy. Although racially
modeled itself along looser and less hierarchical
exclusive, the National Party had partly embraced
structures, actively promoting a form of partici-
democracy while the ANC provided the excuse
patory democracy. While it was intended to serve
that its exiled status could not allow it the luxury
as the antithesis of apartheid structures and
of unfettered and free entry into its structures.
processes, it ironically served a similar purpose
For this reason Daniel argued that while it
for its more rigid and hierarchical external
embraced notions of democracy, it was not truly
progenitor.
democratic in practice. “In reality, it was a small
It was in the UDF’s succumbing and absorp-
elite led, top-down hierarchical party with neither
tion into the ANC after the latter’s unbanning in
a significant working class nor a rural base. It
1991 that the insider-outsider dynamics began to
took that tradition and culture into exile, where in
manifest. While the UDF tried to transfer its
an initially largely hostile western environment,
practices of participatory democracy into the
in conditions of semi-clandestinity and heavily
ANC, it was being continuously stifled by the
reliant on its Soviet and East German allies, it
norms of centralist practices. But it was, as Daniel
transmorgified into a tightly knit, highly centrali-
also rightly argues, being “hidden largely from
sed vanguard party. Its political modus operandi
view by the so-called magic of the Mandela era”28,
became that of democratic centralism, with policy
which tirelessly promoted reconciliation through
largely devised behind closed doors and then
its notion of rainbowism29. Mandela’s incar-
passed down to the lower ranks”.26 Despite his
ceration in prison actually set him above the poli-
critical evaluation of the ANC under Mbeki’s
tics of the ANC (outsiders) and UDF (insiders),
leadership, Daniel’s assessment on the immediate
thereby forbidding favour of one over the other.
future of the organisation and the President
But it was from this period and into the mid-1990s
remains optimistic and hopeful. On a more weary
that a subterranean struggle for hegemony within
note, the editorial of Focus raised a more discern-
the ANC began. Beneath Mandela were serious
ing question in reference to the ANC’s record:
contenders such as Chris Hani, Thabo Mbeki and
“Those who suggested that the ANC’s support
Cyril Ramaphosa. After the assassination of Hani,
of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and its
the only other powerful contender for the leader-
behaviour over the Quatro camp atrocities
ship of the ANC was Ramaphosa - an ‘insider’.
betrayed more deep-seated anti-democratic
His ‘withdrawal’ from politics in 1994 is still
tendencies were not heard. With apartheid
viewed by many as banishment by the ‘outsiders’,
abolished surely all parties agreed that they
led by Mbeki, into the private sector. It was only
would be bound by the rules of the new
during the first two years since April 1994 that
constitutional order?”27
Mandela effectively served as de facto President.
An understanding of Mbeki’s position as
Mbeki, elected as ANC Vice-President after a
State President is more appropriately located inMEDIA PERCEPTIONS AND ACADEMIC RESPONSES 167
hectic period of jostling for positions and control Whites and poor Africans, inferring that the former
of the party, began serving as de facto President category was made up of insensitive people
after Mandela preferred to serve as de jure Presi- committed to maintaining their privileged posi-
dent - to focus mainly on reconciliation while tions of the past. Africans, it was inferred, remain-
Mbeki was asked to focus on governance. The ed underprivileged and stagnant in their economic
event also signified the triumph of the ANC’s niche because of the hegemony that Whites at
democratic centralism over the UDF’s preference large maintained. The position softened substan-
for a nascent form of a more participatory tially after months of criticisms and challenges
democracy. that assertively aimed at the extravagances
The events that followed on national decision- among South Africa’s emerging African political
making bear testimony to this analysis. The most elite. These counter accusations found a suppor-
powerful centralist structure of the ANC is the tive base in the NEC’s handling of its parliamen-
National Executive Committee (NEC), chaired by tary Chief Whip, Tony Yengeni and his involve-
the president of the party. A major shift in ideo- ment in the arms procurement scandal. Yengeni
logy occurred when the Reconstruction and was accused of being bribed with a luxury German
Development Program30 spawned by the ANC vehicle in return for lucrative contracts. The NEC
through its socialist ideals, was subtly replaced acquiesced in Yengeni’s flagrant defiance of the
by the Bretton Woods Institutions (World Bank, parliament’s ethics committee, precluded the
International Monetary Fund and World Trade Heath unit, the country’s acclaimed anti-corrup-
Organisation) inspired economic policies - tion committee, from examining the arms deal, and
Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR). used the offices of the Public Protector, Prose-
Although GEAR was touted by the state as an cutor General and the Speaker of Parliament for
employment creating model and had forecasted partisan purposes.
the creation of up to 400 000 jobs per annum, In the protracted saga of the government’s
unemployment rapidly increased. No framework position on the link between HIV and Aids, Mbeki
was provided for how and where the 400 000 jobs continued to defy the dominant practice in ortho-
were going to be created and for what periods dox medicine by rejecting the link and denying
people were expected to be employed. Despite pregnant women access to anti-retroviral treat-
persistent challenges to provide the information ment. An astounding defeat was delivered to the
on how this was to be made possible and to NEC, but particularly Mbeki, in April 2002 when
engage the state in public debates on the estima- the High Court and the Constitutional Court ruled
ted job creation, the NEC either fudged the issues in favour of the Treatment Action Campaign’s
from public platforms or continued to ignore this. (TAC) interdict against the state for not providing
Mbeki’s confirmation as President in June anti-retroviral treatment. This was despite two
1999 after Nelson Mandela withdrew from political intimidatory announcements by senior NEC
office, was followed by a number of significant members Dr. Manto Tshabalala Msimang
events that has brought critical focus to Mbeki’s (Minister of Health) and Penuel Maduna (Minister
commitments to democracy, accountability and of Justice) that the government will not abide by
transparency. At least five prominent issues have a High Court ruling if it decided in favour of the
acquired currency in the media and academic TAC32. Although it eventually accepted the
spheres: his two nation theory on rich Whites Courts’ ruling, the Ministry of Health’s announce-
and poor Africans, the arms procurement deal, ment that implementation was only possible in a
the availability of anti-retroviral medication to year’s time. Likewise Mbeki’s stance of quiet
HIV positive pregnant women, the Zimbabwean diplomacy with Zimbabwean President Robert
presidential election, the rapid devaluation of the Mugabe’s anti-democratic and pathological beha-
rand in December 2001 and widespread corrup- viour in the run-up to the March 2002 Presidential
tion. On the last issue Tom Lodge argued with election militated against popular national and
convincing evidence that the ANC leadership and international opinion. Mbeki only succumbed to
government are not in fact bothered about Zimbabwe’s suspension from the Commonwealth
corruption31. Mbeki’s Opening of Parliament after British Prime Minister Tony Blair threatened
address in 2000 drew sharp reactions from the to withdraw support for his New African Partner-
public when he simplistically divided South ship for Development (NEPAD)33 project. And
Africa’s population into two groups viz. rich despite astute attempts to shield Tony Yengeni168 ANAND SINGH
from answering to the courts about his involve- regional level. From December 1996 there was a
ment in the arms procurement scandal, he has series of crises in at least five provinces between
been successfully removed from his parliamentary the ANC’s central structures and provincial
position through opposition and public pressure leaders
and called to answer to the justice system. Taken · Patrick ‘Terror’ Lekota was dismissed as Free
together, amidst a range of other misdeeds, these State Premier in 1996
acts do not only reveal and compromise the · Northern Province Premier Ngoake Ramatl-
ANC’s rigidity of democratic centralism, but they hodi was ousted as provincial chairman in
also indicate a clear disregard for the spirit of defiance of the national leadership
participatory democracy and the direction · Eastern Cape Premier Raymond Mhlaba
towards which the ANC is heading. announced his resignation amid pressure
Of course speculation that these issues have from the ANC
had a direct impact on the devaluing of the rand, · KwaZulu- Natal militant Sifiso Nkabinde (now
abounded. The decline of the currency has also assasinated) defied an order from the ANC’s
been publicly linked to the ANC take-over of the national leadership not to contest the post of
country. Since 1992 to December 2001 the rand secretary-general in the province35.
lost at least three times its value to the major · Mathews Phosa was replaced, after an NEC
international currencies, simultaneously impact- decision, by Mr. Mahlangu as Mpumalanga’s
ing upon public confidence in Mbeki and his Premier
stance on each of the issues discussed above. Such instances of centralist impositions
One of the criteria against which the impact can present an overt contradiction in the image that
be measured is the enormous flight of capital and Mbeki is trying to create for himself inter-
professional and technical expertise from the nationally. At a forum on Africa’s upliftment he
country. In illustrating this, Bond (2002) also spoke of his understanding of the African
emphasised the concomitant effect the weakened Renaissance: “None of us seek to impose any
rand had on the weakening of people’s morale. supposedly standard models of democracy on
THE REGIONAL LEVEL any country, but want to see systems of
government in which people are empowered to
Regional politics in South Africa since 1996 determine their own destiny”. 36 Although
has unfolded in ways that continue to reveal the seemingly well intended, the comment is not
power and control that the NEC asserts. Auto- without contradiction and without future
nomy of regional structures exist only to the extent intention. It is in such acts of bigotry that
that they function strictly within the guidelines perceptions and belligerence begins to emerge.
set out by the NEC rather than the spirit within The Focus (journal) editorial on this sums up the
which the ANC constitution was conceptualised feelings of a wide spectrum of South Africans:
and written. Between 1996-1998 there were “When the occasion suits him, Mbeki says that
significant signs of fission within the ranks of a the ANC is a transparent, democratic body that
number of the uppermost political regional welcomes open competition for its posts. No-
structures, exposing the centralist style of body believes him. Indeed, one would be foolish
governance that Mbeki brought with him. It has to do so. Over and over we have seen the pressure
been normative within the ANC at the most senior used to prevent such open competition. When
level of the provincial governments, i.e. the office whole provincial executives no longer suit the
of the Premier, that the appointments are made leadership, it simply dissolves them. Its disrespect
from the party list of preferred candidates from for the elective principle could hardly be more
each region. Therefore in each province the blatant. Local ANC delegates must now be scared
Premier owes his/her appointment to the party of openly punting their preferences ahead of
hierarchy rather than to the electorate that is provincial congresses - let alone a national
served. Survival in each of these positions will congress. Transparency is preached but fear reins
therefore depend upon nurturing and patronage - and is meant to. The ANC appears to be an
of that hierarchy before addressing the needs of authoritarian party uncomfortably adrift in a
the populace 34. The failure to conform to liberal constitutional system.”37 Similarly, Daniel
organisational norms has led to precedents that commented: “Thus, for example, the usurpation
compromised several people in their positions at by the ANC’s deployment committee (read theMEDIA PERCEPTIONS AND ACADEMIC RESPONSES 169
president) of the right to depose and impose emerged that the intelligence services were used
premiers and mayors is consistent with the by Mbeki to spy on such political rivalry.40 The
commandism of the ANC’s Sovietist model. So extent of acrimonious relations between national
too is the practice of placing tried and trusted and regional leaderships has led to disbelief on
party loyalists in key state and parastatal organs how Mbeki has flaunted both the ANC and
like the Reserve Bank and National Intelligence national constitutions. In the spirit with which
Agency.”38 participatory democracy supposed to be develop-
In other cases of belligerence against the state, ing in one of the main pillars of democracy, the
more specifically against the principal force Thabo Parliament, Helen Suzman, South Africa’s most
Mbeki, acts of defiance have emanated on respected liberal opposition party politician
numerous fronts. A particularly interesting replied to the following question about her role
situation emerged in several provinces against in Parliament during apartheid:
the dissident view that HIV does not lead to Q: “What do you think of the level of debate
AIDS. It unfolded as a principled challenge by there (in Parliament) in now?”
doctors who had to choose between moral A: “I’m sorry to say I think it has really
responsibility and legal obligation. For instance, deteriorated….There’s less respect for the actual
in Mpumalanga province’s largest hospital, eighty institution of Parliament, and certainly much
doctors, nurses and support staff signed a less respect for the role of the opposition. I never
memorandum to the regional Minister of Health had to put up with that roar of hatred that greets
committing themselves to treatment of pregnant Tony Leon whenever he rises…. Without a doubt,
women with nevirapine if they tested HIV positive, I ended up with a lot of respect from the other
in order to save the lives of their unborn babies. side”.41
Two specialist doctors declared that meeting their Immediately below the Helen Suzman inter-
constitutional and Hippocratic Oath responsi- view, three letters to the editor of this nationally
bilities was more important than the unfounded distributed Sunday newspaper appeared under
legal imposition by the state. In other hospitals the heading: “Mbeki has failed democracy in
doctors resigned in protest against the state’s Africa”.
policy of ignoring the orthodox but more popular THE LOCAL LEVEL
view that nevirapine is effective in the treatment
of HIV diagnosed pregnant women. Local level politics, in municipalities and
Allegations of corruption, embezzlement of similar but smaller structures have displayed an
public funds and mismanagement at national level alarming level of extravagance in the remuneration
have never been reason enough to either suspend packages of their managers. Their benefits are a
or terminate or avoid public servants appoint- striking resemblance of the compradorism that
ments ever since the ANC came to power. On a Bond raised in his paper about swiftly rising
regional level similar allegations have not deterred affluence among ANC appointees. For instance,
appointments to public office. For instance, in in KwaZulu-Natal most of the salaries of the
the case of Mathew Phosa’s removal from the municipal managers are known to exceed the
Premiership in Mpumalanga, it was the appoint- recommendations of the KwaZulu-Natal Local
ment of corrupt officials that led to his alleged Government Association – which had already
downfall. Soon after he was removed, the very based its proposals on private sector salary
same officials were re-appointed in their previous scales.42 Ironically, although municipalities are
positions. Charges ranged from embezzlement, junior partners in government, most of their
overseas trips, drivers license scam, and a range managers were actually earning more than their
of other charges.39 The charges against Phosa public service counterparts. The absence of
worsened when the Minister of Police Services budgetary control was seen in the discrepancies
publicly accused him, together with Cyril Rama- in annual incomes and salaries packages within
phosa and Tokyo Sexwale, of strategising to the municipalities structures. For instance, in the
overthrow Thabo Mbeki. Although senior in the tiny Okahlamba municipality in the hinterland of
hierarchy of ANC officials, these individuals were KwaZulu-Natal, the municipality spent R1.35
branded as political rivals to Mbeki and were million (65%) on salaries of its annual income base
especially being targeted for the threat they posed of R2.1 million. In uThukela district council the
to his position as President. Revelations later manager was being paid R704 000.00, despite a170 ANAND SINGH
recommendation of R430 000.00. Such a payment the mortal life-span of the ANC in this munici-
was only possible because the council was pality as one of its political partners that kept it in
surviving on a bank overdraft. The eThekweni power threatened to withdraw its support. The
unicity-manager ’s package was the most authoritarianism of Obed Mlaba as Mayor was
extravagant of all – R830 870.00, plus a perfor- unveiled in a startling headline in the Sunday
mance package of R507 204.00. Another extreme Tribune: “My word - and my word only”.43 The
example came from the Vulamehlo municipality report revealed that the inner circle ANC council
that did not have a rates base, but was planning officials were increasingly nervous about
to pay its manager R469 655.00. providing information to councilors or to the
Apart from these comparatively outrageous media, often strictly referring even routine queries
salary scales, municipalities have also been to the Mayor’s office. Access to information of
exhibiting evidence of clandestine operations, public interest has been increasingly denied to
acrimony, lack of respect for the opposition parties officials and to the press. Allegations of an
and a form of authoritarianism not unlike that of unwritten policy that anyone who is seen to be
the country’s president. A classic example of ‘too transparent is immediately sidelined’. In one
these manifestations is to be found in the case, a senior official who had disciplinary
eThekwini Municipality (incorporating the city charges made against him and withdrawn later,
of Durban), whose Mayor, Obed Mlaba, was was reportedly kept under regular surveillance.
awarded by President Thabo Mbeki a distinctive The flow of information remains tightly controll-
honour for making it one of the best run in the ed, with rank and file officials often complaining
country. However, soon after bestowing the that issues of importance are not included in their
accolade, revelations about how problematic agendas for their perusal. The media similarly
officials and the public have been finding the complains that only cover sheets of issues to be
functioning of the Municipality, made media discussed are given to them, and not any sub-
headlines. Its employment and hiring policies, stantive information. One of the reasons for the
due respect to a party that gave the ANC in firm control of information outflow emerged in a
eTthekwini a hedge over other opposition parties damaging report that revealed the names of a
to dominate politically and flaunting of meeting number of ANC officials who were not paying
procedures, were among many other issues that their rates and services bills. A request to the
cast this ANC dominated structure in a negative city treasurer’s department for the names of all
light. councilors who did not pay their bills was referred
One of the unconvincing examples of its hiring to the mayor’s office. In purging the overpaid
policies was revealed in a contractual agreement publicity consultancy firm the Mayor also aimed
with a publicity company for the eThekwini to strengthen his position via his new consolida-
Municipality. Apart from the exorbitant fee of ted team. The Sunday Tribune report ended with
R112 000.00 per month the questionable back- an ominous conclusion that takes us back to the
ground of the chief consultant for the company commandist style of Mbeki: “Given recent trends,
had cast the entire municipality in a negative light. there are fears that this new team will try to
She was an ex-attorney who was struck off the further consolidate the flow of information, and
legal roll for embezzlement of funds held in trust hence power, around the figure of the mayor.”
for her clients. Apart from this, the municipality But the figure and power of the mayor in
continued to ignore calls for the function of eThekwini is largely dependent upon the support
publicity to be handled by existing employees of the Minority Front, an entirely Indian domina-
who were sufficiently competent and at no extra ted party. Without its support, the ANC’s control
cost. But the call went unheeded and the sudden of eThekweni, one of the biggest municipalities
axing of the company through a unilateral decision in the country, is unlikely to continue. This
by the Mayor did not happen with any remorse possibility brought a sobering thought to the
from either him or the Council’s ANC members. ANC when the Minority Front’s leader, Amichand
This amounted to a growing sign of arrogance Rajbansi, euphemistically referred to as the
and a gross misunderstanding and misuse of ‘Bengal Tiger’, publicly threatened to withdraw
power that could no longer be contained within his support when his party’s choice for the
the walls of the eThekwini Municipality build- Unicity Manager, a key position in the council,
ings. It also unfolded in ways that demonstrated was ignored. The candidate was allegedly aMEDIA PERCEPTIONS AND ACADEMIC RESPONSES 171
person of Indian origin. Amidst accusations that Sunday Tribune starkly wrote: “Spare a thought
the ANC only wanted to appoint its ‘comrades’ for embattled Durban Mayor Obed Mlaba, who
to key positions, Rajbansi charged that the party appears to have fallen victim to that hoariest of
failed to show sensitivity towards Indians. But African political clichés – never leave home when
larger than this was the realization that the your position is shaky.” In a face-saving gesture
withdrawal of support for the ANC would destroy that was meant to serve as a projection of stability
its hegemony in the council. Political domination in local governance, Sbu Ndebele, the ANC’s
by the ANC in the council occurred when it was regional leader, made a public statement that
given a lifeline by the Minority Front, after the Mlaba will remain a mayor until the end of his
Democratic Alliance and the Inkatha Freedom term. Significantly, no expression of confidence
Party formed a united front in the 2000 municipal was made on his behalf.
elections. Although it only had ten councilors
out of the total of ninety four, the Minority Front THE INSTITUTIONAL LEVEL
played a crucial role in the balance of forces within
Compelling evidence from institutions across
the council. Ignoring this party’s choice for the
the spectrum of service delivery has unfolded
position actually produced a plethora of race
since 1994 and more particularly since 1999 - that
based accusations and numerous analyses of the
show consistency with national, regional and local
ANC’s racially biased selection of candidates for politics. The most glaring quest for conformism
important political positions. In the public row occurred in 2001 and early 2002, when doctors
that emerged the insecurities that people of Indian who refused to heed state policy in the adminis-
origin were apparently feeling in the Council were tration of anti-retroviral drugs to pregnant HIV
largely a result of the Mayor’s alleged intransi- positive women, were either dismissed or suspen-
gent attitude and inability to value the support of ded, as noted earlier. In other areas, such as in
a close ally. Rajbansi’s response was revealing: justice and in education, conformism has coexist-
“Look at the budget allocation, Indians came off ed concomitantly with maladministration, nepoti-
worse. I struggle to get meetings with the senior sm and an obvious lack of accountability and
ANC leaders, and the mayor, Obed Mlaba, says transparency.
there is no political problem. I think he is fast In a report by Dato Param Cumaraswamy, the
asleep. The ANC is reluctant to consider the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the inde-
appointment of Indians to senior positions in the pendence of judges and lawyers in South Africa,
council on merit.”44 After trying to re-convince several significant issues of concern were raised,
the Minority Front to remain in partnership with but barely heeded by the authorities. Cumaras-
the ANC, especially after an alleged special appeal wamy urged that the system of appointing acting
from ex-President Nelson Mandela, Rajbansi judges be reconsidered because one of the essen-
withdrew his threat to sever ties with the ANC tial elements of judicial independence is security
and changed his stance from ‘alliance’ to ‘working of tenure. A violation already exists by virtue of
relationship’45. the state’s adoption of the limited probation of
The repercussion against Mlaba within the judges by the Constitution as open-ended. His
ANC structures was ominous. By mid-April 2002, concern arises out of the record thus far that the
Mlaba’s style of leadership had evidently irked Judicial Service Commission, whose task is to
his councillors, regional and national colleagues. interview candidates and recommend suitable
In his decision to travel to Europe and South people for appointment, as well as advising the
America, reportedly in defiance of party orders, government on judicial matters, is completely
he was considered to be expressing either a sense bypassed when it comes to acting appointments.
of supreme self-confidence or misplaced arro- It was found that there are no interviews, no
gance.46 What occurred in his absence was an process of public scrutiny and no system of
expression of these notions about him. It was recommendation. The decision lies solely with
confirmed that national and regional party the Minister of Justice and with the Judge Presi-
insiders were seriously considering redeploying dent of the relevant division. While the spokes-
him. This move became evident when the regional man for the Ministry of Justice shrugged off the
caucus called an election of office bearers and issue by stating the system allowed inexperienced
completely ignored him in all of the posts. In disadvantaged Blacks exposure to the judiciary,
branding this a palace coup, Alan Cooper, of the ironically the same system was used during172 ANAND SINGH
apartheid to see if the judges were ‘suitable’47. symptomatic of the wider conditions in the public
Equally questionable is the management of the services.
Ministry’s budget – which was under spent by at In universities in South Africa, equally bizarre
least R152 million in 2001, but yet it did not provide cases of maladministration have been reported
sufficient funds for magistrates to make telephone since 1994. When one considers the historical
calls outside their buildings. The judicial situation role of universities as centers of excellence,
is bizarre when one considers that backlogs go consciousness of the nation and as think tanks
back for more than a year, despite the realisation for national policy making, the symbolism
that telephone services are instrumental in surrounding such issues add up to nothing
expediting cases. against the backdrop of endemic corruption and
In education, a comedy of errors actually lack of credible leadership. Both administration
began in the era of Mandela’s Presidency and and the culture of learning in most African domi-
continue to persist at tremendous costs to the nated universities have prompted the national
annual budgets and confidence that the public Department of Education to arm itself with
once had in it. Prior to Mbeki’s appointment, the legislation to encroach upon the sensitive and
then Minister of Education, Mr. Bhengu, offered relatively independent sphere of education.
premature retirement packages to the most When Thandabantu Nhlapo was appointed by
productive and experienced teachers, particularly the state to investigate conditions in the
from previously Indian dominated schools. The University of the North, he described it as “some
results were disastrous in that they could not be kind of fallen behemoth with many parasites living
replaced and shortages of teachers, books and off its carcass but with very few of them committ-
stationary continue to abound in government ed to, or even interested in, the core business of
dependent schools. In addition, he experimented universities everywhere in the world: teaching,
with an Outcomes Based Education model for learning and research.”50 At the University of
2005 (OBE 2005) at the astronomical cost of more Transkei the state had to enforce a moratorium
than one billion rands, only to have it abandoned on enrolling first year under-graduate students,
by his successor, Professor Kader Asmal. The and had to redeploy one of its chief directors of
Education Policy Unit of the University of education to effect this. The problem emerged as
Witwatersrand revealed that in December 2001, a result of ‘abnormal governance’ and mounting
through its current school register of needs debts that ran into tens of millions of rands, with
survey, little has improved in this tier. The survey little sign of accountability and transparency.”51
showed that at least 35.5% of the schools were At the University of Fort Hare an astronomical
without any from of telecommunications, and overdraft of ninety million rands forced the state
28% did not have access to water.48 The adminis- to change administration personnel at the highest
tration of the budget also produced on an ongoing level. In less than two years the debt was reduced
basis stories of a system that is in serious need by forty million rands. In July 1998 the magazine
of proper leadership. For instance, several Focus inquired into the dictatorial management
months after this report, two more damaging of the University of Venda and focussed on the
reports appeared adjacent to each other in the credibility of the Vice-Chancellor. It was found
Daily News with the following titles: “Rotten to out that the Vice-Chancellor contract at a previous
the core: KZN education ‘in shambles’”, and educational institution was not renewed because
“Teachers furious over department’s failure to pay he did not inform them that his PhD was withdrawn
salaries”. In the first case, a principal of a high from Yale University for alleged plagiarism. A
school who was serving a five-year jail sentence report by R. W. Johnson revealed serious
for fifty two counts of fraud, was still receiving a financial misdemean-ours on the part of the Vice-
full salary with benefits. In the second case, Chancellor that was supported in a finding by
KwaZulu-Natal teachers who were promoted to the Heath Unit of credit card fraud, as well as
management positions and at least nine thousand gross abuses of human rights and disregard for
newly employed level one teachers were not paid the law. The Chairperson of the Venda University
for four months. In both instances officials Council, Barney Pityana, who was also the head
acknowledged the situation.49 Although the KZN of the Human Rights Commi-ssion, was so
Ministry of Education was run by the Inkatha enraged that he published a full page
Freedom Party (IFP), the problems were advertisement in the press at tremendous cost toMEDIA PERCEPTIONS AND ACADEMIC RESPONSES 173
the university, attacking the Helen Suzman University’s council and national Ministry of
Foundation and a professor who was an Education. In a pamphlet sent out in April 2002,
outspoken critic of the Vice-Chancellor. The Vice- the University’s Academic Staff Association
Chancellor later dismissed the professor from the made a challenging statement that reflected the
Council and from his job at University. In April harsh reality of staff concerns: “Evidently our
2002 the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation sophisticated structures and processes have now
and Arbitration (CCMA) ruled in favour of the been reduced to a primitive form of political
professor and ordered that he be reinstated to patronage where anyone from anywhere is simply
the Council and his academic post. The Council hauled into management without due process to
however, continued to ignore the ruling.52 Barney pay lip service and fulfil statutory obligations
Pityana was also appointed as Vice-Chancellor without the necessary qualifications or
of South Africa’s biggest distance education experience. It is therefore impor-tant to reflect on
college, the University of South Africa (UNISA), the state of our management at UDW, such as it
against the ruling of the national Ministry of is. When the vice-chancellor was appointed four
Education, whose plans were to with-hold senior years and some months ago, it was hoped that
appointments until the completion of the she would bring stability and permanency to our
restructuring of tertiary education. Soon after University management and our university as a
the appointment, Pityana’s extravagant spending whole….We are no further along the road to
of UNISA’s money was made public.53 The Mail stability than we were five years ago.” This trend
and Guardian revealed that he cancelled the sale has entrenched itself in most of South Africa’s
of a six million rand house owned by UNISA, tertiary institutions, with the full knowledge of
which in turn cost the university R1.7 million the State President. In a subtle attempt to draw
rands; he arranged to take the entire Council to the public’s attention to the prevalence of
Mauritius for a bosberaad, and spent hundreds opportunism and incompetence in tertiary
of thousands of rands on refurbishing his office education in South Africa, the then Minister of
and his new home. Pityana’s greatest support Education, Professor Kader Asmal, publicly
came from the Chairperson of the UNISA Council, declared: “The move by universities and
who broke the norms of other Chairpersons of technikons towards hiring people with sound
university Councils in South Africa by claiming management skills is important, but it should never
at least R360 000.00 for his services. The Minister come at the cost of good scholarship-based
of Education’s request to the Auditor General to leadership, of having people who in their record
investigate the issue led to a finding of ‘improper and practice exemplify achieved authority in
use of the University’s resources’ and to reclaim knowledge, research and intellectual accomplish-
it. Pityana was subsequently appointed the head ments.”54
of South Africa’s national lottery in March 2002.
In the midst of these debacles the Chairman of CONCLUSION
the UNISA council and other like minded
councilors met Mbeki to inform him about their The evidence above presents a bleak scenario
intention to take the Ministry of education to for the entrenchment of participatory democracy
court on the merger process. Mbeki did not stop under Mbeki’s leadership. The idiom that
it. “children’s behaviour is a reflection of parental
At the University of Durban-Westville, South values and upbringing” is easily transferred to
Africa’s first and only Black woman Vice- the way in which the state functions at a national
Chancellor, was accused by staff and students of level and the example this provides for its
an equal degree of authoritarianism as in Venda structures at the regional, local and institutional
University and was probed by the Revenue levels. What transpires at the highest levels of
Services for tax evasion. Staff alleged that she government is often manifested at the lower levels.
was responsible for exacerbating instability in South Africa’s most demanding contemporary
management structures because of sheer challenge lies in its untangling the seemingly
incompetence as a Vice-Chancellor. These beliefs impermeable social formations that have closed
about her led to a motion of censure, followed itself off from open public scrutiny and account-
soon after by a vote of no confidence in her by ability. Embezzlement, corruption, incompetence
the Senate, but was met by a stony silence by the and complacency are evidently still at the core of174 ANAND SINGH
the political-economy of post-apartheid South Although computer experts cautioned that this
Africa. If the trend towards imposing should not be considered as conclusive proof of
conformance and subordination continues to authorship, the presidency issued only a guarded
shape the power relations between Mbeki and response and not a denial of its origins. One of
his subjects, the possibilities for either the documents, titled Castro Hlongwane,
‘compassionate despotism’, or ‘pathological Caravans, Cats, Geese, Foot and Mouth
patrimonialism’ or ‘personal rule syndrome’ will Statistics, was distributed to senior ANC
become an ever increasing reality. But of the three members in March and early April 2002. Reporters
possibilities, which scenario is most likely? from the Mail and Guardian and other political
On the possibility of ‘compassionate despo- observers pointed out strong similarities in style
tism’, evidence on Mbeki has shown that while between this document and other public writing
he is ruthless in removing contenders from his by Mbeki on, among other subjects, HIV/AIDS.
path towards entrenching his position as leader The second document, also bearing trademark
of the ANC and the country, as he allegedly did, signatures of Mbeki’s computer, was an insulting-
he has to date not gone beyond that. In a frank ly critical letter signed by Limpopo Province
assessment of the reality that South Africans will Premier Ramathlodi, to Professor Malegapuru
be faced with in the immediate future, political Makgoba, (Head of the Medical Research
commentator for the Daily News, Max du Preez Council), for his public view that HIV causes AIDS
wrote: “In fact, those South Africans dissatisfied and that anti-retrovirals can combat the
with Mbeki’s performance who believe we deserve syndrome. It was suggested by highly placed
better leadership, should start making peace with political sources that Mbeki was indeed the
the fact that, bar an act of God, he will be our author of the letter, as the software records
president for the next seven years. So if we can’t received by the Mail and Guardian had imprinted
replace him, perhaps we should try to rehabilitate on it: “Author: Thabo Mbeki” and “Company:
our president and his relationship with the Office of the President”.
nation.” In trying to soothe and persuade the While the discussion above is tantamount to
readership of this practical stance to Mbeki, du a semblance of a sophisticated form of political
Preez produced an anecdotal incident that made undermining, what also transpired prior to these
convincing reading: “A senior civil servant told incidents create a worrisome precedent for other
me a telling story last week. The cabinet ordered possible contenders for the post of President
an investigation into a certain problem. The while Mbeki is still in office. Threats to incarce-
investigators produced an honest report, which rate senior opponents within the ANC such as
was not appreciated by certain cabinet ministers Cyril Ramaphosa, Mathews Phosa and Tokyo
and was quietly shelved. Behind their backs, Sexwale arose through hearsay and were touted
Mbeki spent a night or two on his private phone by senior Ministers of government as a case for
to people involved with the problem, from local their possible arrests. Only the consequent public
officials to private citizens. When the report was outcry against the relevant ministers and critical
again brought up in cabinet, the ministers analyses of Mbeki as an over-ambitious indivi-
dismissed it in the same way as they did before. dual served to swiftly neutralize such a possibility.
And then Mbeki stood up and told them about Similarly, Mbeki’s sudden cowering to
his own findings. The report was immediately international pressure in March/April 2002 on the
accepted by cabinet.”55 But a more revealing suspension of Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth
investigative report in the Mail and Guardian in and to internal pressure on making nevarapine
the same week (April 19 to 25 2002) about how available to HIV infected pregnant women,
Mbeki also uses his after hours time and electronic showed his sensitivity to public opinion. But it
means of communication all but nullifies du came at a tremendous cost to public confidence
Preez’s gentle persuasion. The report was written in him as a president and to his leadership. How
after acquiring information from a high profile does one read into such political gymnastics? Is
intelligence leak. It revealed that electronic it a reflection of a withdrawal for the sake of
versions of two controversial documents promot- reevaluating to radically change course of action
ing the dissident view of HIV/AIDS carry indis- or is it to bide time only to re-impose in different
putable signatures that suggest that they were ways? This is indeed difficult to predict. That
written on President Thabo Mbeki’s computer. Mbeki is a product of a commandist style ofYou can also read
