"We Don't Get Sick we're Invisible": The Policy Aimed at Homeless People in the City of São Paulo and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
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Krieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
DOI: 10.5206/ijoh.2022.2.13727 | ISSN 2564-310X |
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
International Journal on Homelessness, 2022, (online first): page 1-23.
“We Don't Get Sick we're Invisible”: The Policy Aimed at Homeless
People in the City of São Paulo and its Effects During the COVID-19
Pandemic
Morgana G. Martins Krieger 1|Caio Momesso 2|Giordano Magri 3|
1 Federal University of Bahia, School of Administration.
2 The Business Administration School of São Paulo Abstract
Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV EAESP).
3 The Business Administration School of São Paulo
Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV EAESP).
The 2019 census identified that São Paulo had a homeless population of 24,344
Corresponding people, a situation potentially worsened due to the crisis generated by the
Author: Morgana G. Martins Krieger COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Since the 1990s, a regulatory framework that
Email: morgana.krieger@ufba.br obliges the municipal Executive Branch to serve this population has been
All content published in IJOH is licensed strengthened, including instruments for participation. This article aims to
under a Creative Commons Attribution- conduct an analysis of this policy, verifying its application through the
Non-Commercial-ShareAlike 4.0 COVID-19 pandemic. Understanding the underlying complexity of this
International license (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0).
population’s living conditions, the authors adopted a vulnerability
Received: 28 Feb 2021 perspective to develop such an analysis, focusing on institutional
Accepted: 27 Jan 2022 vulnerability. Based on this discussion, this study approached the following
question: How are the state of São Paulo’s actions related to the homeless
population’s vulnerability, and what are the consequences of this condition
This article has been translated
during the COVID-19 pandemic? Based on qualitative secondary data, this
from the original Portuguese
article is presented as a result of the historical survey of the policy to protect
the homeless population and the interaction between this population and the
State. This article also reviews different forms of vulnerabilities to which the
São Paulo homeless population is exposed, and the actions implemented by
the government during the pandemic. As a contribution, the authors raise the
negative and positive impacts of the state’s actions on the living conditions of
this population, adding to the literature on institutional vulnerabilities and
directing an investigation of the organizational elements of the public sector
that may be associated with these impacts.
Keywords:
Homeless population; COVID-19; institutional vulnerability; São Paulo.
Introduction
São Paulo ranks the tenth city in the world by 2013), a robust institutional framework was
gross domestic product. Paradoxically, its developed, including channels for the
homeless population increased from 15,905 participation of those experiencing homelessness
people in 2015 to 24,344 in 2019 (SMADS, 2020). in São Paulo. Despite the important normative
From 1997, when this population became a progress registered in recent decades, there are
community ‘deserving of public policies’ (Katz, still disputes and political debates on the subject,
1 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
and reports of cumulative violent acts – often with this population? Therefore, the present
carried out by government in São Paulo itself. article aims to develop an analysis of policies
Given the increase in the homeless population, related to homelessness implemented in the city
with possible expansion due to the crisis of São Paulo, in relation to this population’s
generated by the COVID-19 pandemic1 and the vulnerabilities, having as moment of analysis the
seriousness of this event for people experiencing COVID-19 pandemic. In this work, the authors
homelessness, it is possible to start from the adopted the definition of ‘homeless population’
premise that this is a topic of empirical and established by the Municipal Plan for Homeless
theoretical relevance in the field of policies aimed Population (Plano Municipal para a População
at social protection (Honorato & Oliveira, 2020). em Situação de Rua, São Paulo, 2016b), as below:
The topic of the homeless population takes
[...] the heterogeneous population group that has
on complex proportions when analyzed in the
in common the extreme poverty, interrupted, or
light of the legitimacy and practical effectiveness weakened family ties, and the lack of regular
of public interventions (Gubits et al., 2018; Roche, conventional housing and that uses the public
2004; Watts et al., 2018). Considering the one- places and degraded areas as a space for housing
dimensional view of poverty as lack of income is and livelihood, in a temporary or permanent way,
insufficient to analyze homelessness, especially as well as shelter units for temporary overnight
due to the complexity involved in providing care stays or as temporary housing.
for this population, it is necessary to observe
more recent studies that look at the phenomenon In addition to this introduction, the article is
based on the concept of vulnerability. Thus, from divided into five parts. In the first part, the
a multidimensional perspective (Brown et al., theoretical approach used for analysis is
2017; Delor & Hubert, 2000), the possibility of presented, with special attention to the concepts
having a single answer to reach any resolution is of vulnerability and institutional vulnerability. In
abandoned and it is possible to deduce that the second part, it is presented how the case
different strategies need to be implemented to study was conducted, presenting the results of
fully protect those at risk of or experiencing the work in the third part. Thereafter, the
homelessness. Subsequently, the search for discussion about the collected data is carried out
coordinated action between local government with the aim of answering the research question,
secretariats stands out (Hambrick & Rog, 2000). and in the fifth and last part, the final
However, other studies indicate that, on considerations are developed.
numerous occasions, responses from state
entities can even increase the vulnerability of From Vulnerability to Organizational Biases
individuals (Pires, 2019).
Based on literature that deals with the issue Poverty studies began at the end of the 19th
of vulnerabilities and, more specifically, the century but only consolidated as a research area
institutional vulnerabilities and the connectivity in the 20th century. In general, the interest was in
between public actions, the authors have the determinants of poverty, and scholars sought
addressed a primary research question of: How do to produce optimized responses to minimize the
the state government in São Paulo’s actions relate to problem, focusing on the one-dimensional
the vulnerability of the homeless population, and what perspective of income and on the individual. It
are the consequences of this condition during the was only from the 1990s onwards that the
COVID-19 pandemic? The question is divided into concept of social vulnerability was developed
other subsidiary questions, such as: What are the (Castel, 1994; 1997), which over time began to be
main public policies instituted for the homeless incorporated into the specialized literature as a
population in recent decades by the government multidimensional approach, open to different
of the city of São Paulo? How is the vulnerability analytical levels. In this sense, it is possible to
of this population characterized? What make a comparison: While the one-
interventions were enacted during COVID-19 dimensionality of poverty, understood as
1An official census conducted after this paper was of São Paulo reached more than 30 thousand inhabitants in
concluded indicated that the homeless population in the city 2021.
2 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
income, has economic growth as an answer, from reflects on the individuals’ approaches and
the perspective of the logic of vulnerability, the capacity to deal with the events they face (Delor
answers include several local factors and systems & Hubert, 2000). Thus, analyzing the literature on
that seek to reduce the risk of individuals, disaster prevention, it is possible to state that the
groups, and communities of suffering damages prevention strategies, the responses referring to
in the face of certain events (Sandim, 2018; the event, and the forms of recovery after the
Serapião, 2018). event will be created from the conditions
In the 1960s, the “vulnerability” approach established by such dimensions, in the three
was initially adopted, with the sole objective of different levels presented (Delor & Hubert, 2000;
analyzing socio-natural disasters (Rebotier, Dwyer et al., 2004). Therefore, although
2014). Over time, other fields of knowledge began vulnerability happens at the individual level, the
to use this approach. In the area of public health, susceptibility of the individuals to events
the term was widely used in studies focused on encompasses aspects that are external to them,
epidemics and pandemics, with special use such as their surroundings, public policies, and
during the worsening of the human social structures. Thus, this means that the
immunodeficiency virus (HIV) /acquired individuals’ ability to act is constrained by their
immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) infections context, but is not determined solely by it, with
in the mid-1980s (Delor & Hubert, 2000; Sandim, the possibility of action of each individual within
2018). The terminology also entered the agenda this conjuncture.
of international organizations, strengthening Studies in public administration have used
itself as a perspective of poverty analysis. the concept of vulnerability to understand how
Therefore, the concept would be adopted to serve the provision of public services and the
as an instrument for the action of public leaders, performance of social protection networks
interested in mitigating challenges faced by interfere with the individual's ability to face risk
certain populations (Sandim, 2018; Serapião, situations (Curtis, 2004; Ganapati, 2012; Gaynor
2018). Vulnerability is then understood as the & Wilson, 2020; Henstra, 2010; Ito & Pongeluppe,
“fragility of individuals, at certain times or 2020). From this perspective, studies question the
places, in dealing with the occurrence of certain view of vulnerability only from the standpoint of
risks (that is, adverse or potentially hostile the individual, arguing that this can configure a
events)” (Ruotti et al., 2014, p. 736). transfer of responsibilities from international and
Delor and Hubert (2000) argue that governmental entities to communities and
vulnerability always happens at the individual citizens, and fall into the “individualization trap”
level and that the analyses that advance to (Spink & Tavanti, 2015, p. 5). Thus, these studies
community or societal levels tend to homogenize presuppose a normative character tied to the
individuals, possibly neglecting the differences State, related to the provision of social welfare. In
that make them more or less susceptible to this sense, when social well-being is not
challenges. Focusing on the individual, the promoted by theoretically competent
authors created a heuristic matrix that outlines institutions, or even when such institutions harm
three levels of understanding from a situation of or jeopardize the citizens’ well-being, there is a
vulnerability, inferring how each of the levels detachment between the policy objectives and the
interferes in the probability that certain events resulting effects, which configures the
will occur and in the way in which individuals “institutional vulnerability”. In other words, the
will respond to them. The first level encompasses absence or inefficient delivery of services can
the social trajectories of each individual; the cause new individual vulnerabilities or
second one comprises the intersections of exacerbate existing vulnerabilities (Sandim, 2018;
trajectories or the interactions between Spink, 2017). This concept fits with recent studies
individuals; the third one encompasses the social that investigate the adverse effects generated by
context that affects each individual trajectory, in the lack of services and public policies to support
order to schematically explain external elements. citizens or, in an similar way, by policies that
The three levels that make up vulnerability increase the exposure of individuals to risks due
are also crossed by three dimensions: social, to their dysfunctionalities (Brodkin &
symbolic and structural; each of them directly
3 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
Majmundar, 2010; López-Martínez et al., 2017; delivery of public services, which, in turn, is
Pires, 2019). understood as the “intentional alignment of tasks
A central perspective for the scope of and efforts of actors and organizations in order to
institutional vulnerability is that, ideally, public achieve an objective” (Schmidt et al., 2020, p. 10).
services should be thought of based on the Schmidt et al. (2020) highlight that coordination,
integrality of the citizen, seeing citizens as a something “very desired and hardly achieved”,
whole. From this perspective, the ‘connectivity has become a “holy grail” of public policies. Bach
element’ is noteworthy. According to Serapião and Wegrich (2019) agree and indicate that the
(2018, p. 72), connectivity means “a relative (lack of) coordination has been used as an
harmony and communication between agents, explanatory factor for several public problems,
having as a starting point the territory where even when different. Thus, behind the term
people live”, thus being related to the ability of “coordination” there can be an infinity of
policies to be centered on the individual, in a way unanalyzed variables, challenging its meaning.
to act in their territory and speak to their daily Therefore, Bach and Wegrich (2019) suggest that
lives. In this way, policies centered on the mechanisms closer to practices be identified.
governmental agencies will be offered based on Using theories of organizational bias, the authors
the government language, with its present four mechanisms (Table 1) that lead to
professionalized and specialized bureaucracies, coordination problems or a complete lack of
and according to its institutional contours. coordination. Such biases can be either
Citizen-centered policies, on the contrary, would intentional, that is, deliberately created by the way
seek to meet the complexities of local demands. a bureaucratic entity acts, or unintentional; and
The connectivity concept refers to the they can arise due to the organizational structure
discussion about government coordination in the or the focus of the organization's identity.
Table 1
Mechanisms that lead to coordination problems
Instrument: focus on organizational Institution: focus on organizational
structure identity
Intentional Selective perception Political bureaucracy
It results from the channeling of It assumes that bureaucracies are also
attention resulting from work sensitive to reputation and, therefore,
specialization. Delimiting the scope of select the form of action to strengthen
bureaucracies makes coordination and protect the organizational identity
processes depend on the voluntary and its field of action, responding to
involvement of autonomous actors, reputational threats and avoiding
based on the perception of incentives possible blame.
(recognition, gains) or disincentives
(blame, costs) for such activity.
Inherent weaknesses Blind spots
Unintentional It considers that each organizational These are attention gaps that result
structure brings characteristic types that from risks perceptions or from
lead to organizational successes and institutionalized frames that are not
failures. For example, defining perceived by the organization. They
principles, processes, and target are configured as an inability to detect
audiences can lead to certain policy and process information potentially
successes or failures. critical to policy.
Source: authors’ elaboration from Bach and Wegrich’s studies (2019).
4 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
Furthermore, by looking at organizational biases,
Thus, our premise is that the same can
we can understand how the elements of the
happen with connectivity if this construct is not
protection policy created to serve the homeless
analyzed in a more structured way. In other
population may, in the future, mitigate or, in
words, connectivity can become the new answer
some cases, exacerbate vulnerabilities.
to any and every question that arises, although it
is never effectively achieved. With this in mind,
Methodological Approach
the present article alternatively applies the
mechanisms identified by Bach and Wegrich
This research is part of an interpretative
(2019) in order to analyze institutional
paradigm (Guba & Lincoln, 1994) and was
vulnerability from the connectivity of policy. We developed as a single case study, for which the
considered that such mechanisms could be used, authors followed Stake’s (1998) teachings. The
in principle, to analyze the connectivity
analyzed case is the policies instituted for the
construct, seeking to strengthen such literature.
homeless population in the city of São Paulo,
In condensed form, Figure 1 illustrates the
adopting a longitudinal approach to the
theoretical framework adopted. development of the policy and a cross sectional
Figure 1 approach to how the policy was applied during
the COVID-19 pandemic. The case was chosen
From organizational biases to individual
for the following reasons: the large concentration
vulnerability
of homeless population in the city of São Paulo,
the relevance that such a political agenda has
gained in recent years, and the strong articulation
between different governmental and extra-
governmental actors around the topic. In order to
conduct this work, considering the proposed
research questions, as well as the restrictions
arising from the pandemic, we chose to use
secondary data, collected from the following
sources: 115 newspaper articles, minutes of 20
meetings of the Intersectoral Policy Committee
for Homeless Population (Comitê Intersetorial da
Política Municipal para População em Situação
de Rua), three virtual debates, in addition to 13
official documents, presented in Annex 1.
MAXQDA and Excel software were used to
process the identified data. The collection and
Source: Elaborated by the authors
analysis of the data took place between April
2020 and February 2021.
Such a framework brings fundamental The materials used to trace the history of
elements to analyze the policy aimed at the municipal politics were analyzed with the
homeless population, and as the policy, is related purpose of emphasizing the most relevant
to the vulnerability of these individuals. In the elements and events, including those of conflicts,
conceptual movement from individual to in order to build a cohesive narrative. The study
institutional vulnerability, it becomes possible to also used other bibliographic sources to support
capture overlapping interpretations from these this construction, duly cited throughout the text.
two perspectives. This makes it easier to Regarding specific materials about the pandemic
understand which vulnerabilities affect the period, they were coded from the intersection of
homeless population, considering their unique vulnerability dimensions (Delor & Hubert, 2000)
differences, social trajectories, and context (Delor with the care recommendations during the health
& Hubert, 2000), as well as it allows analyzing the crisis period (World Health Organization, 2020).
relation of the State with such vulnerabilities Thus, two major components were adopted: (a)
within a prerogative of social protection. the codification of excerpts that referred to the
5 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
context of the homeless population and their Branch to maintain specific government services
vulnerabilities; and (b) the connection with the and programs dedicated to this population.
measures to respond to the pandemic, aiming to These provisions gave rise to disputes: approved
categorize the previous structure of assistance to by the Municipal Council in 1995, the entirety of
this population, and the answers, in turn, in five the bill was vetoed by the then mayor Paulo
fronts of action: (i) hygiene; (ii) shelter and Maluf (Partido Progressista Brasileiro, or
isolation; (iii) survival conditions (financial and Brazilian Progressive Party – then PPB, today just
food resources); (iv) access to health; and (v) PP). Two years later, in 1997, under Celso Pitta
information. (PPB), the Municipal Council overturned the veto
and enacted the bill (São Paulo, 1997). It was only
Results in 2001, under the administration of Mayor Marta
Suplicy (PT), that the 1997 Law was resumed and
The research results are organized into three regulated (São Paulo, 2001), centralizing the
parts: a longitudinal analysis of policy coordination of the homeless population care
regulations aimed at the homeless population policy in the Secretariat of Social Assistance. The
until the consolidation of the current design; the decree made the planned actions more complex,
forms of interaction between the State and this involving multiple departments, reinforcing the
population; and, finally, a cross-sectional construction of the policy with civil society, and
presentation of the services provided during the reaffirming the priority of research with a sample
pandemic period. characterization of its socioeconomic profile
(Guarda, 2014).
The Development of Related Policies At the same time, in the first decade of the
2000s, the topic also advanced at the federal level
In the city of São Paulo, the situation of the (Filgueiras, 2019), and changes in the Organic
homeless population emerged as a public Law of Social Welfare (Lei Orgânica da
problem, thus guiding the responsibilities of the Assistência Social – LOAS) included services for
public administration in the late 1980s. In 1991, people living on the streets (Brasil, 2005) and the
under the management of Luiza Erundina institutionalization of the National Policy for the
(Workers Party – PT), city hall conducted the first Homeless (Política Nacional para a População em
census of homeless people and, in 1993, the Situação de Rua) and the Intersectoral Follow-up
category started to appear in the budget and Monitoring Committee (Comitê Intersetorial
documents of the Secretariat of Social Assistance, de Acompanhamento e Monitoramento) took
in a movement concurrent with the enactment of place (Brasil, 2009). However, in the city of São
the Organic Law of Social Welfare (Lei Orgânica Paulo, new frameworks were achieved only in
da Assistência Social – LOAS), at the federal level 2013, with the beginning of the administration of
(Brasil, 1993). The entry of this type of policy into Mayor Fernando Haddad (PT). In that year, the
the public sphere was articulated with the coordination of the policy for the homeless
approximation of the city hall with civil society population was transferred from the Municipal
organizations that already performed the same Secretariat for Assistance and Social
service years before the government (Esquinca, Development (Secretaria Municipal de
2013). In the opposite direction, in the midst of Assistência e Desenvolvimento Social – SMADS)
efforts to approve the first legal framework in the to the newly created Municipal Secretariat for
municipality, violent police actions against Human Rights and Citizenship (Secretaria
specific groups or in specific territories, such as Municipal de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania –
the central region of the district of Luz (bairro da SMDHC) (São Paulo, 2013a). The perspective was
Luz), intensified (Fasson & Puccinelli, 2010). that such a change would create greater
In 1994, there was an attempt to establish the multisectoral engagement (Secretaria de
first specific institutional framework for the Comunicação, 2013); previously, the policy was
homeless population in the city. Authored by limited by the structure of social assistance.
councilor Aldaíza Sposati (PT), the legislation In the same year, the Intersectoral Policy
provided for citizenship rights of individuals Committee for the Homeless Population was
experiencing homelessness, forcing the Executive created – known as Comitê PopRua (São Paulo,
6 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
2013b) – which developed a participatory and established as a Subcommittee on Urban
equal institutional space between government Cleaning Services, linked to the Comitê PopRua,
and civil society for the construction of policies in preparing the draft for the regulation of urban
this area. Representatives of nine secretariats cleaning actions, initially vetoed by municipal
participate in the Committee, as well as nine law (São Paulo, 2019b) and later accepted by
other representatives of civil society. The election decree (São Paulo, 2020c).
of civil society representatives has taken place Another role of the Committee that is worth
every two years, and, since 2015, criteria have mentioning was the construction of the
been adopted to ensure gender parity (São Paulo, Municipal Plan for the Homeless Population
2019a; São Paulo, 2015a). The Committee is (Plano Municipal para a População em Situação
responsible for: preparing the municipal plan; de Rua), created in 2016 through an inter-
inspecting the resources coming from other secretariat ordinance (São Paulo, 2016b), on the
federative entities; articulating intersectoral evening prior to the transition of the Fernando
programs, actions, and services and ensuring the Haddad’s administration (PT) to João Doria
population's access to them; and guaranteeing (PSDB). This is the first political framework built
the official count of the homeless population. with the direct participation of the homeless
The Committee's activities unfolded in population, providing comprehensive and
specific regulatory frameworks that directly articulated assistance to the public. The text
interfere in the daily life of the homeless supported the bill presented by councilor
population, such as the consolidation of an Eduardo Suplicy (PT), approved and enacted in
emergency response system during the winter, 2019 (São Paulo, 2019b). The law consolidates the
resulting in the Contingency Plan for Low- Municipal Policy for the Homeless Population
Temperature Situations (Plano de Contingência and formalizes the Comitê PopRua into law,
para Situações de Baixas Temperaturas). advancing sectoral aspects of the policy, dealing
Executed annually since 2013, this operation with violations of rights, among other aspects
consists of an inter-departmental articulation for that aim to consolidate rights and reduce
the protection and provision of shelter to the exposure to violence.
homeless population during days with
temperatures below 13 ºC (São Paulo, 2017; São The State of São Paulo’s Interaction with the
Paulo, 2015b). In another example, the Homeless Population
Committee claimed participation in the
definition of guidelines for urban cleaning The homeless population and the State
services, considering the history marked by the interact daily in the delivery of public services
arbitrary taking of belongings necessary for the that are part of the established policies, as well as
survival of individuals and the use of violence. In in actions external to them. Within the specific
2016, cleaning services were regulated, the policy for the homeless population, in addition to
Monitoring Group for Urban Cleaning the SMDHC, responsible for coordination, five
Procedures and Actions (Grupo de secretariats – autonomously - develop
Monitoramento dos Processos e Ações de permanent services in the areas of shelter and
Zeladoria Urbana – GMPAZU) was created, and activities of daily living, health, employability,
people experiencing homelessness were granted and ‘social rental’ (the latter still in development).
the right to decide which belongings could be Other forms of interaction between the State
taken during these actions (São Paulo, 2016a). In and the homeless population are identified,
2017, another change: João Doria’s beyond the specific policy. Data from newspaper
administration at city hall (Brazilian Social articles and the minutes of the Comitê PopRua
Democrat Party – PSDB) changed the decree highlight daily interaction on at least four other
revoking this right (São Paulo, 2017). However, fronts: the low-cost restaurant chain (Bom Prato)
the topic never left the Committee's agenda, maintained by the State Government (T. Santiago
which, through GMPAZU, discussed and & Stochero, 2020); urban cleaning services
followed up on actions and complaints. With the (Mansuido, 2021); the performance of public
Municipal Policy for the Homeless Population security agencies and agents, mainly the
(São Paulo, 2019a), the GMPAZU group was Metropolitan Civil Guard (controlled at the
7 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
municipal level) and the Military Police between the State and the daily lives of the
(controlled at the state level) (Cardoso, 2021; homeless population, which involve both the
Sobrinho, 2020); and the policy on alcohol and institutional structure of the policy and the
drugs, which developed from the 1990s onwards, actions that emerged from the data and are
marked by the violence of the security forces external to the policy2, are shown in Figure 2.
(Marino & Collier, 2020). The interactions
Figure 2
Forms of interaction between the State and the homeless population in the city of São Paulo.
Source: Elaborated by the authors
Therefore, it is evident that the interaction of affecting the living conditions on the sidewalks of
the homeless population with the State is not the metropolis. Reflecting on what has been
restricted to policies intentionally designed for written about the United States context, this idea
this population, since the state interventions from is close to what was observed by Wacquant (2003)
other areas also affect the trajectories of homeless on welfare policies for the marginalized in a
individuals. In addition to the historical record residual social state.
presented, this study highlights that there is a
range of actions outside of the official policy The Services and Conflicts Experienced by the
aimed at the homeless population, not always Homeless Population During the Covid-19
explicit in official regulations, but recorded in Pandemic
everyday life. The use of oppression by the
government is part of what is defined as the The census survey of the homeless
social management of poverty: in an ambivalent population, carried out in the period before the
way, state branches offer assistance services and, Covid-19 pandemic, indicated that 24,344
at the same time, enact oppression, directly individuals were experiencing homelessness in
2
Other services external to the policy structure are delivered Emergency Care Service (Serviço Móvel de Atendimento de
to the homeless population, such as the Ambulance Urgência – SAMU) and basic education. However, these were
not elements present in the analyzed material.
8 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
the city of São Paulo (SMADS, 2019). The same (SMADS, 2019). In general, the provision of
survey raised some factors shared by many resources offered to the homeless population is
individuals in this population3 that directly based on the grouping of people, going against
influence the public's ability to deal with the the basic recommendations for protection during
pandemic. Some of these factors are the the pandemic (World Health Organization, 2020).
antecedents that led people into homelessness, The census survey also highlights that 52% of this
such as: family break-ups, conflict or population does not use the available shelters,
abandonment (50%); dependence on illicit which does not make it easier to face the
and/or licit substances (33%); and loss of work pandemic, since issues of safety and survival on
(23%). Such elements indicate difficult situations the streets require close contact (Geral, 2020).
prior to homelessness that hindered care in the Bringing up the context of social stigma
face of the pandemic, such as the lack of income experienced by this population to the individual
for the purchase of self-care items and the shared subjective level, it is possible to identify elements
use of substances that can lead to exposure to the that demonstrate how homeless people perceive
virus in open drug scenes. Also, considering the the moment of the pandemic in view of their
aspects of abandonment and loneliness, the condition: “We don’t get sick [COVID-19]
dimension of care based on family ties is because we are invisible” (Assunção, 2021);
undermined. Finally, the most vulnerable factor “People look at me in a way that looks like I'm the
in the face of the possibilities of containing virus” (Petrocilo, 2020). In this sense, as Delor
transmission is the lack of proper space to and Hubert (2000) state, the violence experienced
exercise social isolation, a proven effective can turn into individual negligence in self-care
measure in the fight against the virus. beyond the objectively imposed restrictions on
The dynamics of life on the streets also imply autonomy. In Table 2, we present the elements
risks to the individuals. Data indicates that 39.8% that make up the heuristic matrix (Delor &
of the population has already suffered police Hubert, 2000) of vulnerabilities of the homeless
violence and 74% claim to use public facilities to population in the city of São Paulo when facing
have access to water and personal hygiene the COVID-19 pandemic.
Table 2
Heuristic Vulnerability Matrix Applied to the Homeless Situation.
Analysis Level Reference in data/source
Social Trajectory — What 1) Reasons that lead to homelessness: family (50%); drug dependence
people share in common in (33%); loss of work (23%).
individual trajectories 2) Access to resources and exposure to risks: physical violence and shared
use of toilets.
Interactions — How do 1) Use of collective services (shelter centers, Special Social Approach
interactions occur and what Service, and Bom Prato)
are the associated risks 2) Necessity of close coexistence for protection in the streets and
sidewalks.
Social Context — Social 1) Public recognition: inclusion as a population worthy of specific policies
structure involving and conflicts over the agenda.
collective norms, 2) Social stigma and self-care.
institutions, and 3) Great exposure to violence.
3 The idea is not to homogenize the experiences, but to seek materials/garbage or sex workers, highlighting the risks
support from self-declared data. It is evident that there are associated with the search for income (Report in a virtual
other aggravating factors to the situation, such as the case of meeting – 04/16/20).
those who work in direct contact with discarded
9 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
inequalities
Source: Elaborated by the authors based on Delor and Hubert’s studies (2000).
Due to great popular pressure (Mena, 2020), With regard to the possibilities of shelter and
including three public demonstrations (Carneiro isolation (ii), there were 89 shelters in operation
& Seto, 2020; Lacerda, 2020; Redação RBA, 2021), before the pandemic, with 17,273 vacancies,
to the intervention of the judicial system, the according to official data; in 2019, 11,700 people
Prosecution Office and the Public Defender's slept in these shelters (SMADS, 2019), and even
Office (Netto et al., 2020; Núcleo de Comunicação before the pandemic, there were frequent reports
Social, 2020) and the performance of the Comitê of difficulty in access to permanent beds that
PopRua, which held twenty meetings between would guarantee greater stability for homeless
March and November 20204, new instruments people. Other complaints indicate that the rules
and initiatives were implemented by the public for using the facilities constitute an obstacle to the
administration seeking to minimize the homeless use of the services (Secretaria Executiva do
populations vulnerability in the face of the Comitê PopRua, 2020a). In the analyzed period,
pandemic. Next, this study describes such 12 new emergency shelter centers were created
provisions, according to the five areas of action and all of them started to work on a 24-hour basis.
described in the methodological section. The number of open vacancies reached between
In order to provide hygienic conditions (i), in 1,072 and 1,541, depending on the data source
addition to the ten daily support centers with analyzed, and approximately four hundred of
access to bathrooms and with a capacity to serve them closed before the pandemic was officially
3,172 people, two new centers were opened, eradicated (Secretaria Executiva do Comitê
increasing the capacity by 1,260 (Secretaria PopRua, 2020e). It is interesting to note that
Especial de Comunicação, 2020). However, one of official disclosures raised divergent data
the only daily support centers that operated in regarding the number of vacancies in emergency
the Luz region (known, with a great pejorative shelters: Mayor Bruno Covas (PSDB) mentioned
connotation, as “Cracolândia”), with a capacity the existence of 24,267 vacancies (G1SP, 2021;
for 300 people, was closed during the pandemic UOL, 2020), while the number of pre-existing
and its users transferred to another facility, even vacancies added to those created on an
with contrary manifestations by the justice emergency basis would result in a maximum of
system (Mendonça & Cruz, 2020) and civil 18,814 vacancies. Complaints indicate that, in
society (Secretaria Executiva do Comitê PopRua, fact, only 13,040 vacancies are offered regularly
2020b). The SMDHC, in partnership with the and that during the pandemic this number
Municipal Office of Subprefectures (Secretaria increased to 14,112 (Lima & Reimberg, 2020). In
Municipal de Subprefeituras), installed 11 sinks addition to the inconsistency of the data and the
with running water in the city center, and the potential overestimation of permanent vacancies,
former Municipal Secretariat of Tourism created other reports indicated the overcrowding of the
the project Ação Vidas no Centro, providing shelters, which makes any prospect of isolation
seven hygiene stations with hot water showers unfeasible, in addition to the fact that residents
and two with washing machines and dryers feared being infected by Covid-19 or tuberculosis
(Redação O Estado de S. Paulo, 2020). It is worth due to poor ventilation of the rooms: “The
mentioning that the demand for running hygiene is horrible, the bathroom is not hygienic.
drinking water and public toilets by social It is difficult to change the bed’s coverings, there
movements linked to the housing issue dates is no ventilation, it is total chaos” (Luizon et al.,
back a long time (Ministério da Saúde, 2012), and 2020).
that great access to these facilities was recorded Still, regarding shelter, in view of the
until the end of 2020 (Secretaria Executiva do suspension of commercial activities in the city,
Comitê PopRua, 2020e). the Committee asked that hotel vacancies be
4Until the date of this study’s submission, other minutes had
not been published.
10 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
directed to homeless people who are an at risk Situations lasted longer during the first year of
group for Covid-19. This initiative was the pandemic (from May 6 to September 20,
implemented in July 2020, more than two months 2020), distributing 8,640 blankets and 11,700
after the law was enacted (São Paulo, 2020c). The snacks (São Paulo, 2020b). However, throughout
initiative opened 430 vacancies aimed at the older the winter that coincided with the period of the
people who were in shelter centers, not meeting pandemic in 2020, deaths of homeless people
the initial recommendation of the Prosecution were reported due to low temperatures, in
Office to create 8,000 vacancies (Netto et al., addition to many reports of cleaning actions that
2020). During the pandemic, requests were also removed belongings from homeless people
made for the concession of camping spaces with (Assunção, 2020; Cardoso, 2021).
tents on an emergency basis, also not attended by With regard to information about the
the public authorities, which claimed, at the time, homeless population (iv) before the pandemic,
that there was no “way to spend money on a six hundred advisors worked at the Special Social
service that is not typified by law” (Secretaria Approach Service (Serviço Especial de
Executiva do Comitê PopRua, 2020c). Abordagem Social – SEAS). During the health
As for food and survival strategies (iii), crisis, this class of workers protested against the
before the pandemic, there were 22 popular Bom recommendation that suspected cases of Covid-
Prato restaurants that offered breakfast and lunch 19 should be transported in unsafe vehicles (H.
on weekdays, for BRL 0.50 and BRL 1.00, Santiago, 2020). Still regarding this topic, little
respectively. These restaurants started to offer data was made available regarding the effect of
dinners and meals on weekends during the the pandemic on the homeless population,
pandemic, with 8,000 gratuity cards distributed. leading social movements to demand greater
However, the policies were suspended in early transparency (Secretaria Executiva do Comitê
December 2020. With the consequent pressure PopRua, 2020d), while the possible
from civil society and a request from justice (Hiar, underestimation of cases incited groups of
2020a, 2020b), the state of São Paulo government politicians claiming, without any scientific basis,
backed off its decision and reactivated the this public’s immunity to the virus (Moraes, 2020;
service, maintaining the free service for a portion Reverbel, 2020). Official data from early
of the homeless population that did not use the December 2020 indicate that 351 homeless people
shelter facilities and without access to food were diagnosed with Covid-19 and that 32 died
assistance, through registration (G1SP, 2020b). At among this population (São Paulo, 2020a). It is
the municipal level, the “Rede Cozinha Cidadã” worth noting that these numbers refer to what
project was created, through which restaurants was found by the teams that work directly with
and civil society organizations were hired to homeless people. However, it is possible that
prepare and distribute meals, resulting in the others have sought health services without the
distribution of more than two million meals in need to indicate their housing status. Thus, in
2020, according to official communication view of the reduced social services during the
(Secretaria Especial de Comunicação, 2021). pandemic and the limitations that the
In addition, considering that the homeless Government already faced to reach a large
population would be eligible for the emergency proportion of these individuals in pre-pandemic
cash-transfer benefit granted by the federal times, it is plausible to claim that the official
government, after a lawsuit had been filed by the numbers are underestimated5.
Public Defender's Office (G1SP, 2020a), the Civil Finally, in relation to specialized health care
Police (state government) organized a joint effort (v), 18 multidisciplinary teams from the Street
to issue the documents necessary for the Health Clinics (Consultório na Rua) program
homeless people to receive the aid. In turn, the worked in the city, a number that increased to 26
Contingency Plan for Low Temperature during the pandemic. In a Shelter Center, 106
5
In a period after this study’s completion, research was Clinic (Clínica de Direitos Humanos Luiz Gama) identified
conducted by the Public Space and Right to the City that the number of deaths of the homeless population due to
Laboratory (Laboratório Espaço Público e Direito à Cidade – COVID-19 is almost twice the official data released by the
Lab Cidade) together with the Luiz Gama Human Rights City Hall (Marino et al., 2022).
11 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
places were opened for people with Covid-19 that, to a large extent, the events that lead
symptoms; 38 center spaces for people diagnosed homeless individuals to live on the streets reveal
with Covid-19; and an attendance service was family problems, abuse of licit or illicit
created in the Vila Mariana district for people substances, and the way in which society
diagnosed with Covid-19. Finally, 20 permanent responds to addiction and job loss. However, as a
beds intended for the care of homeless people fundamental cause, we highlight the absence of
were opened with the inauguration of the Bela housing alternatives beyond the forms allowed
Vista Municipal Hospital. by the private market, combined with the
reduction or even the inexistence of social
Discussion protection arrangements that could serve as a
preparation and response strategy so that the
In this section, we seek to bring elements that contingent of homeless people does not continue
can provide an answer to how policies for the to increase. With the crisis generated by the
homeless population relate to the vulnerability of pandemic, what is seen is this context worsening
this populations and its effects during the Covid- because, even though the federal government has
19 pandemic, based on the case study of the city provided emergency aid, the number of people
of São Paulo. Since the introduction of this topic who could not afford their housing costs, amid
to the municipal government's agenda, the state the other fundamental costs, such as food, has
has acted in different ways, making it necessary increased (Biazzi, 2020; Pauluze, 2020), and cases
to explore the disputes around the guarantee of of urban eviction conducted by the Government
this population’s rights. It would not be possible have continued their course despite the
to state, in a simplistic way, that there is only a pandemic (Krieger & Lima, 2020).
state “absence”; it is necessary to consider This perspective leads us to the second level of
approaches to oppression and care that occur in analysis that both comes from the literature and
an interconnected way, a recurrent way of emerges from the analyzed data: institutional
managing poverty (Greene, 2014; Wacquant, vulnerability (López-Martínez et al., 2017;
2003). Sandim, 2018). This phenomenon can be seen, for
Following the first level of our theoretical example, in services based in collective logic or
approach, based on the vulnerabilities even in the insufficiency of social protection
experienced by homeless individuals in the city alternatives offered by the Government. Making
of São Paulo, we start the discussion by arguing use of the historical reconstruction of the
the greater exposure of this population to Covid- homeless population policy, it is important to
19 (increased risk), given the limitation of note that, in the relationship between the state
resources for self-protection (responsiveness). and the homeless people, the state's response
The results presented here directly demonstrate capacity during the pandemic was conditioned
the main challenges faced by these individuals by the historical accumulation of physical and
during the pandemic. However, it is imperative legal structures, as well as practices developed in
to recognize that the vulnerability of this recent decades. There were few response
population precedes the pandemic. Thus, in a alternatives that were not part of the actions
dialogue with the vulnerability theoretical already mobilized, ordinarily, by the
approach, it was possible to advance an Government. In addition, as shown in the policy
argument on two fronts. In agreeing with Delor history, the state actions end up not taking place
and Hubert's (2000) argument, the first premise is in a linear way or in a single direction, combining
that vulnerability affects the individual. measures that both aggravate and reduce the
Although there are needs common to the entire vulnerability conditions.
population, which can lead to the creation of In this context, in 2020, the policy for the
homogenizing (general) policies, as well as homeless population is confronted by the
contexts that impact access to survival items and pandemic while already precipitating a scenario
services, degrees of vulnerability are of a sharp increase in the number of individuals
individualized. (SMADS, 2019). Institutionally, the Comitê Pop
As a second premise, we looked at structural Rua followed its agenda of demands for
aspects of homelessness. It is striking to identify improving the quality of interaction with the City
12 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
Hall, whether in actions to combat violence or in Committee, mobilizing requests such as the
the services offered to the homeless population – expansion of shelter vacancies, special treatment
or in the absence of them. As for sectoral policies, for elderly people, and the creation of donation
it is worth noting the precariousness of the shelter points (Secretaria Executiva do Comitê PopRua,
network offered by SMADS, which was 2020f), in addition to the installation of hygiene
accentuated during the Doria-Covas stations, the distribution of lunchboxes and the
administration with the closing or dismantling
6 expansion of Bom Prato restaurants (Secretaria
of various services, which in turn weakened the Executiva do Comitê PopRua, 2020g). However,
choices available to the homeless people. With it was possible to verify that the already existing
regard to public policies that interact with the physical structures, norms, and actions set the
daily life of this population, elements have been pace of responses during the pandemic. The
taken into account, such as the Consultório na creation of emergency shelters, the installation of
Rua, a health service (Bresser, 2021), and the hygiene stations, and the expansion of the service
existence of kennels and luggage compartments of popular restaurants – the latter not even the
in some shelter centers (Secretaria Executiva do responsibility of the City Hall – were decisions
Comitê PopRua, 2020e). However, hostile actions and actions taken early on (between the end of
by public security and governance are persistent March and the beginning of April in 2020). On the
factors that also expose this population to greater other hand, actions such as the partnership with
vulnerability. The cleaning actions, for example, civil society organizations for the preparation of
often end up dictating the routine of homeless meals, the hiring of vacant hotel spaces and the
people, as they adopt individual protection and installation of emergency camping were
care strategies for personal and survival items, insufficient, took a long time to become a reality
such as identification documents and tents. (like the first two actions), or were not even
From the perspectives of territoriality and conducted (like the last action) despite the
daily life, which make up the concept of constant demands of the population in the
institutional vulnerability, gaps in articulation Committee.
and connectivity became more acute with the Just as there is a situation of path dependence
advent of the crisis. The territory is always seen in the delivery of services, the same applies to
as a challenge, given the (often) itinerant situations of negligence, with persistence of
characteristic of the homeless population. For violent actions against those experiencing
example; the large concentration of services in the homelessness. Even during the pandemic,
central region of the municipality relegates aggression continued to be reported. For
certain population groups to a lack of access to example, at the same time that the City Hall
survival alternatives. With the closing of closed down the only reference facility of social
commercial establishments, this situation forces assistance in the Luz region, the actions of urban
populations to concentrate even more in places cleaning in the surroundings are intensified. This
close to public support facilities, such as contradictory behavior denotes a trait that has
bathrooms or places with low-cost or free meals. always been present in the policy for the
Thus, more than new challenges, the pandemic homeless population and, in this context, it only
has aggravated the institutional vulnerability of gains more cruel contours, showing the punitive
the homeless population in light of the services arm of the poverty management and the growing
offered by the policy, which, ultimately, has number of marginalized individuals (Wacquant,
influenced the responses of the City Hall. 2003).
With the arrival of the Covid-19 pandemic As a way of visualizing the double incidence of
crises, the extra-governmental agents were quick municipal power actions, Table 3 presents the
to request answers for the homeless population positive and negative factors of state actions for
in the Comitê PopRua. These agents’ the condition of institutional vulnerability,
performance took place mainly within the considering the structure of the previous
6Doria-Covas management, because Bruno Covas, deputy
mayor of João Dória, took over the city hall when the mayor
was absent to run for the State Government.
13 | International Journal on Homelessness: https://ijoh.caKrieger et al: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
homeless policy and the performance during the
period of health crisis.
Table 3
State Actions and Institutional Vulnerability During the Pandemic
Factors that mitigate institutional
Factors that deepen institutional vulnerability
vulnerability
Updated information on the homeless population Lack of official data on the infected homeless
(provided by the Committee and periodic censuses). population.
Coordination committed to intra-organizational
Resistance to innovative proposals, not enabling the
articulation, taking advantage of “political
expected number of hotel rooms or the delivery of
windows” to implement services not previously
tents for emergency shelter.
available.
Collectivized service structures with little possibility
Increase in the provision of shelter and food of social distancing.
services, in addition to hiring more professionals
for care. Divergence in the number of shelter vacancies
offered.
Source: Authors.
The normative assumption of institutional from the turn of 2021 onwards, these offers begin
vulnerability is the existence of an inherent to be discontinued, which demonstrates that they
function of the state to guarantee the population's are seen as a political choice and not as
well-being. In the case of the homeless permanent components of the municipal policy.
population, this function was formalized through As for the political bureaucracy, on the one
the Municipal Policy, which, among the hand, the fact that its coordination is centered on
institutional spaces and objectives it establishes, the SMDHC brings advantages in the search for
provides for an institutional arrangement to connectivity and in overcoming the institutional
execute it. This arrangement is composed of obstacles. Not having the institutional role of
several areas that, in their articulated actions directly offering services to homeless people, the
within the policy scope, engender organizational SMDHC role ends up essentially being that of
biases, reaching the third level of analysis articulation with other secretariats. Furthermore,
proposed in the theoretical framework presented as the SMDHC coordinates the Committee and is
in this study. the secretariat that is most present in this context,
Therefore, it is possible to interpret that the a large part of the claims arising from civil society
development of the policy and the structures are absorbed by the City Hall through this
specifically aimed at the homeless population in channel. On the other hand, although this aspect
recent years produced some organizational centralizes the role of connecting the various
biases that were more evident during the public actions in the SMDHC, it also allows other
pandemic. As for the intentional dynamics, there areas to benefit by not assuming a coordination
is a selective perception regarding the policy role, especially with the aim of preserving their
components, which do not prioritize crucial reputations. This is more evident with SMADS,
issues of human survival, such as food, access to which concentrates the largest network of
water, and toilets. Before the pandemic, these attention on the sector, but which has the power
services were usually offered in an integrated to choose to be absent from the Committee at
way with others, such as in the Shelter Centers or critical moments. For example, the SMADS was
daily support centers, which exclude the vast not in the front line of the discussion about
majority of homeless people who do not access vacancies in hotels or for camping and was
them. Despite the window of opportunity for absent from the Committee meetings and,
new actions that opened during the pandemic, therefore, was not directly exposed to pressure
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