ENVY AS PAIN: RETHINKING THE NATURE OF ENVY AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR EMPLOYEES AND ORGANIZATIONS
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姝 Academy of Management Review
2012, Vol. 37, No. 1, 107–129.
http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/amr.2009.0484
ENVY AS PAIN: RETHINKING THE NATURE OF
ENVY AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR
EMPLOYEES AND ORGANIZATIONS
KENNETH TAI
JAYANTH NARAYANAN
DANIEL J. MCALLISTER
National University of Singapore
Although envy has been characterized by resentment, hostility, and ill will, research-
ers have begun to investigate envy’s benign manifestations. We contend that the
substance of envy has been confounded with its consequences. We conceptualize
envy as pain at another’s good fortune. This reconceptualization allows envy to result
in both positive and negative consequences. We then examine how envy affects
interpersonal behaviors and job performance, contingent on core self-evaluation,
referent cognitions, and perceived organizational support.
Envy is rampant in the workplace. People Smith, 1993; Smith, 2004), and this closely aligns
compete for scarce resources, for the time and envy with negative attitudes and behaviors
attention of organizational authorities, and for (Smith & Kim, 2007).
preferred job assignments and promotions, and Some scholars have articulated more positive
there are always winners and losers in such views on envy, describing it as benign, admir-
competitions. These situations invariably trig- ing, and emulative (Neu, 1980; Rawls, 1971; van
ger envy in those who are losers. Coveting the de Ven, Zeelenberg, & Pieters, 2009). In contrast
attributes of a colleague or newcomer, attributes to the dominant approach, these scholars have
that one might lack, is another trigger for envy. affirmed the adaptive potential of envy, empha-
Feelings of envy can certainly be focused on sizing that envy can motivate people to excel,
perceived imbalances in financial outcomes, thus reducing the gap that exists between them
and they can also be about things of symbolic and envied targets by raising themselves rather
value. For instance, a survey by Staples, Inc. on than by bringing others down.
Twitter found that three out of four respondents However, in both traditional scholarship on
admitted to “office-chair envy”—that is, covet- “malicious envy” and more recent work on “be-
ing a coworker’s office chair (Boston Globe, nign envy,” the substance of envy and its mean-
2010). This is because people believe that a bet- ing are derived from envy’s consequences. That
ter office chair is symbolic of higher status. is, malicious envy is aligned with negative out-
The dominant view of organizational and so- comes alone and benign envy with positive out-
cial scientists has been that envy, although comes (van de Ven et al., 2009). Unfortunately,
endemic to the human condition, is a psycholog- confounding what envy “is” with what envy
ical state with negative individual, interper- “does” verges on the tautological, and it ob-
sonal, and collective consequences (Smith & scures from view the mechanisms through
Kim, 2007). “Envy” is derived from the Latin term which envy affects behavior. The premise of our
invidere, which means to “look at another with research is that the substance of envy can and
malice” (Webster’s Online Dictionary). From this should be decoupled from its consequences.
perspective, bearing ill will and hostility toward Based on this understanding, we outline a more
those who “cause” envy is central to what being focused definition of envy as pain at another
envious is about (e.g., Parrott, 1991; Parrott & person’s good fortune, and we explain associa-
tions between this singular envy construct and
both positive and negative outcomes for individ-
We thank former associate editor Jeffery LePine and the
uals and organizations.
anonymous reviewers for providing us with helpful guid- Early Greek philosophers thought of envy as
ance throughout the review process. pain experienced on account of another’s good
107
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fortune (cf. Plato, 2007/360 BCE). In keeping with ENVY: AN OVERVIEW
this view, we define envy as pain from unfavor-
Traditional View
able or upward social comparisons. Recent evi-
dence from neuroscience validates this view by Social comparisons, especially the unfavor-
showing that the brain regions associated with able comparisons that provide a diagnostic per-
pain (i.e., the anterior cingulate cortex) are acti- spective on the self, are the building blocks of
vated by the experience of envy (Takahashi et envy (Gilbert, Giesler, & Morris, 1995). In their
al., 2009). As with pain in general, envy can be review of psychological research on envy, Smith
further understood as a homeostatic emotion re- and Kim defined envy as “an unpleasant and
flecting an adverse condition in the body that often painful blend of feelings characterized by
impels a behavioral response (Craig, 2003). Ho- inferiority, hostility, and resentment caused by a
comparison with a person or group of persons
meostasis is the ongoing process that helps the
who possess something we desire” (2007: 49).
body maintain optimal balance in its physiolog-
Consistent with this understanding, Parrot and
ical condition for the purpose of survival. For
Smith affirmed that “envy arises when a person
example, when encountering extreme external
lacks another’s superior quality, achievements,
temperatures, the body regulates itself so that or possession and either desires it or wishes
the internal temperature remains at 98.6 de- that the other lacked it” (1993: 908).
grees Farenheit. The experience of envy—a form This view associates envy with negativity and
of social pain— upsets the psychological bal- hostility toward others and negative outcomes
ance and, much like a homeostatic response to for the self. As an episodic emotion, envy pre-
regulate body temperature, triggers behavior to dicts greater hostility toward and reduced de-
restore it. Drawing from conceptual and empir- sire for friendship with envied parties (Salovey
ical work on action tendencies of emotions & Rodin, 1984), reduced openness to sharing in-
(Bagozzi, Verbeke, & Gavino, 2003; Frijda, 1986; formation with them (Dunn & Schweitzer, 2004),
Frijda, Kuipers, & ter Schure, 1989), we associate and a stronger desire to harm them (Cohen-
envy with threat- and challenge-oriented action Charash & Mueller, 2007). Episodic envy also
tendencies focused on restoring balance predicts unethical behaviors, such as acting dis-
through some combination of undermining the honestly to hurt envied parties (Gino & Pierce,
envied target and/or raising the self (van de Ven 2009a), not helping them (Gino & Pierce, 2010),
et al., 2009). Furthermore, we examine key indi- and overstating personal accomplishments
vidual and situational factors that moderate en- (Gino & Pierce, 2009b). As a stable individual
vy’s effects and, thus, the positive and negative difference, envy predicts depressive tendencies
effects of envy on individuals and organizations. and poor mental health (Smith, Parrott, Diener,
We make three important contributions to the Hoyle, & Kim, 1999), lower job and group satis-
emerging literature on envy in social and orga- faction, lower organization-based self-esteem,
nizational settings. First, our reconceptualiza- feelings of group potency, and greater with-
drawal—absenteeism, turnover intentions, and
tion of envy with attendant action tendencies
reduced commitment (Duffy & Shaw, 2000; Vec-
helps clarify envy’s substance and distin-
chio, 2000, 2005).
guishes it from potential behavioral conse-
Notwithstanding the consistency of these find-
quences. Second, in identifying potential posi-
ings, close coupling of envy’s substance with
tive and negative behavioral consequences of negative consequences may be distorting how
envy, we provide a more holistic and balanced envy is operationalized and studied. For in-
treatment of envy in the workplace. Third, we stance, the widely used Dispositional Envy
open up new avenues for inquiry by explaining Scale (DES) captures envy as something that
the psychological mechanisms by which envy plagues and torments people (e.g., “No matter
affects behavior and how relevant psychologi- what I do, envy always plagues me” and “Feel-
cal factors— core self-evaluations (self-esteem, ings of envy constantly torment me”; Smith et
self-efficacy, locus of control, and neuroticism), al., 1999). With an operational measure fixed on
referent cognitions (warmth and competence), envy’s negative aspects, it is not surprising to
and perceived organizational support—moder- find exclusively negative outcomes associated
ate envy’s behavioral effects. with envy. Furthermore, the close coupling of2012 Tai, Narayanan, and McAllister 109
envy with hostile action tendencies and conse- to the level of the envied target rather than
quences may be obscuring from view the under- bringing the target down.
lying psychological processes through which Although research on benign envy has broad-
envy influences behavior, as well as the individ- ened the scope of envy scholarship, it shares one
ual and situational factors that moderate envy’s important limitation with traditional envy re-
effects on behavior. search: the coupling of envy’s substance with its
Overall, from this perspective, envy is associ- consequences. That is, malicious envy is linked
ated with strong negative action tendencies. In- primarily to negative outcomes, and benign envy
deed, as Elster affirms, “The action tendency of is associated exclusively with positive outcomes.
envy is to destroy the envied object or its pos- Furthermore, this approach fails to explain, for
sessor” (1999: 39). One might thus conclude that any given situation, why one form of envy and
the action tendencies of envy are exclusively its set of action tendencies is more likely to
negative and inevitably lead to negative out- determine behavior than another. Finally, it
comes. We contend that envious parties genu- says little about either the psychological pro-
inely desire the accomplishments of envied tar- cesses linking envy with behavioral outcomes
gets and that action tendencies oriented toward or the factors moderating these relationships.
achievement may also be activated by envy.
From this perspective, challenge-oriented action
Our View: Envy As Pain
tendencies may either supplant or coexist with
those that are more hostile in nature. The element that is common to both malicious
envy and benign envy is the sensation of pain.
On the one hand, Smith and Kim (2007: 47) define
Alternative View
envy as “an unpleasant and often painful blend
Although the body of empirical evidence link- of feelings” associated with unfavorable social
ing envy with negative outcomes continues to comparisons. On the other hand, van de Ven and
grow, recent work suggests that envy can also colleagues (2009) affirm that benign envy entails
lead to positive outcomes. For instance, envy pain and frustration with another’s superiority.
has been found to predict an increased admira- Clearly, this aspect of experienced pain at an-
tion for and a willingness to learn from envied other’s good fortune is the defining quality of
targets (Cohen-Charash, 2009; van de Ven et al., envy. It has been central to conceptions of envy
2009), enhanced work motivation (Cohen-Cha- since antiquity (e.g., Plato), and it has been val-
rash, 2009), and increased job performance idated by evidence from neuroscience (Taka-
(Schaubroeck & Lam, 2004). These findings sup- hashi et al., 2009).
port the view of scholars positing the existence The fundamental human drives to avoid pain
of another form of envy that is benign, emula- and seek pleasure are well established in the
tive, and admiring in nature (Neu, 1980; Parrott, behavioral sciences (Gray, 1987; Higgins, 1997).
1991; Rawls, 1971). Indeed, the fact that these Experienced pain may have both physical and
empirical findings cannot be explained through social bases (Frijda, 2007; MacDonald, 2009). As
mainstream envy scholarship suggests the need with pain and other homeostatic emotions, envy
for further theoretical development. is an aversive emotion and a source of cognitive
Although research on benign envy is at a tension that provides impetus for action (Fest-
nascent stage, empirical findings reported by inger, 1954; Vecchio, 1995). Thus, people are mo-
van de Ven and colleagues (2009) show that tivated to avoid painful emotions like envy by
such envy can be systematically studied. using strategies at their disposal to reduce its
These authors distinguish benign envy from unpleasantness (Baumeister, Heatherton, &
malicious envy. Their studies, conducted with Tice, 1994; MacDonald & Leary, 2005). Perceiving
diverse methodologies across cultures, show situations of envy in terms of “threat,” they can
that benign envy is characterized by feelings become hostile toward the envied party—at the
of liking and admiration for the envied target extreme even sabotaging the party (Cohen-
and motivation to achieve, and it is empiri- Charash & Mueller, 2007; Vecchio, 1997, 2007).
cally distinct from malicious envy. Impor- Although this has been the principal focus of
tantly, their findings align benign envy with attention for envy researchers, it has not been
action tendencies focused on raising the self established whether this is the only or the most110 Academy of Management Review January
adaptive response. Envious parties can also see ing the effects of a singular envy construct on a
the “challenge” in the situation and respond by range of behavioral outcomes and on job perfor-
raising themselves to match the level of the en- mance.
vied target (van de Ven et al., 2009).1
Thus, the behavioral consequences of envy
THE CONSEQUENCES OF ENVY: A
appear to proceed from two action tendencies—
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
threat and challenge—that can jointly function
to alleviate the pain of envy. One can try to Building on our understanding of envy as a
undermine the position of the envied target homeostatic emotion characterized by pain at
and/or try to raise one’s position to the level of another’s good fortune that activates threat- and
the envied target (van de Ven et al., 2009). This challenge-oriented action tendencies, we ad-
understanding of the action tendencies of envy dress the implications of envy for behavior.
conforms to the foundational thinking of Frijda Given our focus on relationships of envy in work
and colleagues (1989), who affirmed that com- organizations, we discuss envy’s implications
plex social emotions like envy, jealousy, and for interpersonal relations (e.g., the extent to
shame are not easily aligned with any singular which envious parties help and/or undermine
mode of action readiness. This means that en- those they envy) and for the organizations in
gagement of one action tendency does not pre- which these relationships are embedded (e.g.,
clude engagement of the other, and envy may job performance). Additionally, we identify key
activate both action tendencies. However, we psychological variables that moderate envy’s
argue that the strength of the effect of each relationships with interpersonal behavior and
action tendency on behavior depends on indi- job performance and explain these effects. We
vidual and situational factors. Thus, our model summarize our theoretical model in Figure 1.
allows for both action tendencies to operate in
tandem and for the possibility that envy’s con-
Behavioral Outcomes of Envy
sequences may entail behavior traditionally
viewed as malicious, behavior traditionally Equity theory provides a useful lens for under-
viewed as benign, and in many instances some standing envy’s behavioral consequences. It
combination of the two (Duffy, Ganster, & Pagon, proposes that people make equity assessments
2002; Hobman, Restubog, Bordia, & Tang, 2009). by comparing the ratio of what they receive (out-
In summary, our view of envy is aligned with comes) to what they contribute (inputs) with the
established traditions of envy scholarship in corresponding ratios of referent others (Adams,
that we acknowledge the element of pain as 1965). Inequity from unfavorable social compar-
central to envy. However, we are careful not to ison is aversive and painful (Festinger, 1954;
limit the set of action tendencies that envy can Heider, 1958), and it can lead to envy within the
activate. When people experience envy, threat- relationship. People can take steps to reduce
oriented action tendencies focused on under- this social pain by restoring equity through a
mining others and challenge-oriented action variety of means (Pinder, 2008). We focus on so-
tendencies providing impetus for self-improve- cial undermining, prosocial behavior, and job
ment are both activated. Thus, we depart from performance—three behavioral responses that
the major traditions of envy scholarship by sep- might proceed from envy’s threat- and chal-
arating envy from its consequences and model- lenge-oriented action tendencies.
Social undermining. Because sanctions
1
against open expressions of envy are often pres-
Our treatment of envy as social pain and a homeostatic ent in organizations (Parrott & Smith, 1993), peo-
emotion parallels Frijda’s (2007) examination of vengeful
acts as emotional responses rooted in a desire to address the ple frequently use covert means to restore bal-
social pain of insult, harm, shame, and humiliation at the ance with envied targets. Social undermining is
hands of others. For Frijda, this quality of vengeance as a one behavioral response to envy—focused on
homeostatic emotion explains why it drives extreme behav- bringing down the other—that reflects envy’s
ior: “Its most proximal focus is to get rid of pain, and not to
threat-oriented action tendency (Dunn &
get even. The efforts are often in vain. Whatever the gains of
revenge, they cannot undo the harm or truly wipe out the Schweitzer, 2006). Social undermining is charac-
insult, the irreversible loss, or one’s crushed sense of worth” terized by “intentional actions that diminish a
(2007: 274). target’s ability to establish and maintain posi-2012 Tai, Narayanan, and McAllister 111
FIGURE 1
Theoretical Model of Envy and Outcomes
tive relationships, work-related success, and fa- rience more positive affect compared to nega-
vorable reputation in the workplace” (Duffy et tive affect (Buunk, Van der Zee, & Van Yperen,
al., 2002: 333). Indeed, recent research has shown 2001; Pelham & Wachsmuth, 1995).
that envy leads to social undermining for em- Based on these findings, given the low posi-
ployees who do not identify with their coworkers tivity associated with social undermining, one
or teams (Duffy, Scott, Shaw, Tepper, & Aquino, would expect undermining to be reduced as pos-
in press). In light of the negative affect associ- itive affect increases. Furthermore, the linkage
ated with threat-oriented responses, these be- of upward social comparisons with negative af-
haviors may serve as a means not only to restore fect is likely to be contingent on people’s self-
balance in the equity equation but also to “let views (Gibbons & Buunk, 1999; see Buunk & Gib-
off steam” (Bies, Tripp, & Kramer, 1997). bons, 2007, for a review). Individuals with high
Although there is some empirical evidence to self-esteem and positive self-views are less
suggest that unfavorable social comparisons likely to experience negative affect as a result of
are associated with increased negative affect, upward social comparisons, and they are more
upward social comparisons can also be associ- likely to experience positive affect (Buunk et al.,
ated with increased positive affect (Buunk, Col- 1990). Thus, although people can respond to
lins, Taylor, Van Yperen, & Dakof, 1990; Buunk, envy negatively by focusing on restoring bal-
Ybema, Van der Zee, Schaufeli, & Gibbons, 2001). ance and “getting even,” which may entail so-
Indeed, empirical findings show that people cial undermining, they can also respond posi-
making more upward social comparisons expe- tively by focusing on “getting ahead.”112 Academy of Management Review January Consistent with envy’s threat-oriented action ate with group members increases (Derfler- tendency, traditional envy scholarship suggests Rozin, Pillutla, & Thau, 2010). Since envied co- social undermining as a likely behavioral con- workers are often successful, envious parties sequence of envy. However, the broader litera- might be motivated to reconnect with them, and ture on upward social comparisons suggests treating them in a prosocial manner might prove that the envy to social undermining relationship beneficial. may not be so direct and that this linkage is Thus, in contrast to the view that envy leads to moderated by individual differences. reduced prosocial behavior, we acknowledge Prosocial behavior. Prosocial behavior entails that envy can also drive increased prosocial be- intentional prosocial acts performed to benefit havior. Whereas the traditional view of envy specific others (Brief & Motowidlo, 1986; McNeely highlights its threat-oriented action tendency & Meglino, 1994). Research has shown that em- attuned to bringing down the envied target, the ployees withhold organizational citizenship be- alternative view captures envy’s challenge- haviors in response to perceived unfair treat- oriented action tendency attuned to raising ment as a means to restore equity (Colquitt, the self. Conlon, Wesson, Porter, & Ng, 2001; LePine, Erez, Job performance. Beyond its implications for & Johnson, 2002; Organ, 1990; Podsakoff, Mac- interpersonal treatment, envy may also affect Kenzie, Paine, & Bachrach, 2000). We view re- job performance. Clearly, one approach to re- duced prosocial behaviors as a consequence storing equity is to reduce job performance. By that likely follows from envy’s threat-oriented producing less or contributing less on the job, action tendency. the ratio of one’s outcomes to inputs can be In contrast to the threat-oriented action ten- improved relative to the corresponding ratios of dency of envy that drives reduced prosocial be- others (Pinder, 2008). Furthermore, beyond the haviors, the challenge-oriented action tendency immediate bounds of the social comparison re- might predict the opposite. Discretionary efforts lationship, envious parties may attribute some to assist others, even those people envy, can degree of responsibility for situations of ineq- make people look good, enhance their perfor- uity to the organization. To the extent that this is mance evaluations, and improve their chances the case, employees should respond to the per- for career advancement (Flynn, 2003, 2006; Grant ceived injustice by decreasing their job perfor- & Mayer, 2009; Hui, Lam, & Law, 2000). Past re- mance. The line of reasoning we put forward search has demonstrated the potential for in- here is consistent with past research linking strumental motives and concern for self-interest perceived injustice with reduced job perfor- to motivate prosocial behavior (De Dreu, 2006; mance (Konovsky & Cropanzano, 1991). The Grant & Mayer, 2009). Thus, although “simple” sense of injustice felt by envious parties is often self-interested reasoning might predict reduced very palpable (Smith, Parrott, Ozer, & Moniz, prosocial behaviors as a knee-jerk reaction to 1994), and reduced performance represents one envy, increased prosocial behaviors might also valid means of redress. occur as a more “strategic” self-interested Another approach to restoring equity might response. entail doing the opposite— demonstrating ini- Beyond the logic of self-interest, we also rec- tiative and increasing job performance. That is, ognize that employees concerned with the from the standpoint of a challenge-oriented re- needs, interests, and desires of others may give sponse to envy, increased job performance pro- considerable weight to social context factors, vides an alternative way to improve personal such as the extent to which an envied coworker outcomes and, thus, to restore equity. Indeed, in is liked and trusted (De Dreu, 2006; De Dreu & a study of bank employees, Schaubroeck and Nauta, 2009). For these individuals, feelings of Lam (2004) found that envy was strongly and envy may signal to them that others have ex- positively associated with enhanced job perfor- cluded them, and this felt exclusion, in turn, may mance among employees recently bypassed for engender prosocial behavior (Richman & Leary, job promotions. More generally, recent studies 2009). Recent research has shown that when peo- have shown that upward comparisons with su- ple sense the potential for exclusion from a so- perior coworkers can indeed be motivating cial group to which they believe reconnection is (Brown, Ferris, Heller, & Keeping, 2007; Duffy, possible, their willingness to trust and cooper- Shaw, & Schaubroeck, 2008). Furthermore, in-
2012 Tai, Narayanan, and McAllister 113
creased rather than decreased effort on the job implications for social exchange with that indi-
has been found to be more effective in address- vidual and, thus, for the effects of envy on how
ing perceived inequity and obtaining outcomes he or she is treated, but they have less relevance
on par with envied coworkers (Duffy et al., 2008). for social exchange with the organization. This
Hence, the challenge-oriented action tendency is because referent cognitions are interpersonal
of envy may provide the impetus for people to in nature and not task related. On the other
restore equity through increased rather than de- hand, perceptions of organizational support and
creased job performance. the quality of the individual-organization rela-
In summary, we identify social undermining, tionship have stronger implications for social
prosocial behavior, and job performance as key exchange with the organization and the likely
behavioral outcomes of envy at work. In light of effects of envy on job performance, but they
the dual action tendencies of envy— challenge have less relevance for social exchange with the
oriented as well as threat oriented—we see po- envied colleague.
tential for both positive and negative patterns of Core self-evaluations. People’s core self-
association between envy and its consequences. evaluations—their bottom-line appraisals of
We argue, however, that the extent to which themselves as competent, worthy, and in control
these patterns of association are observed de- of their lives (Judge, Locke, & Durham, 1997;
pends on how envious parties view themselves Judge, Van Vianen, & De Pater, 2004)—shape
(core self-evaluation), those they envy (referent their orientations to life situations and events.
cognitions), and the organization in which they Core self-evaluation is a higher-order construct
work (perceived organizational support). that subsumes four underlying traits: self-
esteem, generalized self-efficacy, locus of con-
trol, and emotional stability (Judge et al., 1997).
Moderators of Envy’s Effects
Past research has shown that core self-evalua-
The dynamics that give rise to envy involve tions are positively associated with job satisfac-
upward social comparisons, and they take place tion and performance (Judge & Bono, 2001).
within an organizational context. In recognition These relationships exist, at least in part, be-
of this embeddedness, we acknowledge that cause employees with favorable core self-
envy has implications not only for interpersonal evaluations tend to approach the challenges
treatment but also for job performance. The di- they face as opportunities. They are realistic
rection and magnitude of envy’s effects on these about and do not exaggerate the threats that
outcomes are contingent on the extent to which such challenges represent, leading them to re-
envy activates threat- and challenge-oriented spond constructively. Building on this under-
action tendencies. Given the centrality of the standing, we propose that core self-evaluations
self in social comparison processes, we propose moderate the effects of envy on behavior.
that individual differences in core self-evalua- Our thesis is that, as core self-evaluations
tion moderate the relationship between envy become more favorable, challenge-oriented ac-
and both interpersonal and task-focused behav- tion tendencies, as opposed to threat-oriented
ior. Furthermore, we propose that referent cog- action tendencies, are more likely to be acti-
nitions—perceptions of the warmth and compe- vated. This suggests that envious employees are
tence of the envied party—moderate the effects more likely to behave constructively when their
of envy on the treatment of that individual and core self-evaluations are favorable. Although re-
that perceived organizational support—an as- search on the moderating effects of core self-
sessment of the organization’s care for employ- evaluation has been limited, the latent traits
ees—moderates the effects of envy on job per- subsumed under this construct have been stud-
formance. ied extensively. Thus, we focus on research per-
Our approach to modeling these moderating taining to these underlying traits to develop our
effects is aligned with a multifocal target- arguments.
matching perspective on social exchange rela- In research predating the introduction of core
tions (Lavelle, Rupp, & Brockner, 2007; Rupp & self-evaluations into the organizational psy-
Cropanzano, 2002; Stinglhamber, De Cremer, & chology literature, Buunk and colleagues ar-
Mercken, 2006). On the one hand, referent cogni- gued that higher self-esteem, higher self-
tions concerning an envied party have strong efficacy, lower neuroticism, and a more internal114 Academy of Management Review January
(less external) locus of control should be associ- ban, 2007). Interpersonal helping is positively
ated with greater positive and less negative re- associated with reputation and status and, ulti-
sponses to upward social comparisons (Buunk et mately, performance (Flynn, 2003). In contrast,
al., 1990; Van der Zee, Buunk, & Sanderman, individuals low in self-efficacy are likely to per-
1996). In empirical studies of social comparison ceive the envy experience as a threat. When
processes among cancer patients, these schol- feelings of anxiety and threat take hold, these
ars found that patients high in self-esteem and individuals may be unwilling to provide assis-
low in neuroticism, recognizing challenge and tance to and may be more likely to socially un-
opportunity, responded positively when compar- dermine envied targets.
ing themselves with patients better off than Finally, past studies have shown that, relative
themselves (Buunk et al., 1990; Van der Zee, to externals (people with external control be-
Buunk, & Sanderman, 1996, 1998; Van der Zee, liefs), internals (people with internal control be-
Oldersma, Buunk, & Bos, 1998). Replications of liefs) are more inclined to approach situations of
these studies in the workplace yielded very sim- unfavorable social comparison as opportunities
ilar findings (Buunk, Van der Zee, & Van Yperen, to learn and grow (Baron, Cowan, Ganz, & Mc-
2001; Buunk, Ybema, Van der Zee, Schaufeli, & Donald, 1974; Ilgen, Fisher, & Taylor, 1979). Thus,
Gibbons, 2001). we would expect internals to respect and strive
The empirical findings reported by Buunk and for the accomplishments of others without nec-
colleagues show that the moderating effects of essarily undermining envied coworkers. Indeed,
two dimensions of core self-evaluation—self- we would also expect them to behave in ways
esteem and neuroticism— on the relationship that promote stronger relational bonds and en-
between upward social comparisons and affec- hance their reputation with envied targets. In
tive responses are robust. We argue that the contrast, because envy entails frustration at an-
implications of these moderating effects go be- other’s superiority, externals can be expected to
yond affect, through activated action tenden- direct their frustration at envied coworkers and
cies, to shape behavior. For instance, research seek ways to undermine their performance and
on self-enhancement motives and self-serving outcomes. Furthermore, because they believe
biases suggests that people respond to potential that there is little potential to increase their own
challenges or threats in ways that support and performance or outcomes through effort, exter-
enhance their self-views (Swann, Griffin, Pred- nals may attempt to address the perceived in-
more, & Gaines, 1987). Based on this understand- equity by undermining envied targets.
ing, we would argue, for individuals with high In summary, favorable core self-evaluations—
self-esteem, that envy provides the impetus to reflected through high self-esteem, high self-
engage in positive behaviors aligned with their efficacy, internal locus of control, and emotional
favorable self-views (e.g., prosocial treatment of stability—strengthen challenge-oriented and
envied targets) and to suppress behaviors in- weaken threat-oriented responses to envy and,
consistent with them (e.g., undermining envied thus, increase the likelihood of prosocial behav-
targets). In contrast, for individuals low in self- iors and reduce the likelihood of social under-
esteem, envy drives reactive behaviors (reduced mining. Taken together, these observations sug-
prosocial behaviors, increased social undermin- gest the following propositions.
ing) focused on alleviating their negative self-
views and feelings of inferiority (Swann et al., Proposition 1a: The relationship be-
1987; Tracy & Robbins, 2003). tween envy and prosocial behavior
Individuals high in self-efficacy can be ex- becomes increasingly positive as core
pected to respond to envy with prosocial behav- self-evaluations become more favorable.
iors directed at the envied target. Indeed, people
Proposition 1b: The relationship be-
with high self-efficacy are more willing to en-
tween envy and social undermining be-
gage in prosocial behaviors because they feel
comes increasingly negative as core
that their efforts will increase the likelihood
self-evaluations become more favorable.
they will genuinely help others (Bandura, 1977).
Furthermore, past research suggests that em- A similar line of reasoning provides substan-
ployees high in self-efficacy engage in prosocial tiation for our view that more favorable core
behaviors (McAllister, Kamdar, Morrison, & Tur- self-evaluations are associated with increased2012 Tai, Narayanan, and McAllister 115
job performance. We argued earlier that envy tion emerges among employees with low self-
has implications for job performance because it efficacy (Gist & Mitchell, 1992) and those who are
is important in assessments of equity. We noted externally rather than internally controlled (Weiss
that equity can be restored either through reduc- & Sherman, 1973). In addition, for employees high
tions in job performance, provided that payoffs in neuroticism, negative feedback is a source of
do not change, or through improved job perfor- stress and anxiety (Muris, Roelofs, Rassin, Fran-
mance that leads to better payoffs. From this ken, & Mayer, 2005; Shaw, Creed, Tomenson, Riste,
perspective, observing other people’s success & Cruickshank, 1999). Ultimately, for employees
(e.g., an envied coworker’s success) can moti- who are not challenge oriented and who may be
vate employees to set higher performance stan- somewhat threat oriented, equity is restored pri-
dards for themselves and to allocate greater re- marily through decreased rather than increased
sources toward achieving those performance contribution.
goals (Huguet, Galvaing, Dumas, & Monteil, Overall, favorable core self-evaluations
2000; Huguet, Galvaing, Monteil, & Dumas, 1999). strengthen the challenge orientation, and this is
However, we believe that this response is most likely to motivate increased job performance in
likely to occur when envious parties have favor- response to envy. However, unfavorable core
able core self-evaluations. self-evaluations strengthen the threat orienta-
Research suggests that favorable core self- tion, and this is likely to drive decreased job
evaluations facilitate job engagement. Employ- performance in response to envy.
ees high in self-esteem have high performance
Proposition 2: The relationship be-
expectations for themselves (Brockner, Derr, &
tween envy and job performance be-
Laing, 1987; Brown & Dutton, 1995). They tend to
comes increasingly positive as core self-
behave in ways that are consistent with their
evaluations become more favorable.
positive self-views (Korman, 1970), and they re-
spond to negative feedback and setbacks with Referent cognitions. Referent cognitions are
increased effort (Brockner, 1988; Shrauger & Sor- an individual’s perceptions of envied targets.
man, 1977). Furthermore, research shows that Current research has focused on envious par-
individuals with high effort-performance expec- ties’ perceptions of their similarity with the en-
tancy show a greater intent to work harder when vied target (Schaubroeck & Lam, 2004). However,
they are exposed to a superior colleague (Van referent cognitions are more complex than mere
Yperen, Brenninkmeijer, & Buunk, 2006). Given judgments of similarity. Research in social cog-
that high self-esteem is likely to be associated nition suggests that people make inferences
with high effort-performance expectancy, we ex- about others in their social worlds on two prin-
pect that employees with high self-esteem will cipal dimensions: warmth and competence (e.g.,
display greater motivation to perform better Cuddy, Fiske, & Glick, 2008; Fiske, Cuddy, &
when they are exposed to an envied coworker. Glick, 2007; Judd, James-Hawkins, Yzerbyt, &
Employees high in self-efficacy also tend to be Kashima, 2005). The warmth dimension encom-
high performers at work and to persist in the passes qualities that pertain to perceived intent,
face of setbacks (Gist & Mitchell, 1992; Judge & including friendliness, helpfulness, sincerity,
Bono, 2001; Stajkovic & Luthans, 1998). Employ- trustworthiness, and morality. The competence
ees with an internal locus of control also share dimension captures qualities that pertain to per-
this quality of persistence in the face of negative ceived ability, including intelligence, skill, cre-
feedback (Baron et al., 1974; Ilgen et al., 1979). ativity, and efficacy (Fiske et al., 2007).
Qualities such as these provide foundations for An employee’s appraisal (i.e., referent cogni-
a challenge orientation to overcome perceived tions) of an envied colleague’s warmth and com-
inequity. petence has direct implications for how that em-
When core self-evaluations are not favorable, ployee behaves in response to his or her
research suggests that challenge-oriented re- feelings of envy. Individuals perceived as warm
sponses are less likely to occur. Individuals with are often seen as being likable and pleasant to
low self-esteem do not maintain high performance work with, and they tend to elicit positive affec-
standards for themselves and are less assured of tive and behavioral reactions from others (Fiske
being able to overcome obstacles reflected in neg- et al., 2007). Individuals perceived as competent
ative feedback (Brockner, 1988). A similar orienta- tend to be respected by others for their abilities116 Academy of Management Review January
(e.g., Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002; Spears, cooperate less with advantaged colleagues
Ellemers, & Doosje, 2005), and they typically en- when the advantage is perceived as being un-
joy career success (Judge, Higgins, Thoresen, & justified rather than justified (Parks, Rumble, &
Barrick, 1999; Schmidt & Hunter, 2004). Posey, 2002). Taken together, this suggests the
Because appraisals of warmth and compe- following propositions.
tence are orthogonal (Fiske et al., 2002), we con-
sider both dimensions in determining envy’s Proposition 3a: The relationship be-
overall effects on behavior. However, warmth tween envy and prosocial behavior is
judgments have primacy over competence judg- positive when targets are perceived as
ments in affecting interpersonal behaviors after both warm and competent.
the experience of envy. We believe that this is so Proposition 3b: The relationship be-
because research shows that competence is less tween envy and social undermining is
relevant when people are perceived as lacking negative when targets are perceived
warmth (Casciaro & Lobo, 2008). as both warm and competent.
An employee who perceives an envied co-
worker as warm and competent is likely to react Proposition 4a: The relationship be-
to the experience of envy positively, by helping tween envy and prosocial behavior is
and not undermining the envied coworker. negative when targets are perceived
There are three distinct reasons for this. First, as neither warm nor competent.
the achievements of an envied coworker viewed
Proposition 4b: The relationship be-
as warm and competent are likely to be seen as
tween envy and social undermining is
justified. Consistent with what equity theory
suggests, people feel less resentment when con- positive when targets are perceived as
ditions of inequality are justified rather than neither warm nor competent.
arbitrary (Folger, Rosenfield, & Robinson, 1983). From an evolutionary perspective, it is more
Second, by helping the envied coworker, the en- important for an organism to recognize whether
vious party has a greater likelihood of being another harbors ill will toward it than whether
included in the envied coworker’s ingroup. This, the other is competent to act on those intentions
in turn, may provide the envious party with an (Fiske et al., 2007). As a result, although referent
opportunity to be a part of a successful ingroup. cognitions concerning warmth and competence
Third, helping a high-status peer can elevate a are both important, considerable evidence
person’s social status since it provides a way for shows that judgments of warmth take prece-
the envious employee to achieve the envied co- dence over judgments of competence (Fiske et
worker’s accomplishments. Although prosocial
al., 2007; Wojciszke, Bazinska, & Jaworski, 1998).
treatment of envied others may appear instru-
Thus, envied targets perceived as competent but
mental in nature, this behavior may also be
not warm are likely to elicit negative responses
driven by empathic concern and other-oriented
from others. That is, they are more likely to be
motives when the envied party is perceived as
viewed as ambitious and scheming (Peeters,
both warm and competent (De Dreu, 2006; De
Dreu & Nauta, 2009). 2002), and this, in turn, elicits more negative
In contrast, an employee who perceives an emotions (Spears et al., 2005). In other words,
envied coworker as neither warm nor competent being competent does not seem to compensate
is likely to react to the experience of envy in a for the lack of warmth. Rather, despite being
negative manner, with increased social under- competent, an individual who lacks warmth
mining and reduced prosocial behavior. These compromises his or her impression in the eyes of
negative behaviors are rooted in feelings of re- others.
sentment toward the target. Research shows In contrast with the other combinations of
that when people perceive the source of the in- warmth and competence that, in varying de-
equality to be unjustified, such as an arbitrary grees, elicit emotions of pity, admiration, and
criterion for distributing rewards, they harbor contempt, the combination of low warmth and
feelings of resentment (Folger et al., 1983). The high competence is more likely to elicit hostility
envied target may then bear the consequences (Cuddy et al., 2008) or even Schadenfreude,
of such feelings. Furthermore, envious people which is pleasure at another’s misfortune (Smith2012 Tai, Narayanan, and McAllister 117
et al., 1996). As summarized in Figure 2, we pro- Shore, 1995). Perceived organizational support
pose the following. provides a foundation for mutually beneficial
social exchange between employees and orga-
Proposition 5a: The relationship be-
nizations (Eisenberger et al., 1986), with employ-
tween envy and prosocial behavior is
ees reciprocating support received in various
more positive when targets are per-
ceived as both warm and competent ways, including greater job performance, orga-
than when targets are perceived as nizational citizenship behavior, and organiza-
warm but not competent. tional commitment (Eisenberger, Fasolo, & Davis-
LaMastro, 1990; Eisenberger et al., 1986; Shore &
Proposition 5b: The relationship be- Wayne, 1993). Although this line of explanation
tween envy and social undermining is suggests that perceived organizational support
more positive when targets are per- has a direct effect on various work-related out-
ceived as competent but not warm comes, we argue that it also moderates envy’s
than when targets are perceived as relationship with job performance.
neither warm nor competent. Employees who appraise organizational sup-
Perceived organizational support. Whereas port as high believe that the organization cares
referent cognitions are focused on the envied for them and values their contributions (Eisen-
target, organizational support perceptions are berger & Stinglhamber, 2011; Rhoades & Eisen-
directed at the organization. Perceived organi- berger, 2002). For these employees, organiza-
zational support refers to employees’ general tional support is a source of encouragement
perception of the extent to which the organiza- when conditions of envy arise. Research has
tion values their contributions and attends to shown that unfair and inequitable treatment is
their well-being (Eisenberger, Huntington, one of the strongest predictors of perceived or-
Hutchison, & Sowa, 1986). Perceived organiza- ganizational support (Eisenberger & Stinglham-
tional support is an experience-based attribu- ber, 2011; Moorman, Blakely, & Niehoff, 1998;
tion focused on organizational policies, norms, Rhoades & Eisenberger, 2002). We contend that
and procedures that affect employees. Empirical employees high in perceived organizational
findings show that organizational support per- support can be expected to view the superior
ceptions have a vital role to play in meeting standing of envied coworkers as well de-
employees’ needs for esteem, approval, and so- served—the result of a just system. In addition,
cial identity (Eisenberger et al., 1986; Shore & these employees are likely to be confident that
FIGURE 2
Effects of Referent Cognitions on the Relationship Between Envy and Prosocial Behavior/Social
Undermininga
a
Gray circle represents prosocial behaviors. Black circle represents social undermining behaviors. Bigger circle corre-
sponds to higher levels of the particular behavior, and vice versa.118 Academy of Management Review January
the organization would similarly reward them if implications of this new perspective on envy for
they were to perform better, which, in turn, research and managerial practice.
should activate a challenge-oriented action ten-
dency. Thus, for employees with high perceived
Implications for Envy Scholarship
organizational support, we would expect envy to
be associated with increased job performance. Our research is aligned with recent work sug-
In contrast, employees who perceive organi- gesting the potential for envy to be associated
zational support as low do not believe that the with positive as well as negative outcomes (van
organization either cares for them or values de Ven et al., 2009), and it clarifies the mecha-
their contributions (Eisenberger, Cummings, nisms by which increased envy can drive
Armeli, & Lynch, 1997). When employees per- greater prosocial behaviors and job perfor-
ceive organizational support as low—as a con- mance. We fully acknowledge that envy can and
sequence of experiencing unfair and inequita- does activate threat-oriented action tendencies
ble treatment from organizational authorities and negative behaviors (Smith & Kim, 2007). Our
(Moorman et al., 1998; Rhoades & Eisenberger, analysis suggests that such effects hold primar-
2002)—they are likely to hold the organization, ily where envious parties maintain unfavorable
rather than themselves, responsible for their un- core self-evaluations, where those they envy are
favorable situation. These employees are also appraised as lacking warmth, and where the
likely to believe that the organization cannot be organizational context is considered unsupport-
counted on to treat them in a supportive manner ive. But the view that these effects of envy are
or to reward them, even if they increase their job universal is untenable.
performance to the levels of the envied co- Within the organization sciences, conceptual
worker. Therefore, low perceived organizational work and empirical work have focused on envy’s
support should activate threat-oriented action negative individual and organizational effects
tendencies in response to envy. Thus, for em- (Dunn & Schweitzer, 2004, 2006; Gino & Pierce,
ployees with low perceived organizational sup- 2009a,b, 2010; Menon & Thompson, 2010; Moran &
port, we associate envy with decreased job per- Schweitzer, 2008). We believe that this research,
formance. These observations suggest the although valuable, may be perpetuating the tra-
following proposition. ditional view of envy scholarship while exclud-
ing the potential for envy’s positive effects and
Proposition 6: The relationship between outcomes. This program of research may benefit
envy and job performance becomes in- from incorporating factors that moderate envy’s
creasingly positive as perceived organi- relationship with negative outcomes, since this
zational support increases. can provide a meaningful perspective on the
underlying psychological processes at work. We
believe that future work should examine the po-
DISCUSSION tential positive effects of envy in a work context.
Organizations are rife with situations in
Our conceptual model of workplace envy pro- which employees experience negative conse-
vides new foundations for envy scholarship. We quences that they attribute to unjust treatment
propose that envy is a homeostatic emotion (Greenberg & Colquitt, 2005; Hughes, 2007;
characterized by pain at another’s good fortune. Leach, 2008). Especially where organizations are
This pain of envy activates both threat- and responsible for creating the conditions that give
challenge-oriented action tendencies. Through rise to envy, we are loath to conclude that envy
these activated action tendencies, envy drives leads only to negative behaviors, as suggested
not only negative but also positive behavioral by the traditional view. Rather, we believe that
and organizational outcomes. The extent of en- envy may be a necessary affective condition
vy’s positive and negative effects is determined that provides impetus for organizational citizen-
by core self-evaluations, referent cognitions, ship focused on driving positive change in orga-
and organizational support perceptions—fac- nizations (Meyerson & Fletcher, 2000; Meyerson
tors that moderate envy-to-outcome relation- & Scully, 1995).
ships by varying the strength and intensity of Our understanding of envy as an adaptive
envy’s action tendencies. Here we address key emotion is consistent with the perspective from2012 Tai, Narayanan, and McAllister 119 evolutionary psychology that envy can function display both positive and negative behaviors. as a signal that someone or something is ob- Past empirical findings have shown that em- structing one’s course of action (Buss, 1989). Such ployees frequently receive both support and un- an emotional response generates subjective dis- dermining from the same colleague (Duffy et al., tress, which motivates adaptive action to pre- 2002; Hobman et al., 2009). To date, however, vent future interference (Buss, 1989). Moreover, there has been no explanation put forward for recent research shows that envious parties pay why people at work might behave in this appar- more attention to envied targets (Hill, DelPriore, ently contradictory manner. Our framework sug- & Vaughan, 2011). As an adaptation, the pain of gests that prosocial behavior and social under- envy, along with the attention it draws toward mining are most likely both present when core the envied target, may motivate people to ex- self-evaluations are at intermediary levels— pend effort to address the unfavorable situation neither high nor low. Under these conditions (Hill & Buss, 2008), and this can lead to diverse both forms of behavior can reduce pain by re- behavioral responses. These include actions to storing equity. For instance, while an employ- diminish the relative advantage of an envied ee’s covert social undermining of a colleague target (e.g., Elster, 1998; Smith, 1991; Zizzo & Os- may serve to bring the envied party down, the wald, 2001) and/or cooperative actions to in- envious employee’s presentation of him/herself crease one’s inclusive fitness (e.g., Frank, 1999; as a prosocial helper may serve to raise the self. Matt, 2003). In our view, those with favorable We acknowledge that envy is an interper- core self-evaluations will select the latter ap- sonal phenomenon, and our analysis addresses proach, with due consideration of the potential only the behavioral implications for envious costs of doing so (Frank, 1985). Ultimately, as an parties. It will be important to address the expe- adaptive emotion, envy serves to better equip rience of being envied and its effects on behav- people to address survival needs and to secure ior. Past research has highlighted the ambiva- valued resources, thereby enhancing their inclu- lence associated with being envied: being the sive fitness. target of envy may be privately satisfying for a Our approach departs from current research number of reasons, but it may also be a source of arguing that benign and malicious envy are dis- interpersonal strain (Exline & Lobel, 1999; Mos- tinct constructs (van de Ven et al., 2009). Envy is quera, Parrott, & de Mendoza, 2010; van de Ven, a painful emotion, much like jealousy, guilt, and Zeelenberg, & Pieters, 2010; Zell & Exline, 2010). shame (Tangney & Salovey, 1999). Empirical ev- The potential for positive interpersonal dynam- idence showing that shame is associated with ics that follow from being envied has not been either increased or decreased helping and job examined. However, our framework reveals that performance is consistent with our approach being envied can evoke a challenge orientation (Bagozzi et al., 2003). Although we might eventu- in the envious colleague, which may lead the ally learn that envy may exist in more than one individual to refrain from undermining and in- form, we caution against construct proliferation stead to provide prosocial assistance. If this is before establishing that the full range of out- the case, feelings of being envied by others may comes cannot be understood and explained with be associated with increased felt responsibility one definition, that the defining qualities of and obligation to them, as well as greater com- these constructs (e.g., pain as defining of envy) mitment to sharing one’s expertise, knowledge, are present in each functional form, and that and resources with them. clear separation is maintained between each Research in neuroscience may also provide construct and its outcomes. We are concerned insight into how people subjectively experience that the extent to which pain is actually present the feelings of being envied. Recent research in benign envy has not been established empir- shows that the ventral striatum that is associ- ically. Clearly, there is a need for empirical ated with reward processing is activated in so- work to address competing claims in envy cial comparison episodes (Fliessbach et al., scholarship. 2007). In their research Fliessbach and col- Consistent with the view that complex emo- leagues found that reward systems were more tions are not easily aligned with any singular likely to be activated when a subject’s payoff action tendency (Frijda, 1986), our model ex- was greater than another party’s and, thus, plains how it is possible for envious parties to when the subject may have been the target of
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