IRA Veterans: Continuing the Fight, or Passing On the Flame? - Noria Research
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IRA Veterans:
Continuing the Fight, or Passing On the Flame?
by Hadrien Holstein - March 2019
Following a police check, a young activist simulates being in possession of a weapon in front of a mural
painting bearing the name of his neighborhood. February 20, 2017, Derry © Hadrien Holstein
1
HADRIEN HOLSTEIN SUMMARY
Hadrien Holstein is a PhD Candidate in Since the end of the conflict in Northern
Political Science at the University Paris- Ireland in 1998, the veterans of the Irish
Nanterre. He holds two Master degrees in Republican Army (IRA) have become a
Political science and Philosophy from the central feature of the republican political and
Panthéon-Sorbonne University. His previous associative networks. A particular generation
research focused on the Irish republicans of activists leans on the prestige of its previous
during the conflict in Northern Ireland. commitments to continue the struggle through
Currently, Hadrien is focusing on the conventional organizations integrated into the
ex-Republican fighters’ militancy and their democratic process. Today, these veterans are
local anchorage, within a post-conflict facing a dilemma: to continue the struggle,
configuration. bearing its cost, or abandon it to younger
generations, thus accepting to be relegated as
mere figures of the past. This article analyzes
the central position of these veterans, as well
as the role they play in the (non) return to
violence, in the context of Brexit.
The Northern Irish conflict began in 1969
after the Northern Ireland Civil Rights
Association campaign claimed civil rights
for Catholics, and ended in 1998 with the
signature of the Good Friday Agreements.
Since the end of the conflict, which con-
cluded with a death toll of approximately
3,500 civilians and military1, the restructur-
ing of the Northern Irish Police in 2001, and
the departure of the British Army in 2007,
State repression has been reduced. Simi-
larly, the dissolution of paramilitary organi-
zations has considerably reduced the level of
armed violence which is now only claimed
by republican “dissidents” who reject the
peace agreements.
In this more peaceful context, the majority
of the republican camp has been integrated
into the democratic process through Sinn
1. According to the North Irish Archives on the Northern Ireland re-
viewed on July 23, 2018.
2
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Féin2, a republican party close to the Irish they are mostly Catholic and “republi-
Republican Army (IRA) since it dissolved in can,” meaning they pledge for a reunified
2005. On February 10th 2018, Gerry Adams, Irish Republic without British presence.
an iconic figure both in the Northern Irish
In this context, the term “veteran” encom-
conflict and in the negotiations which
passes a broad category of actors which
ended the armed struggle, left Sinn Féin’s
differ according to their territorial anchor-
presidency to pass the position on to Mary
age, politicization process, commitment
Lou McDonald. With this handover, the
period, experience of violence, of clandes-
party intends to reaffirm its commitment
tinity, time spent in prison as well as the
to peaceful methods and the generational
paths of reintegration into civilian life. Yet,
renewal of its members by which it seeks to
among the multiple generations which have
improve its political position. Indeed, Sinn
joined the IRA, those born in the 1950s have
Féin is the second elected political force
taken center stage since the beginning of the
in Northern Ireland where it served in the
conflict.4 At the end of the conflict, this gen-
government until March 2017.3 The party
eration used the symbolic capital acquired
is seeking an equivalent status in Southern
during the armed struggle and prison expe-
Ireland where it represents the third largest
rience to seek political positions, invest or
political force.
create associations, working for peace and
Nevertheless, the presence of IRA veterans restorative justice. Central to the repub-
in republican networks, and moreover in lican networks, this generation is divided
political parties and Northern Irish society, between the desire to continue the struggle
shows that the bond with the IRA is not for independence, or to pass it on to activ-
broken. This invites us to focus on the trans- ists from the post-conflict generations who
formations of veterans’ militancy and their are now between 15 and 25 years old. These
conversion within a Northern Irish society former IRA activists attempt to extend their
characterized by the remaining identity activism through partisan institutions while
tensions between unionists and national- being torn between the Northern Irish iden-
ists. One should recall that unionists, on the tity issue, which is a legacy of the war, and
one hand, were in favor of Northern Ireland reintegration into civilian life. This article
remaining within the United Kingdom aims to document the tension and this
considering themselves to be British, and process by showing firstly how these vet-
are mostly Protestant. On the other hand, erans seek to ensure the continuity of their
the Nationalists consider themselves Irish, action on a territorial level, with the risk of
2. “Ourselves” in Irish Gaelic.
3. Since the early legislative elections of March 2, 2017, Northern Ireland is without a government because of a deep disagreement between Sinn
Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). DUP leader Arlene Foster is charged with corruption in the awarding of a public contract. Sinn Féin
refuses to take part in the government as long as she is a member of it.
4. This generation, disappointed by the failure of the civil rights movement, experienced repression and took part in the armed struggle in the early
1970s, contributing to the re-emergence of the IRA. After experiencing internment without trial, it has engaged itself heavily in the struggle to obtain
the status of “political prisoner.”
3IRA veterans raise their fists during a commemoration organized by Sinn Féin. The men display the blankets
they wore during their detention. August 14, 2016, Belfast © Hadrien Holstein
becoming “prisoners” of the conflict, and visions of the Good Friday Agreement,
secondly we will see that the organizations, they have founded or become members
which are centered around veteran figures, of political parties or various associations
allow them to ensure a transmission of the whether organized by neighborhoods, cul-
nationalist struggle. tural organizations, veterans, aid to rehabil-
itation, victims of the conflict, etc. Within
CONVENTIONAL these various groups, veterans occupy all
hierarchical levels, from grassroots activ-
REPUBLICAN NETWORKS ists to managerial positions. Belonging to a
STRUCTURED similar and vast informal network (conven-
BY VETERANS tional or dissident), these various organiza-
tions cooperate with each other. This coop-
Since the end of the conflict, the majority eration is reinforced by the fact that these
of the IRA veterans who wish to pursue the associations revolve around political parties,
struggle are converting their revolutionary and also, because some veterans belong to
efforts by implicating themselves in organ- several groups and use networks they have
izations which are part of the democratic established in prison. They are thus very
process. Following their release between visible on the political scene, which rein-
1998 and 2000, in accordance with the pro- forces their self-perception, as shown by an
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IRA veteran: “the former prisoners are every- take advantage of their participation in a
where.” They provide a very tight network of milestone event to enhance their prestige.
republican territory, not only from a polit- By integrating the parties or associations,
ical and economic point of view, but also the 1970s activists ensure they are able to
from a social and cultural one. perpetuate their situation or at least mini-
mize the costs caused by the transition. For
These new organizations enable veterans
the activists of the following generations,
to continue to campaign while position-
ing themselves inside the republican polit- this process is harder to implement.
ical field, especially via Sinn Féin, where
many former IRA activists gathered, as well
as through the election of some members
THE HEAVY WEIGHT
to political positions. This party claims to OF THE PAST: STEPPING
monopolize republican representation to OUT OF FORMER
continue with the peace process as well as the
IRA’s legacy and the fight for independence. PRISONER STATUS
Other radical activists, like those of Saoradh5,
By seeking to remain within Northern Ire-
a far-left party that implicitly supports the
land’s political and identity process, veter-
continuation of the armed struggle6, claim
ans find themselves caught within a par-
to be representatives of a “true” republican-
adoxical personal process: while trying to
ism. They criticize the compromises made
get out of the former status as prisoners,
with the British government by veterans who
which is considered a burden, the memory
joined Sinn Féin at the end of the conflict.
of the conflict is constantly reactivated by
This specific status within activist networks anecdotes and highlights of their commit-
concerns almost exclusively older veterans, ments and/or imprisonments. This situation
meaning the generation which joined the generates personal difficulties in making a
IRA in the 1970s. At the end of the con- transition from conflict to trivial topics:
flict, they are the ones who acquired pres-
tigious status as well as strong symbolic “At Seamus’s wedding there were
capital because of their engagement in the only former prisoners at the table.
key moments of Irish republican history. On They all talked about the past, the
the contrary, younger veterans from gen- war. At one point, I got tired of it and
erations who were engaged in the 1980s or I cried out, “But damn it guys, can
1990s have not yet transformed their con- anyone talk about something else?
flict and/or prison experiences into political Life is cool, love is great, sex is fun!
resources. Unlike their elders they cannot Can we change the subject?”7
5. “Freedom” in Irish Gaelic.
6. This support translates into assistance for current “dissident” republican prisoners, labeled as terrorists by the central State and by the threate-
ning speeches with regard to the police.
7. Interview with Padraig, IRA veteran in a rural area, conducted at his home on April 23, 2018.
5Unwilling to talk about their own suffering, gap between these activists and the rest
former activists prefer to loosely mention of the nationalist population: they are the
the problems that some of their comrades respected heroes of a past that we wish to
encounter. Out of 60 interviewees, only two leave behind.9
declared they suffered from the transition
Moreover, the State contributes to the vet-
and had post-traumatic stress. Yet, when
erans’ isolation with their status through
expressed, this suffering reveals the brutal-
a legal and institutional discriminatory
ity of the situation: “When I returned home
system. Indeed, having a political prison-
after being in jail, I felt like a stranger in my
er’s background is a legal criterion to deny
own community.”8
a person a job, an insurance contract or the
Activists conceal the cost of the transition, adoption of a child. As a result, most former
but former detainees’ wives or associa- prisoners occupy low-skilled positions, for
tions provide access to this post-conflictual example as collective taxi drivers. Some
dimension. For example, Sean’s wife, whose veterans consider themselves as the major
husband is a veteran turned photojournal- losers of the conflict: despite having been
ist for a republican newspaper, reveals he the ones to take the arms and the risks, they
secretly cries on a daily basis. Aodhan’s do not enjoy the civil and political rights
wife, a veteran elected MP, describes him granted to republican civilians. Facing this
as always imprisoned “in his mind.” Indeed, fact, some associations campaign for the
during the 1970s, these incarcerated activ- rights, the end of discriminations or consti-
ists, who claimed the status of political pris- tute discussion groups between former con-
oner, led this fight through various means victs. However, in both cases, these organ-
which have left their mark up until today. izations are involved in the assignment of
Their main action was to live naked, in these activists to former prisoner status.
blankets, to refuse to wash, to shave, to cut
their hair and to cover the walls of their cells
with their excrement. Several years after COACHING YOUNG
their release, some activists have contracted ACTIVISTS
certain diseases, such as bronchial pathol-
ogies, which were brought about because The continuity of their activism allows
of conditions while in detention. The asso- IRA veterans to shape their image as actors
ciations supporting former prisoners iden- working for the interest of the national-
tify the psychological and physical difficul- ist community. Its members all share a
ties to which they are particularly exposed: common imaginary of the struggle, they
alcoholism, drug addiction, depression and know the heroes’ military exploits, anec-
health problems caused by imprisonment. dotes about ordinary activists, and question
These painful ghosts of the past create a veterans on particular aspects of the conflict
8. Interview with Dan, Belfast IRA veteran, conducted in Belfast on April 23, 2018.
9. Interview with Maureen, activist in a former prisoners’ support association, conducted in Belfast on November 30, 2015.
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During a memorial march for hunger strikes organized by Sinn Féin, activists of a republican brass band salute
Bobby Sands, one of the martyrs who died while on a hunger strike. August 14, 2016, Belfast
© Hadrien Holstein
such as their potential ties to Bobby Sands.10 Among young Northern Irish nationalists,
Most often appearing in normal conversa- there is a fantasized imaginary of the politi-
tions, these stories can nevertheless be told cal struggle through the glorification of the
in public in a methodical and/or theatrical armed struggle. This imaginary is percepti-
fashion. For example, the republican brass ble in certain events, such as nationalist con-
band, Spirit of Freedom in Derry rehearses certs where the public chants “IRA.” Con-
in Sinn Féin’s premises, facing the portraits sidering this context where most veterans
of 48 dead local IRA activists hanging on are reluctant to talk about this part of their
the walls.11 Pubs also host conflict-focused lives, including to their children, and where
events and parties where activists are invited the conflict is not yet part of the school pro-
to talk about their personal trajectories and grams, political parties offer young activists
stories about their comrades. During these the keys to analyzing the conflict. Political
events, their testimonies are illustrated with parties handle their education by putting
photo projections (plan of the prison to them in contact with former activists and
describe the pathways used to escape etc.) providing them with classes which include
and musical interludes comprised of repub- visiting historical places. Integrating a
lican songs.12 republican network allows young activists
10. Iconic martyr of the republican cause, Bobby Sands was the leader of the 10 republican prisoners who died during a hunger strike in 1981 in
order to obtain political prisoner status.
11. Participant observation with the Spirit of Freedom Flute Band in Derry on April 24, 2018.
12. Participant observation at the Andersonstown Social Club in Belfast on August 13, 2016.
7to deepen their knowledge of the history of A GENERATIONAL
republicanism and to enhance their political
awareness. In return, former activists who
DIVISION OF ACTIVIST
testify, receive two rewards from the party: WORK
firstly, the party officially credits them with
Along with this transmission, veterans use
the prestigious figure of former prisoner,
republican networks to transmit practices
thus providing them access to a certain
and carry out joint actions with the younger
social position, secondly, they receive some ones: activist brass bands, leaflet distribu-
form of collective protection and solidarity tion, demonstrations or installation of plac-
during legal lawsuits or when public criti- ards. Transmission is also achieved through
cism eventually occurs. a generational renewal of elected officials
since many elected Sinn Féin veterans grad-
Apart from the history of the struggle, vet-
ually give up their political mandates to
erans seek to transmit political awareness
hand them over to younger activists. This
within their various networks. For example,
renewal mainly concerns high profile man-
the manager of the Jim O’Neill and Robert
dates such as those of Sinn Féin’s leaders in
Allsopp brass band, who is close to Sinn
Northern Ireland or Northern Irish MPs.
Féin, states that he uses activism centered
around the commemoration offered by brass There is a certain generational gap in activ-
bands to divert young citizens from the dis- ist work since some tasks are informally
sident organizations’ attraction. Through a attributed to a certain age group. The vet-
political use of music, he attempts to orient erans pursue a militancy focused on the
other activists towards integration of the conflict and carry out symbolic actions such
as urban vigilant tactics on certain precise
legal, political process. On the contrary,
milestone dates marked by a renewal of
Eoin, a veteran of the Irish National Libera-
identity tensions, as for instance on July
tion Army, now an Irish Republican Social-
11th when unionists make giant bonfires.
ist Party activist, encourages young party
Similarly, a majority of veterans are present
militants to cultivate a type of political mar-
during the commemorations of events or
ginality by resorting to illegal actions. This
for martyrs of the conflict. As for young
transmission can also take different forms, activists, they are more responsible for new
orienting young activists on their career campaigns such as the invalidation of water
choices, lining up with the strategic goals of taxation in Southern Ireland, or listing Irish
the movement. For example, Paddy, a young as co-official language in Northern Ireland.
man from Sinn Féin, wishes to pursue law They also take charge of the neighbor-
school to become a lawyer ever since a char- hood’s defense against any police incursions
ismatic leader told him that the nationalist through rioting practices. In this case, the
community lacked them.13 veteran is a spectator of the clash between
13. Interview with Paddy, member of Ógra Shinn Féin, conducted in Belfast on April 25, 2018.
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the neighborhood youth and the police. This
phenomenon is an opportunity for veterans
who are members of conventional organ-
izations to condemn this form of violent
engagement, despite the fact they practiced
it at the same age, while veterans who sym-
pathize with dissidents support and encour-
age the youngest to resort to violence and
criticize the hypocrisy of their counterparts
who are members of less radical networks.
CONCLUSION
In Ireland, veterans try to find their place
between a past that defines them, a present
that they invest in with quiet suffering, and
a future that does not seem to concern them.
It seems obvious to carry out the struggle
that they were involved in since adoles-
cence, and, at the same time, they express
the need to withdraw in order to give way to
a new generation of activists. This paradox
generates an ever greater confinement in
their former prisoner status from which they
draw much of their legitimacy and social
position, although it also goes along with
many stigmas in today’s Irish society. In
their eyes, coaching young activists seems
like the only way to ensure the continuation
of the struggle. However, the uncertain-
ties related to Brexit spread doubt among
these old republicans on the prospect of the
Island’s reunification, and they fear a return
of the armed struggle by the young militants
with whom they stand alongside. Noria is a network
of researchers and analysts
which promotes the work of
a new generation of specialists
in international politics.
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