The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake
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The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake
CLARE J. A. MITCHELL
Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3G1 (email: cjamitch@fes.uwaterloo.ca)
R. GREG ATKINSON
Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3G1 (e-mail: rg2atkin@fes.uwaterloo.ca)
ANDRMl CLARK
Department of Geography, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada N2L 3Gl
Heritage shopping villages are becoming increasingly Les villages commerciaux patrimoniaux deviennent de
commonplace in rural North America. Their creation plus en plus courants en Amerique du Nord rurale.
reflects the demands of post-modern consumers to Leur creation reflete les exigences des consommateurs
purchase symbolic capital in the form of unique postmodernes qui achetent un capital symbolique sous
products and experiences reflecting a bygone era. forme de produits et d'experiences uniques, evoquant
Entrepreneurs have responded to this by une epoque revolue. Les entrepreneurs reagissent en
commodifiing heritage and tradition; a process that reifiant le patrimoine et la tradition, processus qui
leads to the creation of new landscapes and a mene a I'elaboration de nouveaux paysages et a
perceived destruction of the old. This transformation I'apparente destruction du vieux. Cette transformation
has been described in the model of creative a i t 6 ddcrite duns le modele de la destruction creatrice
destruction (Mitchell 1998). In this paper the model is (Mitchell 1998). Duns cet expose, le modele est
applied to Old Niagara-on-the-Lake,a heritage applique a Old Niagara-on-the-Lake,village
shopping village located in southern Ontario, Canada. commercial patrimonial situe duns le sud de /'Ontario,
Data on functional change, visitor numbers and au Canada. Des donnees sur le changement
residents' attitudes are analysed for the period 1950- fonctionnel, le nombre de visiteurs et /'attitude des
1998. It is concluded that historic Niagara-on-the-Lakeis residants sont analysees pour la periode allant de
in the early stages of 'advanced destruction; one 1950 a 1998. I1 est conch que le Niagara-on-the-Lake
characterized by major investment, large numbers of historique est parvenu aux premiers stades de la
visitors and partial destruction of the rural idyll. Results destruction avancee, qui se caracterisent par de forts
of this analysis confirm that while the basic premise of investissements, un grand nombre de visiteurs et la
the model is sound, modifications are required to destruction partielle de I'idylle rurale. Les resultats de
accommodate some of the studfs findings. cette analyse confirment que mZme si le principe de
base du modele semblejudicieux, des modifications
Key words: heritage; Niagara-on-the-Lake;creative sont requises pour tenir compte de certaines
destruction; rural idyll constatations de I'etude.
Mots-cles: le patrimoine; Niagara-on-the-Lake;la
destruction creatrice; I'idylle rurale
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001) 285-299
0 / Canadian Association of Geographers / LlAssociation canadienne des geographes286 Clare J. A. Mitchell, R. Greg Atkinson and Andrew Clark
@3-----
Rural landscapes have undergone tremendous change the argument by linking these new desires to econom-
throughout the latter part of the present century. In ic forces, such as globalisation and time-space com-
some localities, primary production sites have been pression. In his own words:
converted to centres of consumption (Barnes and
the more global interrelations become... and the
Hayter 1992;Gill and Reed 1997), while in others, low
more spatial barriers disintegrate, so more rather
order central places have taken on specialised func-
than less of the world’s population clings to place
tions, elevating their role in the settlement system. It
and neighbourhood or to nation ... as specific
is the latter transformation that we are concerned with
marks of identity. Such a quest for visible and tan-
in this paper; specifically, the creation of landscapes of
gible marks of identity is readily understandable
commodified heritage. These landscapes, which we
in the midst of fierce time-space compression.
call heritage shopping villages, represent a new type of
There is still an insistent urge to look for roots in
post-modern community; one whose emergence can
a world where image streams accelerate and
be traced both to consumer demand, and entrepre-
become more and more placeless.
neurial response. Researchers agree that their creation
can be financially very lucrative for those who are These ideas have been explored by many (Featherstone
involved (Dahms 1991; Getz 1993; Park and Coppack 1990; Zeppel and Hall 1991; Cloke and Goodwin 1992;
1994). If left unchecked, however, excessive invest- Park and Coppack 1994) who also agree that society’s
ment ultimately will lead to destruction of the idyllic desire to root itself in the present, forces it to look to
rural landscape that local residents formerly enjoyed the past. Others have suggested more practical reasons
(Doxey 1976; Dahms 1991; Bunce 1994). The model of for the rise of heritage-seeking consumers. Herbert
creative destruction was developed to describe the (1995),for example, speaks of increases in mobility lev-
process by which this occurs. To date, it has been test- els that have drawn people to historic sites in the
ed only once (Mitchell 1998). The purpose of this United Kingdom, while Mitchell (1998) draws attention
paper is to apply the model to a second locality; a com- to growth in discretionary time and income, which also
munity that we expect also has taken the path of has facilitated travel to nostalgic localities. To complete
destruction predicted by the model. the picture, however, we must add the role of entre-
preneurs whose investments enhance the heritage
The Creation of a Heritage Landscape landscape so desired by consumers.
In the original paper, Mitchell (1998) attributes the
The contemporary desire to experience or accumulate creation of heritage landscapes to the actions of prof-
heritage is largely responsible for the emergence of it-driven entrepreneurs. This premise is based on the
these new consumption spaces. Heritage is an eclectic work of Harvey (1985,1987,1988)who argues that the
concept that is normally equated with traditions and quest for profit is a dominant force behind capitalism.
objects (both cultural and natural) that are inherited This desire, he suggests, results in a process of invest-
from the past (Hardy 1988; Butler 1989; Herbert et al. ment and reinvestment that gives rise to a cycle of cap-
1989; Hewison 1989; Hall and McArthur 1996). ital accumulation. The cycle is not only financial, but
Traditions include such things as religious practices, takes on a spatial dimension as investment leads to
dialects, customs and ways of life that are built up the creation of sites of accumulation, or what Harvey
from time and memory (Collins 1990). The physical (1985) calls, rationale landscapes.
manifestation of heritage takes a variety of forms Since approximately 1970, North American entrepre-
including artefacts, buildings, sites (groups of build- neurs have invested in the renovation or establishment
ings), townscapes and landscapes (Hall and McArthur of venues designed for the production and sale of her-
1996). In combination, these types of heritage repre- itage commodities and aesthetic experiences Uameson
sent both the tangible commodities and intangible 1984). Their role in fostering this “commodification”of
experiences so desired by today’s middle class. heritage has resulted in the creation of a new type of
The quest for nostalgia can be attributed to several rationale landscape; one that appropriates cultural val-
things. Konrad (1982, 412), for example, argued that ues and images from a previous “historic and hegemon-
the increased emphasis on retrospection was due to “a ic bloc”(Cloke and Goodwin 1992,325).Such landscapes
psychological need for continuity, the desire to tran- have appeared both in urban locals (Britton 1991) and
scend contemporary experience” and “the urge to rural settings (Park and Coppack 1994).In the latter case,
know one’s roots”. Harvey (1990, 427) later extended they take the form of heritage shopping villages; com-
The Canadian Geographer / Le Cecgraphe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake 287
8
munities that specialize in both the production and con- past; in essence, the rural idyll” (Mitchell 1998, 277).
sumption of heritage-related commodities and experi- There are five stages in the process of creative
ences. While yielding significant financial benefits for destruction: early commodification; advanced com-
those who are involved, the creation of this new land- modification; early destruction; advanced destruction;
scape inevitably is accompanied by certain costs. and post-destruction. As a community progresses
through these stages, increases occur in investment
The Process of Creative Destruction levels, visitor numbers and negative attitudes towards
tourism. This evolution is often inevitable, for in a
Shumpeter (1942) and later Harvey (1987, 1988) society driven to accumulate capital, limiting invest-
observed that the creation of new landscapes ulti- ment is “counter-intuitiveto the entrepreneurial mind-
mately results in destruction of the old. In urban set” (Mitchell 1998, 284). This paper seeks to deter-
locales this has been manifest in the wholesale mine if such a process is at work in the southern
replacement of ageing industrial districts with urban Ontario community of Niagara-on-the-Lake.
‘spectacles’(Harvey 1989a; Britton 1991; Hollinshead
19971, or other consumption-based complexes centred Niagara-on-theLake
on the heritage or cultural industry (Zukin 1990; Hall
and Hubert 1996; Killian and Dodson 1996; Chang Niagara-on-the-Lake is located at the mouth of the
1997). In non-metropolitan communities similar Niagara River on the south shore of Lake Ontario in the
trends can be observed Uameson 1984; Dorst 1989; province of Ontario, Canada (Figure 1). It is one of 12
Britton 1991; Cloke and Goodwin 1992; Lowe 1993). municipalities that comprise the Regional Municipality
As described above, here investments result in the of Niagara, home to more than 400,000 residents
conversion of occupied or abandoned structures to (Statistics Canada 1997, 107). The region itself, and
venues suitable for the sale and/or production of more specifically the City of Niagara Falls, is recog-
handcrafted products, local cuisine, customs or tradi- nized internationally as a tourist destination. This rep-
tions. In some localities, however, the transformation utation is attributed largely to the presence of
is more than physical. As the new landscape unfolds, “HorseshoeFalls”,which attract an estimated 13.4 mil-
the influx of consumers will be seen by some as an lion visitors annually (City of Niagara Falls, 2000, l).
invasion or threat to a way of life (Butler 1980; While this “wonder of the world” is the primary draw
Curphey 1984; Lowenthall985; Brown and Giles 1994; to the region, the community of Niagara-on-the-Lake
Herbert 1995; Hall and McArthur 1996; Tinsdell and (population 13,238; Statistics Canada 1997), located
Roy 1998). Ultimately, what may result, is destruction 15 km to the north, also has emerged as a tourist des-
of the “rural idyll”(Mingay 1989; Short 1991; Halfacree tination in its own rightl.
1995; Gill and Reed 1997),an image of rural life that is Throughout the latter part of the present century,
happy, healthy, problem-free “safelynesting with both the “Old town”of Niagara-on-the-Lakehas evolved into
a close social community and a contiguous natural a very successful heritage shopping village. This evo-
environment” (Cloke and Milbourne 1992, 349).This is lution is not surprising because the community
a process that Mitchell (1998) has explored and opera- embodies the three ingredients necessary for their cre-
tionalised in the model of creative destruction. ation (Mitchell 1998). First, the town is readily accessi-
The model is based on the evolving relationship ble to a large population drawn not only from the
among three variables: entrepreneurial investment; region of which it is a part, but also from several neigh-
consumption; and destruction of the rural idyll. The bouring Canadian and American metropolitan centres.
premise underlying the model is that the desire to Metropolitan Toronto (now part of the Greater Toronto
accumulate profit drives investment in the produc- Area) is home to more than two million people and is
tion, sale and marketing of local heritage. These initia- located approximately two hours from Niagara-on-the-
tives entice consumers in search of nostalgia, whose Lake, accessible via a limited access highway (Statistics
subsequent purchase of both tangible products (e.g., Canada 1997, 107). The city of Buffalo, New York, is
pottery or quilts) and intangible experiences (e.g.,view- one of several large American cities, also found within
ing an artist at work) generate profit for reinvestment. a day tripping distance, providing an additional popu-
As the commodified landscape unfolds, it ultimately lation source (Figure 1).
results in destruction of the old; “a landscape per- Niagara-on-the-Lake,deemed the “prettiest town in
ceived by residents as one embodying vestiges of the Canada” (Niagara-on-the-LakeChamber of Commerce
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)288 Clare J. A. Mitchell, R. Greg Atkinson and Andrew Clark
Q
Fmure 2
Typical Niagara-on-the-Lakeresidence
Georgian architecture (Figure 2). Distinguished homes
Figure 1 “with high ceilinged rooms, verandahs festooned with
Location of Niagara-on-the-Lake
gingerbread, roofs with turrets and widow’s walks”
(Stokes 1971, 12) contributed to the creation of a
1999, 1) is replete with amenity, the second character- unique Upper Canada landscape. As residential streets
istic necessary for the creation of a heritage shopping took form, so too did the commercial district. In con-
village (Mitchell 1998). Park and Coppack (1994, 164) trast with the formal treatment of matching facades so
define amenity as “attraction invested in landscape, typical of many downtown streetscapes, the commer-
place and locality, premised on characteristics per- cial district of the Old Town represents “the primitive
ceived as pleasant, particularly those characteristics of stage of main street development” where “every man
an intangible nature which serve psychological rather builds for himself regardless of his neighbour” (Stokes
than physical needs“.An attractive natural setting, his- 1971, 12). The result is a picturesque and organic
torical attributes, or local customs and traditions, each streetscape, one which stands in sharp contrast to the
may contribute alone, or in concert, to create a land- ordered and disciplined texture typical of formal
scape ideally suited to commodification. development approaches (Stokes 1971).
While each of these characteristics is present, it is Although its administrative and commercial func-
the sense of history that envelops the town that is per- tions were greatly reduced by 1850, improvements in
haps the most important contributor to the amenity transportation linkages (i.e. trains and steamers) soon
environment. The original village of Niagara-on-the- stimulated the town’s emergence as a premier resort
Lake (Newark) was settled in 1780 by United Empire community. With its “ease of access, beauty of scenery,
Loyalists who fled persecution after the American and wealth of attraction”, the Old Town soon proved
Revolution (Stokes 1971).Until the middle of the nine- irresistible to the “seeker after pleasure and health
teenth century, the community functioned as an (Clark 1904, 7). Several hotels appeared to accompany
important administrative, military and commercial the influx of summer visitors. The Prince of Wales, a
centre. As the first Capital of Upper Canada, the need three story Victorian-style Inn, for example “wasa pres-
for defence against American forces prompted the tigious lodging in the late 1800s that welcomed visitors
construction of Fort George by the British in 1795, and arriving by steamship, stagecoach and railway” (Dunn
later Fort Mississauga during the War of 1812. 1995,281.The Moffat Inn, “a simple Georgian style two-
Although both structures were nearly completely story building with a gable roof and balanced facade”
destroyed by American forces, reconstruction efforts (Dunn 1995, 28) also served an increasing number of
during the 1930s and 1940s were successful in restor- visitors in search of a restful holiday.
ing Fort George and, in doing so, preserving part of the The prosperity enjoyed by Niagara-on-the-hke,
region’s heritage (Stokes 1971). however, was short-lived. With the onset of the First
The rebuilding efforts that emerged after the War of World War, tourist numbers waned bringing the resort
1812 also created a legacy of neo-classical and era to an end. (Stokes 1971).The buildings that remain
The Canadian Geographer / Le Gecgraphe canadien 45. no 2 (2001)The creative destruction of Niaaara-on-the-Lake 289
from this period, however, created the landscape upon Table 1
Visitor and resident surveys 1968 - 1998
which a new type of tourism activity would later
unfold. These activities would emerge, at least in part,
Authods) Date Sample size Participants
from entrepreneurial investment in the production, ~
sale and marketing of local heritage. Klopchic 1968 949 Shaw visitors
It is generally agreed that an accessible site, replete Klopchic 1973 505 Shaw visitors
with amenity, will only emerge as a heritage shopping Doxey 1976 200 NOTL residents
village if entrepreneurial activity is present (Dahms MacFarlane 1977 41 NOTL residents
Vandendool 1979 1200 Shaw visitors
1991; Mitchell 1998). Such is the case in Niagara-on- Mitchell & Wall 1985 151 Shaw visitors
the-Lake. Throughout the latter half of the present cen- Boyd 1990 41 NOTL residents
tury, a number of entrepreneurs have invested time, COC&MTR 1992 287 NOTL visitors
energy and finances to facilitate the transformation. Shaw Festival 1997 Shaw visitors
The authors 1998 82 NOTL residents
While much of this investment has come from the
local area, Niagara-on-the-Lake recently has attracted
the interest of an outside investor, an individual whose Notes:
1 NOTL refers to Old Niagaraon-the-Lake,COC is the Niagara-on-the-Lake
activities may elevate the town’s reputation to new Chamber of Commerce and h4lR is the Ministiy of Tourism and Recreation.
heights. It is these investments, when coupled with an 2 Sample size was not disclosed in the Shaw Festival ( I 997) survey.
accessible location and an amenity environment, 3 The date provided is the year when the survey was conducted
which have facilitated the transformation of Niagara-
on-the-lake into a heritage shopping village.
ample information to document evolving attitudes
Methodology towards tourism over the past two decades.
This paper seeks to determine if the evolution of Old The Creative Destruction of
Niagara-on-the-Lake has taken the path of creative Niagaraon-thelake
destruction as predicted by the model. To meet this
objective, change in the three variables that drive each
stage of the model is described. First, direct and indi- Early commodification
rect information on investment is presented. For the The first stage in the process of creative destruction is
more recent period, the primary investor provided one of investment in venues to house the production
direct information on expenditures (cited in Mallet and/or sale of heritage-related goods and experiences.
1997). Indirect information collected from Dun and These initiatives attract visitors, whose expenditures
Bradstreet Reference Books also was used to describe generate financial benefits for those involved. At this
the evolving functional structure of the community time the attitudes of local residents towards their new
since 1945. While these books do not provide consis- landscape are favourable, and the rural idyll remains
tent data on the financial strength of every local firm, intact (Mitchell 1998).
they are a useful historical source on evolving business In Old Niagara-on-the-Lakethe period of early com-
composition. Second, the Shaw Festival provided his- modification began in 1950 and continued for nearly
toric data on consumption levels (i.e. paid attendance). 20 years. Two types of investments were forthcoming
These data were supplemented with information found during this stage: the establishment of facilities
in various secondary sources including a number of designed to attract the heritage-seekingconsumer; and,
visitor surveys that were conducted between 1968 and the purchase and restoration of historically or architec-
1998 (Table 1). Finally, data on resident attitudes turally significant properties by private investors. In
towards tourism were documented from a content combination,each of these initiatives revitalized a stag-
analysis of articles appearing in the local weekly news- nating economy and, at the same time, placed the Old
paper, The Niuguru Advance since 1960. Additional Town on the path of creative destruction.
information on attitudes of residents living in the Old Three significant facilities were made available to
Town since 1976 was gleaned from a series of resident the public during this early period. First, was the offi-
surveys conducted by a variety of researchers, includ- cial opening of Fort George in 1950, a structure that
ing the authors in 1998 (Table 1).Many of the questions had been “restored exactly as it was in frontier times”
posed in these surveys were identical, thus providing (Anonymous 1963,2). Second, was the opening of the
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)290 Clare J. A. Mitchell, R. Greg Atkinson and Andrew Clark
Table 2 Table 3
Niagaraon-the-LakeBusiness: I945 - 1995 Paid attendance at the Shaw Festival
1945 1955 1965 1975 1985 1995 Date Anendance Date Anendance
. .
Total Number of Businesses 48 77 82 131 203 259 1966 26,485 1990 265,512
Number of Restaurams 1 2 I 10 21 21 1973 109,999 1991 245,249
Acmmmodatmn facilitces 1 3 3 6 II 18 1983 22 1,083 1992 278,816
Number of Retail Outlets 26 45 42 45 71 58 1984 227,489 1993 257,613
T)rperofIff;rHoutkrr: I985 256,631 1994 277,694
kilding material 3 3 4 4 1986 266,463 1995 289,957
General merchandise 3 4 3 0 1987 278,490 1996 289,219
Food 8 16 9 8 1988 277,165 1997 308,204
Automobtles, gasoline 4 6 10 10 1989 264.1 16 I998 32 1,204
Furnttutehome furnishings I 6 8 1
APpa=l 2 2 5 6 SOURCE: Mitchell and Wall ( I
985:appendix), and the Shaw Festival Theatre
Miscellaneous 7 8 9 16 Foundation (e-mail response, March 16 1999).
NOTE: Miscellaneous includes stores selling pharmaceuticals, liquor, used
merchandise, sporting gods, books, stationary, jewelry, toys, gifts, cam- are limited for this early period. An article appearing
eras, luggage. needlework, automatic-merchandising machines, fuel, ice, in the local newspaper, however, reported that in 1962
liquefied gas, flowers, cigars, newspapers, and mail order houses.
there were 85,000 paid admissions to Fort George
~ U R C Fcompiled
: from Dun and Bradstreet Ltd. (1945-1995).
(Anonymous 1962, 2). Information provided by the
Shaw Festival further revealed that in 1966 more than
Shaw Festival in 1962, a performing arts event that 25,000 people attended the theatre (Table 3), drawn
founder, Brian Doherty, believed would “develop into a from a wide market area (Table 4). Not only did the the-
festival of national significance” (Anonymous 1968, atre play to capacity audiences in that year, but “virtu-
25). Third, and in the same year, the Niagara Historical ally thousands of people had to be turned away for
Museum was established to provide a venue for the lack of seating space” (Anonymous 1968,25).Thus, by
display of more than 6000 historical artefacts 1968, it appeared that Doherty‘s vision was becoming
(Anonymous 1963, 1). a reality. As Klopchic (1969,431noted:
The opening of these facilities was accompanied by
private-sector initiatives to restore historically signifi- the Shaw Festival at Niagara-on-the-Lake has become an
institution in our Canadian cultural heritage alongside the
cant buildings. The Whale Inn, for example, which was
Shakespearean Festival at Stratford. The charming aura of
originally constructed in 1835 to house visiting
the town has enhanced its establishment and success -
sailors, was restored in 1950 (Stokes 1971). Fourteen
and that success must now be ensured.
years later, the Oban Inn was remodelled by a Toronto
resident to create an “atmosphere of gracious charm” According to the model, the period of early commodi-
(Anonymous 1964a, 41, one that retained the “best of fication is one of general harmony between resident
both the Victorian and the Colonial eras in its history” and visitor. It is difficult to gauge resident attitudes
(Anonymous 1964a, 4). These investments heralded towards tourism during this stage since no compre-
the beginning of private sector interest in the revital- hensive surveys were conducted before 1976 (Doxey
ization of the Old Town. 1976). However, a review of the local newspaper
As these restoration efforts emerged, the structure revealed that residents were in favour of tourism and
of the business community began to evolve (Table 2). had very few negative comments to offer. Only two
Not only did the total number of local businesses types of complaints related to tourists appeared before
increase (from 48 in 1945 to 8 2 by 1969, but also the 1969. In 1964 one individual commented on the
size of the retail sector. Of particular interest was the increase in litter, “an insidious evil” that was “spoiling
change in numbers of automotive stores, including the serene beauty” of the community (Anonymous
gas stations, which increased from four in 1945 to ten 1964b, 3). Others suggested that parking in the com-
by 1955;a trend reflecting both an increasingly mobile mercial district was becoming more difficult as
local population and, in all likelihood, the influx of vis- tourist numbers increased (Anonymous 1964c,
itors into the community. 1965a, 1965b). While pointing to some of the disad-
Data on numbers of visitors to Niagara-on-the-Lake vantages of visitor presence, these comments did not
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45.no 2 (2001)The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake 291
Q
Table 4
Residency of Shaw Festival visitors: 1968 - 1996 M
1968 1973 1979 1985 1996 chwge
Canada 71.0 58.8 72.0 65.5 64.6 -6.4
Niagara 13.1 20.0 21.0 7.7 12.4 -0.7
Toronto 37.5 22.2 44.0 35.8 20.2 -17.3
Other Ontario 19.4 15.3 6.0 18.7 24.5 +5.1
Other Canada 1.0 1.3 1.0 3.3 7.5 +6.5
United States 26.9 29.0 28.0 32.4 35.4 +8.5
New York 25.1 25.5 24.0 14.5 16.0 - 9.1
Other US. 1.8 3.5 4.0 17.9 19.4 +17.6
orher 0.0 1.1 0.0 1.9 0.0 0.0
No response 2.1 11.1 0.0 2.1 0.0 -
Figure 3
SOURCE:Klopchic (1 969, 9; 1974, 9); Vandendool (I 979,: 33); Mitchell and The Niagara Apothecaw
Wall (1985, 35-6) and the Shaw Festival Theatre Foundation (I 997, 1 ) .
Advanced commodification
reflect an attitude of animosity. Rather, they spoke to A rapid increase in investment levels marks the move
the necessity of expanding the infrastructure and into the state of advanced commodification. New busi-
enforcing parking bylaws to accommodate this wel- nesses are established and existing ones converted to
come influx of consumers (Anonymous 1964~). meet demands of the visiting population. Individual
The period of early commodification, therefore, was marketing efforts are now accompanied by collabora-
one of transformation. As Doxey (1976, 26) observed tive initiatives to sell the community as a “packaged
“there was a doldrum period in the 50s. Then things experience”. Consumption levels are driven even high-
began to move and among other things Shaw was dis- er as “consumers seek out the images so skilfully craft-
covered and the world was soon to begin to discover ed by advertisers” (Mitchell 1998, 277). For those
Niagara through Shaw”. Despite this recognition, the involved in the burgeoning tourist industry, the bene-
Old Town had yet to develop into a major overnight fits are great. A partial destruction of the rural idyll
tourist destination. Lacking commercial facilities and occurs, however, as reflected in the attitudes of local
infrastructure, the majority (84%)of visitors to the the- residents (Mitchell 1998).
atre spent only one day in the community (Klopchic The period of advanced commodification was rela-
1969, 13). Nonetheless, the potential for further com- tively short-lived in the Old Town, spanning a decade
modification in the Niagara region was realised. As beginning in the late 1960s. Three events occurred
Klophic (1969, 43) observed: during this stage. First, was the opening of a second
museum, the Niagara Apothecary (circa 1866) in 1971
combined with its historical assets, its highly (Figure 3). This structure had been purchased in 1965
favourable geographic location and its attractive by four public and private-sector organizations (The
physical landscape, the entire Niagara Frontier is Ontario College of Pharmacy, the Ontario Heritage
in an enviable position for tourist development. Foundation, the Federal Government and the Niagara
The comparative lack of commercial develop- Foundation, Stokes 1971). The renovations that
ment, while discouraging from a commercial ensued were successful in restoring the structure to its
standpoint, has preserved the historical atmos- original design. As Dunn (1995, 18) observed “the
phere of the town .... Historic Niagara-on-the-Lake Apothecary’s Victorian storefront with colonettes,
[is] the logical centre for growth in the tourist cable moulding and Italianate style arcaded windows
trade, but facilities must be established with the is an authentic restoration of a Confederation period
utmost discretion in order to preserve the histor- building.” Not only was attention devoted to the exte-
ical atmosphere of the Town. rior, but the interior fittings also were “painstakingly
Such facilities would be forthcoming in the next peri- refurbished” replete with a display of patent medicines
od. Some residents would argue, however, that the use of the nineteenth century (McDougal 1985, D3).
of discretion in their establishment was debatable. Investment in the restoration of this historical build-
ing was accompanied by expansion of the town’s cul-
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)292 Clare J. A. Mitchell, R. Greg Atkinson and Andrew Clark
Q
Tabk 5
Positive Impacts of Tourism as Perceived by Local Residents
C% of sample noting impact)
1976 1998
Restoration of buildings 58.5 22.9
New facilis 31 .O 25.6
Improvedcultural amenities 13.5 12.2
Economic benefits 9.0 45.0
There are no benefns 0.0 17.8
Enhanced sense of community 0.0 4.5
Twnst presence in community 0.0 4.0
Greater historical awareness 0.0 17.8
NOTE:Cultural amenities include the Shaw Festival and various Parks
Firrue 4 Canada historical sites. Economic benefits are the generation of income
Queen’s Landing Inn and Conference Resort
and employment opportunities.
YWRCE: Doxey (I 976, 29); the authors‘ 1998 survey.
tural amenities. In 1973, the Shaw Festival opened a
new downtown venue to take advantage of its Hobbs (1976,371observed, “wallsare covered with old
increased popularity. The decision of where to locate rifles, swords and helmets . . . There are colonial toys
this facility created a great deal of discussion within and bottles, pictures from Louis X W court and, by the
the community (Anonymous 1973, 1).The original pro- fireplace, a yard-high Ming vase”.
posal to locate the venue on the site of the Golf Club Similar attempts to recreate the old also appeared in
sparked a flurry of criticism amongst both local resi- the commercial district. As Hobbs (1976, 37-8) noted:
dents (Anonymous 1969a) and several key members
On a tree-lined street (Queen), new shops are designed to
of the Women’s Committee of the Shaw Festival
blend with the old so that even the liquor store looks gen-
(Anonymous 1969b).After much debate (Anonymous
teel. . . . Between trips to the theatre, you can browse in
19711, an alternative downtown location was selected.
shops crammed with antiques, crafts, and one-of-a kind
This investment doubled seating capacity from 350 to
merchandise. In the candy shop they’ll be making fudge
830 and prompted the company to increase the num-
and dipping apples, while the aroma of Mr Greaves’empo-
ber of performances from eight in 1962 to 126 in 1973
rium has you lingering in your selection of homemade
(Klophic 1974, 1).
jams and jellies.
Changes to the local infrastructure enhanced these
initiatives. By 1975, 131 businesses could be found in The renovation efforts proved an irresistible lure. By
Niagara-on-the-Lake,including 45 retail outlets (Table 1977, a survey revealed that more than three quarters
2). While numbers of grocery, furniture and general of a million people travelled to historic Niagara-on-the-
merchandise stores declined, a significant increase Lake and contributed approximately $9 million to the
occurred in restaurants and places offering accommo- local economy (Proctor and Redfern Ltd. 1977, 18).
dation. By 1975,for example, ten eateries and six hotels The impacts of these visitors were documented in two
graced the streets of Niagara-on-the-Lake, greatly resident surveys (Doxey 1976; MacFarlane 1977).
enhancing the existing tourist infrastructure (Figure 4). Positive implications, identified by Doxey and
The investments made at this time did not simply described in Table 5, included the restoration of local
reflect a desire to prolong visitor stays. It appears that buildings and the construction of new facilities.
attempts also were being made to fulfil consumer Improved cultural amenities (i.e. the Shaw Festival)
demand to experience, and purchase, goods or ser- also were mentioned by a number of respondents,
vices in an atmosphere reminiscent of an earlier era. with a smaller percentage noting the provision of eco-
The town’s oldest hostelry, The Angel Inn, for example, nomic benefits for local businessmen. Thus, for some
was renovated during this period to accommodate 11 residents (38.5%),tourism was seen as a positive activ-
parties in an historic setting (Hobbs 1976).Some of the ity (Doxey 1976,291 and one that contributed to mak-
guestrooms were furnished with ”primitive pine beds ing Niagara-on-the-Lakea better place to live (Table 6).
hewn by pioneers in 1780 (Hobbs 1976, 37) and the These positive sentiments, however, were accompa-
dining room designed to resemble an antique store. As nied by numerous negative comments.
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake 293
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Table 6 TaMe 7
Resident Attitudes towards Tourism (%of sample making comment) Negative Impacts of Tourism as Perceived by Local Residents 0
1976 and 1998
~ ~~~~~
1976 1998
Yes No Neutral
Congestion 37.0 55.4
M y attitude towards tourists has changed. 58.1 36.5 5.4 Commercialisation 21.5 12.2
M y attitude towards tourists is more positive 23.5 76.5 0.0 Parking availabili 0.0 33.7
now than in the past. Lack of traditional businesses 0.0 12.2
I have considered moving out of NOTL 43.2 56.8 0.0 Pollution& noise 0.0 16.2
I am aware of tourism’s adverse impacts. 87.6 12.4 0.0 Reduced access to setvices 0.0 13.5
I would consider leaving NOTL if tourist 64.8 35.2 0.0 Reduced sense of community 0.0 6.0
numbers were to increase. Ignoranceof local concerns 0.0 6.0
Tourists disrupt my way of life. Businessmonopolies 0.0 4.0
1976 38.5 43.5 18.0 Other 4.5 14.8
1998 78.7 14.7 6.6 No response 51.5 3.0
There is a sense of communiry in NOTL 74.3 10.8 14.9
The benefits of tourism outweigh the costs. 37.4 56.0 6.6
SOURCE: Doxey (1976, 29); the authors’ 1998 survey.
NOn is a better place to live because oftourism.
1g76 38.5 43.5 18.0
1998 28.0 60.0 12.0
The presence of tourists has improved my 17.4 69.3 13.3
almost certain to result in a serious alienation of locals,
quality of life. which may well reflect itself in antagonism towards
both tourists and the main draws such as the Shaw the-
NOTE: all percentages are for 1998 unless otherwise noted. atre.” He argued that preservation was imperative for
SOURCE: Doxey (I 976, 29); the authors’ 1998 survey. what this historic town offered was “not only a living
past blended with the present but a lesson in har-
Four issues emerged from the two surveys. In 1976 monised human relationships - too precious a com-
more than one-third of respondents complained that modity to be lost” (Doxey 1976, 28). Preservation, he
traffic congestion was a significant problem, with continued, could only be achieved through planning:
about one-fifth commenting on commercialisation
not simply reacting after events, but through collective co-
(Table 7). The issues of parking and noise surfaced in
operation at all levels through the community, the local
the MacFarlane (1977) survey. Participants were asked
township, the regional government and the Provincial and
if the number of parked cars on Queen Street was
Federal Governments . . . It is important that not only
acceptable. In response, nearly three quarters (71%)of
should tourist development be harmonised with the
the sample indicated that the presence of these vehi-
desires of the people of the town, but that the townspeo-
cles was ruining the character of the downtown
ple be prepared for unavoidable changes (Doxey 1976,28).
(MacFarlane 1977, 40). In addition, more than half
(61%)agreed that Queen Street was noisy, with an addi- Such changes would be forthcoming in the next peri-
tional one fifth arguing that the noise level was intol- od. Some would later argue, however, that these
erable (MacFarlane 1977, 42). These comments changes were anything but harmonized with local
prompted approaching one half of survey participants desires.
in 1976 to conclude that despite the benefits, Niagara-
on-the-Lake was not a better place to live because of Early destruction
tourism (Table 6). The period of early destruction is one where surplus
By the middle of the 1970s therefore, it was widely value is reinvested into businesses that provide for the
recognised that tourism investments were having some needs of the expandingvisitor population. While many
unfavourable consequences for local residents. To of these investments are designed to enhance the her-
describe these impacts, Doxey (1976) proposed a itage landscape, others stray from this theme. As the
“touristirritation index”.Based on his findings, he sug- landscape continues to evolve, numbers of tourists
gested that the Old Town had advanced to a state of will escalate giving rise to significant problems includ-
tourist irritation, the third stage of this five-component ing crowding and congestion. A growing number of
index. He concluded (Doxey 1976, 281, “any further residents will perceive the erosion of their community
changes, which upset the character of the town and and, ultimately, a further destruction of the “rural
tend to turn it into a mass tourist destination, are idyll” (Mitchell 1998).
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)294 Clare J. A. Mitchell, R. Greg Atkinson and Andrew Clark
Q
Changes that occurred in Niagara-on-the-Lake Many of the businesses that existed during early
between the late 1970s and mid-1990s are typical of destruction emphasised a heritage theme. The Buttery
those that transpire during this stage. Three types of Restaurant, for example, initiated a dinner theatre in
activities can be identified: public-sector redevelop- the mid-1980s, entitled the “HenryVlII Medieval Feast”
ment schemes; the introduction of annual festivals (Study Team 1988, 12). This emphasis also was reflect-
and special events; and the continuation of private ed in the naming of establishments such as The Olde
sector investment in development of the heritage Ice Cream Shoppe, Loyalist Village Boutique and Olde
landscape. Each of these initiatives served to push Village China (Dun and Bradstreet Ltd. 1985). Other
Niagara-on-the-Lakefurther along the path of creative firms clearly deviated from this theme (e.g., Mai Thai
destruction. Silk), but existed to take advantage of the large con-
Several large-scale public-sector redevelopment sumer base.
schemes were initiated during this period. In 1976, for Promotion and advertising escalated throughout this
example, Parks Canada proposed a $5 million plan period. Most active was the Regional Niagara Tourism
that would implement a coherent heritage program in Council (Study Team 1988)whose promotional materi-
the Niagara area (MacFarlane 1977). Components of als were distributed to CAA and AAA offices, Tourism
this plan met with considerable opposition from resi- Canada and field offices in the United States. As con-
dents and the local preservation society, The Niagara- cluded by the Georgian Study Team, the Council “issuc-
on-the-Lake Conservancy, which criticised the Parks cessfully marketing the region both internationally and
Canada Plan for failing to incorporate the public in the nationally” (Study Team 1988, 12). The promotional
design process (Spears 1976,17).After several years of material continued to emphasise the unique and his-
debate and public hearings (Anonymous 1977a, toric attributes of the community. The local Chamber of
1977b, 1977c, 19781, a modified version of the plan Commerce, although maintaining a low key approach
was adopted, including the preservation and restora- to marketing (Study Team 1988) described Niagara-on-
tion of Fort Mississauga and the development of Fort the-Lake as “a prime example of what Upper Canada
George to include high-quality interpretation facilities. looked like in the early nineteenth century”
The 1980s also saw the proliferation of annual festi- (Anonymous 1988,201.They welcomed visitors stating
vals and special events, some commemorating historic “please take time to explore Niagara-on-the-Lake- its
or cultural events, other celebrating the region’s agri- heritage remains - the heritage of a phoenix that has
cultural heritage. By the end of this decade, Niagara- spread its wings and flown”(Anonymous 1988,ZO).
on-the-Lake hosted 30 such activities, two thirds of Such colourful descriptions appear to have been
which were held during the tourist season (Study Team successful, for visitor numbers continued their
1988). “Artistryby the Lake”,for example, provided “a upward trend. In 1986, it was determined that two mil-
display and sale by 75 artisans in the picturesque set- lion people had visited the community (Dyck 1986,
ting of Queen’s Royal Park” (Novak 1996, 1). The cited in Boyd 1990,4)and by 1994 the number topped
August “PeachCelebration”commemorated “the Peach three million (Niagara Economic and Tourism
Harvest with entertainment, a parade and favourite Corporation 1996, 16). As visitor numbers increased,
peach drinks and desserts” (Novak 1996, 1). so too did the Festival’s market area. By 1985, patrons
Private-sector investment in the retail and service of the Theatre were drawn from an area extending well
sectors continued throughout this period. Table 2 beyond southern Ontario and New York State (Table 41,
shows that while the community suffered an econom- illustrating the community’s emergence as an interna-
ic downturn during the recession of the late 198Os, the tional travel destination.
total number of businesses in Niagara-on-the-Lake A survey conducted in 1990 drew attention to some
doubled between 1975 and 1995. Numbers of retail of the positive and negative aspects that accompanied
outlets rose from 45 to 58 during this period, reflect- this increase in visitor numbers (Boyd 1990). In that
ing an increase in apparel and miscellaneous retail year the vast majority of respondents (92.1%)agreed
stores. Twice the number of restaurants was identified that tourism creates job opportunities for local resi-
in 1995 than 1975, with accommodation facilities dents (Boyd 1990,44). However, the majority of those
increasing from 11 to 18. It should be noted that this surveyed also agreed that vehicle and pedestrian con-
figure does not include bed and breakfast establish- gestion increased during the tourist season (Table 8).
ments, which numbered more than 100 by the end of Furthermore, the majority agreed that this increase in
this period (Novak 1996, 18). congestion disrupts residents’ way of life (Boyd 1990,
-
The Canadian Geographer / Le Cecgraphe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake 295 -
Table 8
Resident opinion on vehicles and pedestrian traffic: I990 and 1998
Agree Disagree Neutral
During the tourist season:
parking spaces are difficult to find.
1990 72.3 2.9 24.8
1998 97.3 1.3 1.3
the volume of pedestriantmffic increases.
1990 67.3 2.9 29.8
1998 97.4 1.3 1.3
the volume of vehicle traffic increases.
1990 97.0 1.9 1.1
1998 97.3 1.3 1.3
SOURCE: Boyd ( I 990:39 & 43);the authors’ 1998 survey.
43). Tourism also was blamed by nearly three-quarters
of the sample for creating parking difficulties (Table 81,
a problem that had surfaced during the previous peri-
od and would reappear in the next stage of creative
destruction.
Advanced destruction
The period of advanced destruction is one of continu-
al investment, particularly in the infrastructure to sup-
port visitor demands. Consumption levels continue to
rise and an out-migration of local residents may ensue
as individuals witness “the disintegration of the sense
of community and cohesion” that formerly charac-
terised small-town life (Mitchell 1998, 277). A centre Figure 5
reaches the end of this phase when residents perceive George Bernard Shaw
a complete destruction of the rural idyll.
The pace of investment in historic Niagara-on-the- packages with the Niagara Casino, located only 20 min-
Lake increased exponentially after 1994. This can be utes from the Old Town (Mallet 19971, to provide gam-
attributed largely to the arrival of a wealthy entrepre- blers with accommodation facilities.
neur, Si Wai Lai, and to a pro-development town coun- These initiatives have met with little opposition
cil, which welcomed this injection of financial capital from town council, which, according to survey respon-
into the community (Mallet 1997). Between 1994 and dents in 1998, is pro-development and a supporter of
1997, it was estimated that more than $75 million dol- any initiative that will enhance the flow of tourists into
lars were pumped into the local economy by this indi- the region. Their willingness to endorse recent pro-
vidual (Mallet 1997, 16). The most significant invest- posals, some believe, is driven by the prospect of
ments included the purchase of four of the town’s land- short-term economic gain. As one resident noted:
mark hotels and construction of a “faux-colonialmini
Everything at Town Hall seems to revolve around the wish-
plaza” in the town centre, offering upscale women’s
es of those who stand to gain, e.g. the people wishing to
clothing, a gallery, restaurant and an eight-foot bronze
build huge hotels: break by-laws, stretch the rules; fill
statue of George Bernard Shaw (Mallet 1997, 14) (Figure
every space. The majority of town council has no vision re
5). In addition, money was given to the town council to
the importance of our special history, and we who wish to
enhance the village-square and $200,000 granted
preserve it are considered the enemy.
annually for downtown beautification (Mallet 1997, 16).
Future plans include the construction of an 80,000 The implementation of recent entrepreneurial pro-
square-foot convention centre, and the development of jects, therefore, has proceeded very rapidly. Their suc-
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 45,no 2 (2001)8296 Clare J. A. Mitchell, R. Greg Atkinson and Andrew Clark
cess in terms of increasing consumption levels is dif- ple are interesting and special”,“a beautiful town in a
ficult to ascertain, although the investor herself sug- lovely setting”, “a paradise”, “friendly”,“a caring com-
gests that corporate visitors, who now account for munity”, and a “great place to raise a family”,suggest
nearly three quarters of her business, have increased that for many survey respondents, Niagara-on-theLake
25 to 30 percent in the last five years (Niagara is still an idyllic landscape;although as one who enjoys
Economic and Tourism Corporation 1996, 13). No living there pointed out, “it begs much tolerance”.
recent statistics on visitor numbers are available. The By late 1998,therefore, the community was in the
Chamber of Commerce still refers to the 3 million esti- early stages of advanced destruction. While invest-
mation that was made in 1994 (Niagara-on-the-Lake ment levels had increased markedly, many residents
Chamber of Commerce 1999,3). We can say with cer- still valued the community for its ambience, some-
tainty, however, that the market area of the communi- thing that has yet to be completely destroyed by the
ty (specifically the Shaw Festival) has expanded to entrepreneurial drive to accumulate capital. What the
include more out-of-province visitors and residents future holds is uncertain. If the primary investor pur-
living outside New York State (Table 4). sues her ambitious plans for development, aided by an
In a recent survey, the authors captured resident agreeable town council, then the community will com-
attitudes to the post-1994events. According to survey plete the cycle of creative destruction. Visitor numbers
respondents, many still recognise the advantages of will continue to escalate as investments mount. As res-
tourism investments (Table 5). The generation of idents perceive a complete destruction of the rural
income and employment, restoration of buildings and idyll, they may choose to leave the community, an
the opportunity to meet new people were among the option that nearly half the survey respondents in 1998
benefits identified. It is interesting to observe, howev- had already considered (Table 6). Those who remain
er, that the percentage of people identifymg these pos- will become resigned to the situation and adjust to life
itive externalities has declined since 1976.As revealed in the final stages of creative destruction.
in Table 5 this is particularly true for impacts on On the other hand, if town council pays greater
restoration, which were noted by 58.5percent in 1976, attention to the wishes of its local residents and imple-
and only 23 percent in 1998.Nonetheless, it is obvious ments more stringent development controls, then the
that in the eyes of many residents, tourism has con- cycle may be halted. Survey results presented in Table
tributed much to the Old Town of Niagara-on-the-Lake. 9 suggest that this is what the community wants. A
Although many pointed to positive attributes, survey majority of survey respondents in 1998 (somewhat
results suggest that the attitude of many local residents more than in 1990) believed that additional tourism
towards tourism has become increasingly more nega- development should be limited. Most respondents
tive over the years (Table 7). The majority of Old Town also thought that the public should have a greater say
residents also agree that tourism disrupts their way of in the development process. Many agreed that ade-
life, and has not led to an improvement in their quality quate consultation has not occurred in the past, and
of life. Traffic, congestion, and parking problems con- that resident opinions to date, have not influenced the
tribute to this attitude and have gained increased decision-making process. As one individual empha-
recognition over the years (Tables 7 and 8).Other prob- sised “resident interests are NEVER, NEVER considered;
lems that surfaced in the survey were increased pollu- foremost our own council is pro-development, has
tion and noise that “ruinthe ambience that all crave, yet always been, and local concerns are considered
none is allowed to enjoy”. Pollution and litter, “as parochial”.Another resident observed that “somany of
tourists leave garbage everywhere”,vandalism, lack of the things that bother the residents could be easily
shopping facilities for local residents and increased cured, but the council is adversarial and ignorant, a
costs, also were among the comments offered. very bad combination”.It appears, therefore, that the
While many drew attention to the disadvantages of ball rests in the public sector court. Whether council
tourism, the same individuals commented that they will be perceived to adopt a less adversarial and more
still enjoy living in the historic town. It is valued for its informed stance, remains to be seen.
sense of community, small town atmosphere and pres-
ence of amenities, including the Shaw Festival, Fort Discussion
George and other historical attractions. Comments
such as “it is a wonderful, quiet town (if you do not live The model of creative destruction was designed to
within a three block radius of Queen Street)”,“the peo- describe the evolution of communities whose devel-
The Canadian Geographer / Le Giographe canadien 45, no 2 (2001)The creative destruction of Niagara-on-the-Lake 297
Q
Table 9 over which the cycle has been driven is somewhat
Resident Attitudes towards Development: 1976, 1990 and 1998
longer than predicted by the model. Mitchell (1998)
suggested that heritage shopping villages are a post-
Agree Disagree Neutral
- 1970 creation: a period one normally associates with
NOTL has reached its limit for tourism the emergence of the post-modern era. In Niagara-on-
development. the-Lake, the cycle was initiated somewhat earlier, as
1998 70.2 12.2 17.6 reflected in the opening of Fort George in 1950and the
NOTL has surpassed its limit for
tourism development.
Shaw Festival in 1962. These events provided con-
1998 66.6 20.9 12.5 sumers with intangible keepsakes of cultural heritage.
The public should have say in the It was not until the late 1960s, however, that the com-
development process. mercial infrastructure emerged to provide consumers
i990 82.8 8.6 8.6
0.0 14.8
with tangible mementoes of the past; a timeframe con-
1998 85.2
Residents have been adequately con- sistent with that proposed in the original model.
sulted in the development process. Second, the model was designed to explain the evo-
1990 33.0 67.0 0.0 lution of communities that commodify rural heritage.
1998 10.7 70.7 18.6 Evidence presented here suggests that the model can
Resident opinions have influenced the
development process.
be applied to any type of heritage community; one
1998 13.6 59.4 27.0 based on rural tradition as in the case of St. Jacobs
My attitude towards developers has (Mitchell 1998), or one based on historical/cultural
changed. heritage, as in the case of Niagara-on-the-Lake.In each
1998 74.0 20.5 5.5
case, the transformation is attributed to the same
My attitude towards developers is now
more positive. force; that of commodification.
1998 11.1 88.9 0.0 Finally, and of greatest significance, is our recogni-
Tourism developments should be limited tion (and also Critchley’s 1997)that a number of moti-
1976 73.0 16.0 11.0 vations influence landscape change. While the entre-
1998 73.2 7.1 19.7
preneurial desire for profit is a dominant force driving
the creation of heritage landscapes, one must not
SOURCE: Doxey (I 976, 29); Boyd ( I 990,46); the authors’ 1998 survey.
ignore the role of others, whose actions are driven by
the desire to preserve (althoughthe need to profit may
opment has occurred around the commodification of be a secondary motivation for some). While motivated
heritage. This paper has endeavoured to determine if by a different principle, the actions of preservationists
this evolutionary process has occurred in Niagara-on- also have contributed to the process of creative
the-Lake. In doing so, the intention was to determine if destruction and must, therefore, be acknowledged
the premise of the model is sound and warrants appli- more explicitly in the model.
cation in other communities. Our historical analysis has revealed that preserva-
Our analysis has shown that over the course of a 50- tionists are active in two ways in Niagara-on-the-Lake.
year period, the Old Town of Niagara-on-the-Lakehas First, several organizations that operate, at least in
evolved into an internationally acclaimed heritage part, under a mandate of conservation, have been
community. Investment in the establishment and involved in the purchase and restoration of architec-
restoration of museums, shops and historic homes, turally and historically significant structures. An
has created a landscape of commodified heritage; one example of this was the acquisition of the Niagara
that is successfully marketed and sold to more than Apothecary by several groups including the Ontario
three million visitors annually. As this landscape has Heritage and Niagara Foundations. With this purchase
been created, however, it has resulted in partial these organizations contributed to the development of
destruction of the old; a landscape perceived by resi- the heritage landscape and inadvertently placed the
dents as one that is happy, healthy and problem-free. Old Town on the path of creative destruction.
These results lead us to the conclusion that the We also must consider a second type of activity that
model is sound. However, the specific chain of events has been ongoing in Niagara-on-the-Lakefor at least a
that occurred in Niagara-on-the-Lake has deviated quarter century (Critchley 1997).Since the early 1970s,
somewhat from what was originally proposed. This local residents and civic groups have actively contest-
deviation has taken three forms. First, the time period ed “paved roads, gutters and curbs - anything that
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