TRADE UNIONS AND THE ALGERIAN UPRISING - A Research Report by MENA Solidarity Network - Transnational Institute
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TRADE UNIONS
AND THE ALGERIAN
UPRISING
A Research Report by MENA Solidarity Network
1
READ MIDDLE EAST SOLIDARITY
Order your copy at www.menasolidaritynetwork.com
2
CONTENTS
Introduction: a year in the streets 4
Algeria’s trade unions: a history 8
The struggle in Kabylia 12
Algeria’s trade unions (continued) 14
The battle for change in the classroom 17
The unemployed movement 20
Trade unions and the hirak 21
Women and the fight for liberation 25
Students build unity in struggle 26
Britain fuels repression 29
Preparing for the struggle ahead 31
Solidarity guide to action 33
Editing and layout by Anne Alexander. Cover photos and image on p8, Zoheir
Aberkane. Text and images © the individual authors and photographers.
3
Introduction
On the streets in Algiers, February 2020
Photo: Zoheir Aberkane
INTRODUCTION: A YEAR IN THE STREETS
Shelagh Smith
O n 12 December 2019 a new president
was declared elected in Algeria,
Abdelmadjid Tebboune, despite the fact
presidential elections, in April and July,
because people refused simply a change
of faces at the top in an unchanged
that millions of Algerians boycotted the system. Protesters want the removal
election, which they saw as illegitimate. of an entrenched political and military
Since February 2019 millions have class that has held power in Algeria since
protested peacefully, every Tuesday and independence from France in 1962. They
Friday, against a corrupt regime, and demand a civilian, not a military state,
have been demanding system change. based on the rule of law.
The movement, or Hirak, forced The protests are always peaceful, and
president Abdelaziz Bouteflika to step full of satire, humour, chants and songs.
down on 2 April after 20 years in power, There is extensive use of social media,
after he proposed to stand for a 5th term. especially Facebook. Some activists have
It then forced the postponement of two been arrested merely because of their
44
Introduction
support for the Hirak on Facebook. as the Algerians call it. The media is
There have been many sectional controlled by the government, journalists
strikes, for example education, health, have been imprisoned and censorship has
public administration, lawyers, increased.
magistrates, port workers and the energy There has been an anti-corruption
sector. Teachers have a long history campaign, widely seen as a war between
of struggle, both on socio-economic the ruling clans. There are also attempts
issues and also in support of the popular to divide and rule, with accusations of
movement. “foreign interference”.
Several general strikes took place But significantly, the Hirak has united
between March and December. The first all the country for the first time in recent
of these in March was instrumental in history in opposing the regime, and it
forcing Bouteflika to quit. A nationwide has resisted the divide and rule tactics of
general strike was called for the four repression.
days prior to the December election. It Since Tebboune’s election, there has
was solid in Kabylia; in Bejaia there was been talk of dialogue and negotiation,
a united call by numerous trade unions, but repression and arbitrary arrests have
political parties and other organisations. continued. Human rights defenders,
However, it was only partly successful in journalists, activists and politicians are
Algiers, and failed to be supported so well still detained.
in other areas of the country. Hundreds remain in custody, some for
The Algerian government is known “harming the integrity of the national
as “Le Pouvoir” (The Power) or “the territory,” which carries sentences of up
gang”, with power shared between the to 10 years, others for “undermining the
army, the National Liberation Front morale of the troops”, and “unarmed
(FLN), businessmen and the intelligence assembly”.
services. The army has played the key role Others, like Samira Messouci, former
since independence, and also has a stake elected representative for the RCD (Rally
in major businesses. for Culture and Democracy), have served
During 2019 General Gaïd Salah six months in prison merely for carrying
was Algeria’s strongman and de facto the Berber flag.
ruler, until he died in December. He was The situation of prisoners and
succeeded by Saïd Chengriha, Acting detainees is contradictory. By 6th
Chief of Military Staff. February Tebboune had pardoned
In June Gaïd Salah banned Amazigh nearly 10,000 people sentenced to
(Berber) flags, and blocked access to less than 18 months. But the CNLD
Algiers for demonstrators. There has (National Committee for the Liberation
been an increase in repression since of Detainees) said the pardons excluded
June 2019, with mass arrests and heavy the 142 Hirak political prisoners who
policing. Hundreds have been kept in were still in preventive detention, while
pre-trial detention, and prison sentences over a thousand are being prosecuted for
handed out – “justice by telephone” participating in the movement. Some
5
5
Introduction
Mobilising for the election boycott, December 2019
Photo: Zoheir Aberkane
detainees have been acquitted, others Movement). The Hirak has rejected calls
released after serving their sentences for dialogue with what they see as an
or pending trial. Human rights activists illegitimate president, and refuse to be
denounce the current situation of many represented by political parties who claim
ex-Hirak detainees, whom public and to speak for them.
private companies refuse to reinstate in Tebboune has set up a ‘committee
their jobs. of experts’ to amend the constitution.
In an attempt to end the Hirak, Critics point out the tradition of previous
the new president Tebboune has been constitutional amendments which have
meeting with some politicians who done nothing to alter the real exercise of
are in favour of dialogue under the power by the regime, and serve only to
government’s terms, including the main highlight the crisis in the system.
Islamist party the MSP (Society for Peace After Abdelmadjid Tebboune was
6
6
Introduction
declared president in December 2019, which are shared by Algeria, Tunisia and
some expected that his talk of dialogue Libya. In 2014 there was a huge uprising
would lead to the freeing of political of tens of thousands of people against
prisoners and a reduction in repression. shale gas, resulting in a suspension of
The opposite has been the case. drilling in 2015. Now Tebboune has
Many Hirak activists have been announced drilling for shale gas will
arrested and imprisoned. Since the resume, but in 2020 it’s the millions in
coronavirus pandemic started, the the Hirak who now say “No to shale gas”.
Hirak has ceased street demonstrations. After one year of demonstrations,
However, the regime is using the crisis to strikes and boycotts, the stalemate
continue its repression of the movement, may lead some to be tempted into
and clamp down on activists, opposition compromise. Trying to regain legitimacy,
politicians and journalists. the regime declared February 22 a
The PAD (Forces of the Pact for the national holiday for the “blessed Hirak”,
Democratic Alternative) is a movement and is courting certain politicians to
formed during the Hirak, and involves support its revision of the constitution,
opposition political parties, associations, while continuing with harsh repression.
members of civil society, women, young It has no intention of giving up any of its
people, human rights organisations and power.
autonomous trade unions. While the anniversary of the Hirak
It calls for a transitional period for saw a rejuvenation of the movement.
the establishment of the rule of law, However, the coronavirus pandemic has
a sovereign constituent process, the now forced a change of tactic. For the
independence of the judiciary, free first time since the start of the Hirak over
expression and the release of Hirak a year ago, and by common agreement,
prisoners of conscience. all demonstrations were suspended on 17
The PAD rejects the masquerade of the March.
last presidential election and the current Karim Tabbou, leader of the UDS
political operation which, through (Democratic and Social Union),
“consultations” and “constitutional urged using this period to prepare for
review”, aims to legitimise the same future struggles and to preserve the
power in place. achievements of the Hirak, as the regime
Algeria also faces economic problems will try to use the situation to snuff out
and increased financial pressure caused the revolution.
by a fall in energy revenues and foreign The demands of the movement
exchange reserves. The regime decided in remain: “a civilian not a military state”,
2013 to exploit the reserves of shale gas “free the political prisoners”, “an
in the Sahara, the third largest reserve independent judiciary”, “freedom of the
in the world, a decision supported by the press”, “the people want the downfall of
major oil companies. the regime.” The Algerian people will find
Fracking will endanger the precious other ways to continue the struggle.
fresh water reserves under the Sahara
7
7
8 8
Trade Unions: A History
ALGERIA’S TRADE UNIONS: A HISTORY
Samir Larabi
A lgerian workers had their first
experiences of trade unions during
the colonial period, under the aegis of the
Triumph of Democratic Liberties
(MTLD) thoughts moved towards the
need to found an Algerian national trade
French unions established in Algeria, and union, and the CGT Algiers membership
amongst émigré workers in France. dropped to 80,000.
The first General Confederation of A few years later, losing momentum
Labour (CGT) trade union sections in Algeria, the CGT decided to create an
in Algeria were created from 1898, Algerian trade union organisation, with
exclusively for the benefit of the settlers, an Algerian leadership, with the creation
because the Indigenous Code in force in June 1954 of the General Union of
prohibited Algerians from joining any Algerian Trade Unions (UGSA), which
association or organisation. now demanded equal rights between
Not being subject to this Indigenous Algerian and French workers.
Code in metropolitan France, Algerian After the start of the revolution the
workers increasingly joined the CGT. UGSA adopted nationalist revolutionary
Many union leaders emerged from demands, realizing that the problem
this working-class population, essentially was not only economic and social,
made up of industrial workers, and union but political. In retaliation, Governor
action was thus strengthened despite General Robert Lacoste dissolved the
the fact of colonialism. The arrival of UGSA in 1956.
the Popular Front in power in France The outbreak of the revolution of
and the repeal of the Code strengthened November 1, 1954 also revealed big
union action to the benefit of indigenous disagreements within the national
workers in Algeria. movement, disagreements which
The latter joined the CGT in force, and extended into the union field.
the CGT Algiers section grew to a record The Messalists (followers of Messali
number of over 250,000 members. El Hadj, considered the father of
However, with the end of the Second Algerian nationalism) created the Union
World War and the tragic events of May of Algerian Workers (USTA) on February
8, 1945 (where tens of thousands of 20, 1956, followed four days later by the
Algerian civilians were massacred by National Liberation Front (FLN) which
French colonial authorities and settler announced the creation of the General
militias), which the CGT had been careful Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA).
not to condemn openly, a break with the The history of the Algerian post-
French unions occurred. independence trade union movement is
Within the Movement for the intimately linked to that of the UGTA.
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9
Trade Unions: A History
Born during the Algerian revolution to Timeline
mobilise workers for the national cause
under the political leadership of the 1954 - Algerian War of Independence
FLN, the UGTA had a nationalist identity launched by the FLN (National Liberation
more than a class identity. Front) on 1 November.
In the aftermath of independence, it 1962 - Algeria wins its independence.
sought to maintain its autonomy vis-
à-vis the state and the power struggles 1963 - Ahmed Ben Bella elected as the first
of the time, while supporting official president of Algeria.
social and economic measures. But at the 1965 - Colonel Houari Boumedienne
1969 Congress, the government forcibly overthrows Ben Bella, establishing a military
parachuted in a leadership and annexed one-party regime (the FLN).
the national union to the party-state,
1988 - Widespread rioting takes place against
making it an official "mass organisation".
austerity and food shortages.
The UGTA became the privileged
instrument of the regime to carry out its 1989 - New political parties are allowed,
various political campaigns. Many union including the FIS (Islamic Salvation Front).
leaders were co-opted to become state
1991 - The FIS wins the first round of the
and party officials.
general elections, and looks certain to win the
However, this takeover did not
second round.
prevent workers from carrying out
major strikes in the years 1977 to 1982 1992 - The Army cancels the second round of
and winning victories. But the state elections and declares a state of emergency.
intervened to put an end to this rise in Ten years of civil war follow.
struggle which also called into question
1999 - Abdelaziz Bouteflika elected president
the power of the bureaucracy and the
after all opposition candidates withdraw,
single party.
claiming vote rigging
It instituted the famous articles
120 and 121, which required prior
public sector, against 2,298 in the private
membership of the party to access
sector, a total of 5,826 strikes combined.
positions of responsibility at the
The workers' strikes of 1988, which led
level of the state apparatus and mass
to the bloody revolts of October and the
organisations. Admittedly, the adoption
advent of union pluralism, fundamentally
of these two articles in the early 1980s
changed the Algerian union scene. Far
contributed to the weakening of the
from becoming autonomous, the national
national union and several officials were
union maintained its course and became
ejected, including the communists.
increasingly bureaucratic.
However, workers' strikes were on
Over the years, the UGTA turned
the rise, especially as the country was
its back on the aspirations of workers
heading for a deep economic and social
and supported the economic policies of
crisis around the mid-1980s. The period
successive governments. Any attempt at
1983-1986 saw 3,528 strikes in the
workers' resistance was systematically
10
10Trade Unions: A History
repressed by the union bureaucracy. Indeed, the emergence of autonomous
The promulgation of Law 90-14 in unions has affected the balance of power,
1990 allowed trade union pluralism. As a since government circles had become
result, around fifty autonomous unions used to deciding for workers and their
were created, thus transforming the trade union representatives.
union structure in Algeria. Almost all Despite trade union pluralism,
of these unions were established in the the UGTA has preserved its exclusive
public sector. This pluralism benefited advantages, including participation
officials and civil/public servants rather in the board meetings of social
than industrial workers. organisations. The state, which
Public servants took advantage of has recognised the right to create
pluralism to form autonomous unions autonomous unions, has continued to
and leave the structures of the UGTA exclude them and impose the UGTA as
in which they no longer felt at home. In the sole representative of workers during
fact the proliferation of these so-called the tripartite social dialogues.
“autonomous” unions also expressed the Despite the promulgation of the
tendency of these middle classes wishing constitution of February 23, 1989 which
to renegotiate their status in the face of enshrines political, civil society and
the structural adjustment plans imposed union pluralism, the authorities have for
by the IMF on the one hand, and the lack years categorically refused any request
of freedom within the historical national for the approval of certain autonomous
union (UGTA) on the other. unions or the building of union
In fact, the various battles fought by confederations, thus violating existing
these “white collar” unions have been laws and international conventions.
suppressed by UGTA’s bureaucracy, Dozens of unions have emerged and
particularly in the national education received approval, with no notable
sector. These organisations have shown change in the treatment of union work
great union fighting spirit in recent by public authorities and employers.
years, around issues of wages, status and Many unions still complain about
the defense of union freedom. obstacles to the free exercise of the right
Since the legalisation of trade to organise and the repression and the
union pluralism, Algeria has some criminalisation of trade union action. For
70 autonomous professional unions, years, the government and the employers
divided between the public and private have used an abuse of justice to break
sectors, in addition to the employers’ up strikes and protest movements of
confederations. employees.
On the economic and social scene A phenomenon that has become
three actors make up the tripartite social recurrent in all sectors of activity, not
dialogue in Algeria: the government, only the autonomous unions but also
the bosses and the union social partner certain combative sectors of the UGTA,
represented only by the UGTA, excluding is that in several cases they are victims of
the autonomous trade union formations. legal proceedings, suspensions or unfair
11
11Trade Unions: A History
dismissal. achievements.
This practice has become “structural” The management of conflicts with the
among public authorities and employers world of labour or negotiation depends
(public and private). The private sector in reality on the balance of power on
does not recognise union work, or the the ground and on the capacity of union
union as a partner. It is as if Algeria were actors to mobilise workers in the sector
returning to an era of savage capitalism, to which they belong.
and in some cases a tacit alliance between In fact, the attitude of the public
private employers and the state regarding authorities on this question is to
certain anti-union practices. proceed first by the threat of sanction,
In addition to this arsenal, the disinformation and then negotiation.
government has resorted to the But in sectoral negotiation, so far, the
“cloning” of unions in order to create autonomous unions have not been
confusion and splits and thus put a invited to participate in the tripartite
brake on the organisational strategy and negotiations that the government
independence of the functioning of these organises annually.
unions. This “cloning” has allowed the Only the UGTA and the employers’
creation of “puppet” unions prepared to organisations are admitted to
support the government and abandon these private meetings. Yet the
workers’ demands. representativeness of the autonomous
Within the UGTA, when a federation trade unions is self-evident, particularly
or a company trade union becomes in the public service sector which has
troublesome, a reorganisation of millions of employees.
leadership takes place or recourse is The latest release from the Ministry of
made to the iron hand of the trade union Labour, Employment and Social Security,
bureaucracy. Several union leaders have which invites all union organisations to
been prosecuted, even expelled from the submit the information needed to assess
union for having organised protests or the representativeness of their union
made a speech which did not follow the organisation, is part of this exclusionary
line of the UGTA leadership. approach. Besides, certain ministries
It is true that social laws require the continue to receive union delegates from
state as employer to open the doors of their respective departments, notably in
social dialogue in all socio-professional national education and public health.
conflicts. This state of affairs shows once again
However, on the ground, autonomous that the public authorities do not want
unions have major difficulties in a “partner” union, but union structures
getting involved, especially during the serving the politico-economic choices
annual tripartite social dialogue. The advocated by the state at central level.
state still continues to privilege the Thus, any hint of union autonomy or
relationship with the UGTA. This is one questioning, even partial, of these
way to prevent union pluralism from political choices is resisted.
taking shape and capitalising on its Continued on page 15
12
12Backgrounder
Traditional Kabyle dress and Amazigh flags are common sights at the protests
Photo: Zoheir Aberkane
THE STRUGGLE IN KABYLIA
Shelagh Smith and Hamza Hamouchene
T he Kabyle people are one of several
Berber or Amazigh groups indigenous
to North Africa, and comprise about
impoverishment it suffered led to
massive migration movements to urban
areas and to metropolitan France and
7 million of the 12 million Amazigh- resulted in the proletarianisation of so
speaking people in Algeria. They have many Kabyle people.
their own language and specific identity In the 1920s and 30s, they were
which they are fiercely proud of. actively organised within trade unions
Kabylia (Tizi Ouzou, Bejaia, Bouira as well as inside the nascent Algerian
and to some extent Boumerdes and nationalist movement in France.
Setif) has a long history of struggle In fact, the majority of members of
before, during and after the war of the nationalist party “North African
independence. For historical reasons, Star” (founded by Messali El Hadj) were
Kabylia has been a site of rebellion and Kabyles.
resistance in colonial times. After independence, the ruling FLN
The land dispossessions and ignored the country’s rich cultural
13Backgrounder
diversity and adopted a narrower
conception of the Algerian identity.
It decided Algeria would be a
monolingual Arab and Muslim country,
denying any other languages and
cultures.
Consequently the Berber dimension
of the Algerian cultural heritage was
marginalised and reduced to folkloric
manifestations.
However, in 1980, during the “Berber
Spring”, demonstrations and strikes
demanded the recognition of Berber or
Tamazight as an official language.
The movement was violently
suppressed. The 1980 “Berber Spring”
was not merely a cultural uprising.
It constituted the first large scale
political challenge to the regime since the
early 60s, where the Berbers/Amazighs
of Kabylia articulated their grievances Photo: Zoheir Aberkane
against regime authoritarianism, its
disdain for rich Berber linguistic and 14th a huge and very impressive march
cultural identity as well as its neglect of on Algiers and inspired many citizens
the region’s economy. in other regions to revolt against Hogra
This true democratic mass movement (humiliation and social injustice).
inspired a decade of continuing struggle Marches in the capital Algiers
and revolts. remained banned during the 18 years
In April 2001, an insurrection started since the “Black Spring”, until the Hirak
in Kabylia. In what is now commonly protest movement began in February
dubbed the “Black Spring”, riots took 2019.
place following the killing of a young The Hirak has united Kabylia with
Kabyle student by gendarmes, who the entire country for the first time in
subsequently killed 126 people, mainly opposing the regime, whether in large
by gunfire, and severely injured or urban centres, remote mountain villages
tortured thousands more. Many villages or steppes and deserts of the south.
still display portraits of the victims today. And it has resisted the divide and rule
For one year and a half, a strong tactics of repression. The slogan “Arabs
popular movement occupied the front of and Kabyles are Brothers and Sisters” is
the political scene and put the question a testimony to this regained unity in the
of democracy back on the agenda. face of an authoritarian regime.
This movement organised on June
14Trade Unions: A History
TRADE UNIONS: 2003, this strike movement resumed
at a national level, this time at the
continued joint call of the CLA and the National
Autonomous Council of Teachers of
Secondary and Technical Education
(CNAPEST) on September 27, 28 and 29
T he financial upturn in the 2000s
represented a major turning point
and opened a long cycle of union
of the same year.
The teachers demanded a 100 percent
increase in their salaries, a revaluation
protests that affected all sectors of of the salary scales, the creation of
activity. Wage demands were the permanent posts and retirement after
common factor and the trigger for 25 years of effective service. This fight
these protest movements, particularly lasted three months and ended with a
from 2002-2003. Despite the intensity considerable achievement at the time,
of union struggles, they remained namely a 30 per cent salary increase.
defensive in nature. Faced with government threats of being
In March 2002, the hydrocarbon struck off, several education unions
sector was paralysed by a strike of affiliated to the UGTA threatened to
UGTA members against the liberal go on strike if the government carried
project concerning an amendment to out its threats against striking teachers
the hydrocarbon law (Khelil Law) which affiliated to the CLA and CNAPEST.
was pro-business and pro-privatisation. On the UGTA side, several strikes
Subsequently, a general strike in 2003 were carried out in the Autumn of 2003
further paralysed the country, with and then in 2005 and 2010 by workers
the call by the UGTA leadership for the in the economic sector: ports, customs,
rejection of the hydrocarbons bill and a SNTF (rail), SNVI (trucks and buses)
program of privatisation. and brick factories, to demand wage
The refusal of the National Federation increases and defense of their industries
of Education Workers (FNTE-UGTA) to These strike movements were
respond positively in 2002 to the will of generally launched without the approval
its union base to carry out a fight to the of the leadership of the UGTA, especially
end, around their claims concerning the after the signing of the economic and
system of allowances and bonuses, led social pact between the UGTA and the
the workers of the sector to engage in Algerian Government in 2006, which
struggle in 2003, outside the UGTA. had instituted a four-year social truce.
Three general strikes by secondary The signing of this pact did not prevent
school teachers were launched by the certain combative sectors of the UGTA
Coordination of Algiers High Schools from waging major union struggles,
(CLA) which declared a general strike such as in the industrial zone of Rouiba,
from May 17 to June 25, 2003. which has so far maintained a certain
Frozen due to the earthquake that fighting spirit.
struck the Boumerdes region in May This stage was also marked by the
15
15Trade Unions: A History
struggles of civil servants who were have thus noted that the autonomous
at the forefront and which gradually sectoral unions representing the
expanded, despite the various economic middle strata adopted radical discourse
and social pacts signed between the and means of struggle worthy of the
Government, the UGTA and the proletarian workers' struggles.
employers' federations, in all public The proletarianisation of intellectual
service sectors: education, health, work as well as the changes in power
public administration, civil protection, alliances which have been increasingly
veterinary surgeons… based on parasitic classes, have pushed
In 2011, in the wake of the this social class towards more radicalism,
revolutionary process in the Arab world, including among university teachers.
the country experienced an extension of The process of going beyond sectoral
the struggles of workers affecting several unionism took time to materialise on
sectors of the country's activity: resident the ground. Autonomous unions have
physicians, general practitioners and come a long way since the experience of
public health specialists, psychologists, the National Committee of Trade Union
midwives, nurses, teachers, educational Freedoms (CNLS) in 2004, a grouping of
assistants, public service workers, autonomous unions that has operated
postal workers, railway workers, oil with the aim of defending union
workers, steel workers, dockers, lawyers freedoms in Algeria.
and clerks, municipal guards, radio There have been several attempts
journalists, Air Algérie airline crew, to organise unions in order to set up
national education workers, customs, sectoral union coordinations or union
banks etc. confederations, but these experiences did
The main common demand remained not last because of certain administrative
a salary increase and the adoption blockages and certain trade unionists’
of a specific status. However, this desire for leadership.
dynamic weakened in the second half However, in recent years, there
of 2011, but rebounded in 2016 with has been a qualitative advance in the
another round of union protests and demands in the autonomous unions.
major demonstrations, such as the May They have challenged the finance
1st march in the city of Béjaïa, in the laws, rejected the undermining of
northeast of the country. Algerian workers’ achievements in
We can say that from 2002 to the terms of retirement, and denounced
present day, autonomous unions have the preliminary draft of the Labour
gained visibility and representativeness Code. They have moved on from just
in other socio-professional categories, bonus claims for this or that sector. This
as was the case in national education, development has accelerated another
following the cyclical strikes of 2003 and process, that of creating a unity around
2007. a new union confederation in Algeria in
These unions have in fact recorded a 2018.
very large number of workers joining. We The Confederation of Algerian
16
16
12Trade Unions: A History
Striking workers from the independent union federation COSYFOP, March 2019
Photo: COSYFOP via Facebook
Trade Unions (CSA) brings together of lengthy solidarity work between the
13 autonomous unions from different member unions. The process dates back
sectors, including five unions in the to the beginning of 2010, when several
education sector. These are: The National united actions took place on the ground,
Autonomous Council of Teachers of including strikes, marches and rallies.
Secondary and Technical Education For the moment, this Confederation
(CNAPEST), the National Union of brings together only the leadership
Education Workers (SNTE), the National of the 13 unions which make it up,
Autonomous Syndicate of Secondary in a pyramidal structure. Regional
and Technical Teachers (SNAPEST), the meetings have been held in several
Council of Algerian High Schools (CLA) Wilayas (regions) across the country to
and the National Union of Workers in consolidate the construction of the Trade
Education and Training (SATEF). Union Confederation.
The CSA is also composed of the This will be laborious because of
National Union of Public Health certain objective constraints, notably
Practitioners (SNPSP), the National Union the internal struggles between union
of Veterinarians, the National Council of leaders at the national and local levels.
Higher Education Teachers (CNES), the In fact, this bureaucratic phenomenon
National Union of Vocational Training affects not only the UGTA but also the
Workers (SNTFP), the Union of Postal autonomous unions. If not contained,
Workers, the National Union of Aircraft this bureaucracy could be a brake on the
Maintenance Technicians (SNTMA) and enlargement of the Confederation.
the National Union of Imams.
Indeed, this Confederation is the result Translated by Shelagh Smith
17
13
17Interview
INTERVIEW: THE BATTLE FOR CHANGE IN
THE CLASSROOM AND BEYOND
Bordj Samir
Could you briefly describe the school the students; the negligence of the State
system in Algeria for our audience in through lack of research in the sector.
the United Kingdom? The best way of bankrupting a public
service is lack of state financial support,
T o answer this question, firstly I
must place myself in my role as a
trade unionist, that is to say to inform,
a deterioration that prepares the way for
the commodification of Algerian schools:
schools dedicated much more to social
and at the same time challenge the training than to developing knowledge in
Algerian education system. The Algerian the service of society.
constitution guarantees the right to
education for all. It is compulsory, free Which union do you belong to?
for all children of school age up to the age
of 16. I am a founding member of CLA
More than 9.2 million students are (Conseil des Lycées d'Algérie, Council
enrolled in public schools, of whom about of Algerian High Schools), founded in
63,800 students are in private schools. 2011. But the CLA already existed long
The evolution of the Algerian education before. The CLA in 2001 was not a trade
system has gone through three periods union; it was a movement of discontent
since 1962: a policy of recovery of the by teachers without a clear status (that is
colonial system, followed by reforms to say those with short-term contracts)
to assert independence and confirm mobilised together to regularise their
national sovereignty, and finally a policy situation.
of managing student admissions. After its beginnings outside the
The main reasons why our education official institutional framework, firstly
system does not work are: it is trapped in Algiers, and then after spreading in
by ideological and political struggles; 2007 to other regions, the CLA obtained
the incompetence of the main players in official recognition from the Algerian
the sector; uninspiring programmes of state in 2013, and was transformed
study oriented towards learning by heart into the Council of Teachers in Algerian
rather than understanding; stultifying High Schools (CeLA). The CeLA today
bureaucratisation; the teachers only is established in around thirty wilayas
copy a programme dictated by the or regions. We defend free, good quality
ministry without taking into account public schools.
the particular difficulties and needs of
18
18Interview
Teachers have often taken to the streets to express their anger
Photo: Samir Larabi
Do the different education unions work with combative unions in the local
together? sections of the UGTA (majority national
In 2006, an inter-union organisation union, which largely covers the private
was formed within the education sector, but is very bureaucratic and in bed
sector to counter the reform which was with the regime).
taking place, but especially on three
united demands: a salary increase of What were the demands raised by
100 percent, the elaboration of specific strikes in recent years? What have been
pay and conditions regulations for their successes and failures?
employees, and retirement after 25
years of service. The following year, the In 2004, the education trade union
organisation expanded to include all movement launched four strikes,
autonomous public service unions. including a three-month one that
The late Idir Achour, former General achieved a 60 percent increase in salaries,
Secretary of the CLA, always worked which was completely offset by the
for a united union front to build a increase in the cost of living.
real balance of power and to achieve a Some of the other demands were:
general strike. This is evidenced by the wage increases, the promulgation of
recent creation of the Confederation of employment regulations in education,
Autonomous Trade Unions (CSA) and and retirement after 25 years of service;
the constant maintenance of relations guarantee of trade union freedoms and
19
19Interview
the right to strike, campaign against a (the mass media, the judiciary…). But the
public service statute which aimed to struggle continues because the regime
enshrine precariousness; campaign to has no legitimacy.
defend public education and to denounce
the planned dismantling of technical Could you tell us more about recent
education; campaign to regain the strikes and marches by primary
pedagogical power of teachers. teachers?
The successes were: a slight
improvement in promotions to the Primary school teachers in Algeria
category of public service status and a suffer on both a pedagogical and a social
60 percent increase in salaries. Failures: level. On the pedagogical level, the
cancellation of early and proportional teachers are asking for a reduction of the
retirement, tightening of laws relating to timetable which has reached 30 hours
the right to strike and to demonstrate. per week, the cancellation of classroom
newsletters, the generalisation of new
What role have teachers played in the technologies, and a reduction in class
Hirak? sizes which sometimes reach 36.
They are demanding that primary
Algerians cannot and will not suffer schools become the property of
any more humiliation. They want to the education sector and not of the
live in an Algeria of democracy and municipalities, which manage them
social justice. National wealth must be poorly; and to cease performing a
distributed fairly. Teachers believe that supervisory role in the playground and in
Algeria after February 22, 2019 will never the canteen.
be the same as before, and have engaged On the social level, they are
in the Hirak from the start. demanding a remuneration which allows
On March 10, 2019, unionised and them to live a dignified life (faced with
non-unionised teachers followed the call soaring prices, 31,000 DA per month, or
for a general strike and demonstrations 200 €, is insufficient for even one person
in all the cities of Algeria. On October to live in dignity); bring the primary level
28, 2019, on the initiative of the into line with other levels (revision of the
Confederation of Autonomous Trade specific pay and conditions regulations).
Unions (CSA), teachers took part en Faced with such a situation, the CeLA
masse in the demonstrations by closing can only be united with primary school
schools, high schools and universities, in teachers in their efforts; by declarations
a general strike which gained 80 percent and sit-ins in front of the Education
support at the national level, to demand Departments.
the departure of the existing system.
The ruling class has turned to the use Bordj Samir is a teacher and a founding
of force to push its roadmap and is in member of the CeLA union. Interview by
a strong position because it holds the Hamza Hamouchene and Shelagh Smith.
means of persuasion and disinformation Translated by Shelagh Smith.
20
20Backgrounder
THE UNEMPLOYED MOVEMENT
Hamza Hamouchene
S ince 2012/2013, there has been
growing discontent and mobilisation
from the unemployed movement
represented by the CNDDC (National
Committee for the Defence of
Unemployed Rights), especially in the
oil-rich Sahara, a region that provides
the bulk of Algeria’s resources and state
income but that suffers from long–
term political, economic and cultural
marginalisation.
With the bankruptcy of party politics,
growing dissent and discontent in the
last few years have been increasingly
expressed through the emergence of
social movements organising around
social and environmental issues,
particularly in the gas-rich Sahara.
Just 85km away from Hassi Messaoud,
one of the wealth centres of the country
and Algeria’s first Energy Town, the
unemployed movement CNDDC that
started in Ouargla in 2013 succeeded in Thousands joined marches and protests
Photo: BBOY LEE
mobilising tens of thousands of people in
huge demonstrations demanding decent expected, all attempts have been made
jobs and protesting against economic by the authorities to crush, discredit
exclusion, social injustice and the and co-opt the movement, which played
underdevelopment of their region. an important role in bringing an anti-
The unemployed of Ouargla rightly corporate dimension to the anti-fracking
wondered why they have not been the uprising that started in January 2015,
beneficiaries of the oil wealth that is following the Algerian authorities’
lying under their feet. announcement at the end of December
How come they continue to suffer 2014 that drilling would begin in the
from unemployment and political and first pilot shale well in In Salah in the
economic exclusion while multinationals Ahnet Basin, by a consortium of three
thrive and plunder their resources? As companies: Sonatrach, Total and Partex.
21Trade Unions and the Hirak
Metalworkers’ union leader Kouadria Smain addresses a mass meeting, April 2019
Photo: courtesy Kouadria Smain via Facebook
TRADE UNIONS AND THE HIRAK
Samir Larabi
S ince February 22, 2019, Algeria has
been living to the rhythm of a huge
popular movement unprecedented since
of society, mainly people and workers
crushed by decades of austerity and
repression.
the country's independence in 1962, a Throughout this struggle, workers
movement that can be described as a real have been an important mobilising force
revolutionary process. in the ongoing popular Hirak, either
The current popular movement has through union intervention, in citizen
accentuated the regime's crisis and is collectives or as individuals. However,
fundamentally challenging its authority they have taken part in the movement
over society. The popular dynamic, with without a class identity and without
all its limits and contradictions, is part highlighting the specific demands of the
of a process of overthrowing the regime world of labour, which represents more
and the construction of a democratic and than 9 million people.
social republic. From the first days of the outbreak
A process that has mobilised all fringes of the popular Hirak, many unions and
22
22Trade Unions and the Hirak
workers’ collectives have shown their An attitude which deprived the
full support for the popular struggle, popular Hirak of a considerable strike
including the autonomous unions force and the prospect of consolidation
affiliated to the Confederation of by organised workers. This meant the
Autonomous Trade Unions (CSA). movement missed a historic chance for
From the first weeks, the CSA change by and for the workers those
displayed its support for the popular leaders are supposed to represent.
movement, the non-recognition of At the same time, many workers in
the government and the demand for the economic sector mobilised to support
the return to popular sovereignty. The the Hirak and distanced themselves
demands of the CSA, which exists only from the bureaucratic apparatus of the
in the public sector, are not corporatist UGTA symbolised by Abdelmadjid Sidi
or socio-economic, they adopted Said. Dozens of economic, even strategic
the demands of the street, namely companies went on strike in solidarity
the departure of the system and the with the popular movement.
establishment of the second Republic. With the start of the revolutionary
The CSA organised two strikes and process, a new coordination within the
two marches, with the same political UGTA was born. This brought together
demands, in the capital Algiers on April four regional unions who affirmed their
10 and May 1, 2019, despite the attempts support for the movement of "building
of the regime to repress them. Even a new republic" and demanded the
though confined to the public service departure of Sidi Said and all the leaders
sector, these two events raised great involved in the union’s betrayal.
hopes among the population in struggle. They were joined by several
But afterwards the leaders of these members of the National Executive
unions became passive. Commission (CEN), the highest body
They preferred to engage in a kind of between two congresses, then by the
coalition with certain parties and civil National Federation of Workers in
society organisations, in groupings and Metallurgy and Mechanics, Electricity
meetings which demanded the return to and Electronics (FNTMMEE). The
the electoral process with a minimum of coordination called "National Committee
guarantees on the transparency of the for the reappropriation of the UGTA
elections. by the workers" organised rallies on
In fact they were not far from the April 17 and May 1, 2019 in front of
regime’s proposal of a political solution the union headquarters, and attracted
within the constitutional framework. many unionists, workers and left-wing
These unions’ leadership did everything activists.
to impede the day of national protest The Committee launched a national
in October 2019 and undermine the petition for the organisation of an
participation in a general strike in extraordinary national congress of the
December 2019, on the eve of the UGTA before the end of 2019, which only
presidential elections. delegates duly mandated by the base
23
23Trade Unions and the Hirak
should attend. However, this movement
to reclaim the UGTA could not gain the
confidence of all workers and union
officials, nor prevent the organisation's
planned congress from being held.
This movement for change did
not last, due to lack of initiative
and combativeness and the lack of
involvement of the workers in this fight
against the bureaucratic apparatus, as
well as the objective contradictions in the
world of labour.
Known for its long traditions of
radical union struggle, the region of
Bejaia stood out by the level of real and
effective involvement of the unions
(UGTA and autonomous unions’ University workers on the march
sections) in supporting the popular Photo: PST via Facebook
Hirak from the first days of the current
the massive support of the workers. The
revolutionary process.
workers' show of force once again proves
Both in the economic sector (public
its ability to mobilise and struggle better
and private) and in public service, local
once it has freed itself from bureaucratic
unionists and workers' collectives got
obstacles.
strongly involved in the mobilisations
At this crucial moment in the
and strikes, and some are very active in
revolutionary process, the Hirak needs a
the Pact of the Democratic Alternative
new lease of life in terms of organisation
(PAD, an alliance of some opposition
and perspectives in favour of the
parties including the left with some trade
workers, not a so-called road map to
unions and civil society organisations).
resolve the regime's crisis.
The mobilisation reached its peak
It needs to offer a perspective for
during the general strike of December
going beyond the current regime, with
9, 10 and 11, 2019. During these days
its union oppression, its social misery,
of strikes, large processions of workers
exploitation and precariousness. The
from the UGTA and autonomous unions
unity and permanent mobilisation of
unified in the streets.
workers from all sectors can only open
This demonstrates the ability of
up historic political possibilities for
workers to unite in struggle, beyond
the construction of an authentically
corporatism and the internal struggles
democratic and social Algerian
between union apparatuses. This
republic free from all forms of market
experience once again demonstrated that
domination.
the revolution cannot succeed without
Translated by Shelagh Smith
democratic organisation and without
24
24Women
WOMEN AND THE FIGHT FOR
LIBERATION
Photo: Zoheir Aberkane
W omen played — and still play —
a crucial role in the uprising, as
can be seen in their strong presence
feminist organisations are doing their best
to put women’s liberation at the centre
of this democratic revolution and the
in marches and protests all over the presence of revolutionary figures such as
country, including very conservative Djamila Bouhired and Louisette Ighilahriz
areas. They are actively involved in the denotes that the struggles for popular
students’ movement that managed sovereignty and women’s liberation are
to maintain its Tuesday marches for interlinked and ongoing. On International
more than a year now. Some of them Women’s Day (8th March), Algerian
faced repression and even jail but they women chanted in the streets: “We are not
continue to show their unflinching here to celebrate, we are here to uproot
dedication to the struggle. Some you!
25
25Backgrounder
Students and workers march in Bejaia
Photo: PST via Facebook
STUDENTS BUILD UNITY IN STRUGGLE
Samir Larabi
S ince the start of the revolutionary
process in February 2019, the student
movement has played an important role
has established itself as an essential force
in creating a balance of power in favour
of the people in struggle, while going
in the popular mobilisations that have beyond the division and fragmentation
shaken the Algerian regime. Admittedly, within the student population. An
student mobilisations were initiated via objective alliance in struggle has been
social networks, but quickly a surge of built with teachers, technical and support
self-organisation took place, especially staff and even with the people. The
in the major universities of Algeria, large Tuesday demonstrations turned into
mobilisations not seen since the student popular marches.
movement of 2011. At the start of the popular movement,
Dozens of committees were created the student movement had great
in a short time, representatives elected mobilising strength, which has seen a
and platforms developed. During this sharp decline in recent months, despite
popular Hirak, the student movement a timid revival during the campaign for
26Backgrounder
the presidential elections of December
12, 2019.
In Algeria the role of the university
has radically changed, from the anti-
colonialist university at the service of
national development to an institution
at the service of the state bureaucracy
and bosses. With the introduction of the
LMD reform which subjects universities
to the dictates of the market, they play
the role of producing skilled labour for
companies. The promulgation of the new
higher education orientation law (2008)
legalises private universities and the
creation of centres of excellence, thus
enshrining a two-tier education system.
By opening up services to private
initiatives, the state has embraced the
commodification of the university,
which has become a huge market for
Photo: Zoheir Aberkane
computer and chemical consumables, the
paper industry and for heavy scientific graduates. As soon as they finish
equipment. All these market transactions their studies, the majority of students
and dealings need to be scrutinised by know full well that no employment
state authorities. awaits them. They are either resigned
Student revolt is a universal to joblessness or job insecurity, which
phenomenon in today's world, reflecting puts them in the most distressing of
the structural crisis of the education situations. And the carefree period
systems globally. Added to this are the becomes a distant memory, and the fear
poor working conditions and support of tomorrow is almost permanent if
for students, with unevenness between issues of economic disinvestment and
countries (rich and poor), between flexible employment are not resolved.
schools and universities, especially public That remains the case despite public
ones. This crisis is worsening in the so- authorities’ assurances that millions of
called third world countries upon which jobs will be created and that the LMD
structural adjustment policies have been education reform will allow each student
imposed. Adjustments that have pushed to have a job. Moreover, several officials
states to reduce the budgets allocated to from the Ministry of Higher Education
public services, especially education. have recognized that between 140,000
Leaving university after graduation, and 150,000 university degrees are
even with a degree, has become injected into the market without any
a nightmare for young university prospect, especially with the austerity
27Backgrounder
‘Open spaces for debate and reflection in our universities, neighbourhoods and villages’
Photo: Collectif independente libre des femmes de Bejaia via Facebook
measures implemented since 2014 That is to say, to hold general
to the present day. As for recruitment assemblies, debate, produce platforms
methods, they take place in complete and elect representative delegates.
lack of transparency, according to several
reports of the ONS (Office of National Along with the rest of the Hirak,
Statistics). the weekly student demonstrations
Faced with the decline of student were suspended on March 18th
mobilisations and the disappearance due to safety concerns during the
of the overwhelming majority of coronavirus pandemic. Up until the
committees and collectives built at the 55th demonstration on 10th March,
start of the people's Hirak, it is vital to the numbers of students on the streets
rebuild these structures on a democratic had dwindled, but had been made up for
and combative basis. by other protesters joining their ranks.
There is no specific recipe, but this It is to be hoped that students will use
process can be initiated according to this time to plan for the rebuilding and
the specifics of each university campus. reinvigoration of the movement that will
This process of construction can be done be needed in the future to put an end to
at first by creating nuclei for debates, Algeria’s repressive and undemocratic
collectives, associations etc., but with regime.
the prospect of enlargement within
campuses and student residences.
28Britain fuels repression
Police block protesters in Algiers
Photo: Zoheir Aberkane
BRITAIN FUELS REGIME’S REPRESSION
Hamza Hamouchene
B P signed its first joint venture in
Algeria in 1995, only three years
after the military coup that cancelled the
corruption. Their eagerness to break into
Algeria in the 1990s, despite the violent
crackdown being enacted by the state,
first multi-party legislative elections in indicates the priorities of the British
Algeria since independence from French establishment. The UK favoured its own
colonial rule. economic interests and acquiesced in
The contract was signed while a brutal the Algerian regime’s ‘Dirty War’ of the
civil war was raging, with systematic 1990s. The same approach has continued
violence from both the state and Islamist ever since.
fundamentalists. UK foreign policy aims to lock
This signature has framed both North African natural gas into the
the British government’s and BP’s European and British grids and is heavily
engagement with Algeria over the past 30 influenced by arms and fossil fuel
years. It continues to shape the current interests. As a result, the Conservative
context of repression, impunity, and government has courted the Algerian
29
29Britain fuels repression
regime and supported arms sales
between British companies and Algeria
as well as encouraging an expanded
GAS DEALS
role for BP. In 2010 Algeria was listed IGNORE HUMAN
as a ‘priority market’ by UK Trade and
Investment’s Defence and Security RIGHTS
Organisation (UKTI DSO).
A report produced by UKTI DSO
A
in 2013 claimed “Algeria has arguably lgeria is one of the UK’s closest
supplanted South Africa as the African Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG)
region’s largest and most dynamic providing countries. The UK and
market, affording major export Algeria have a long history of LNG
opportunities for global suppliers.” collaboration spanning fifty years,
One of the suppliers to take advantage with the world’s first commercial LNG
was British-Italian military helicopter shipment delivering fuel from Arzew to
manufacturer AgustaWestland, which Canvey Island in the Thames Estuary.
secured a deal to produce helicopters Lord Risby, in his capacity as a
reportedly worth over $1bn in 2016. special envoy, has paid several visits to
This comes despite the regime’s Algeria since 2012, the latest took place
dismal human rights record and intense in February 2020. The Algeria British
repression of democratic movements in Business Council, headed by Lady Olga
recent years. Maitland, has also played a key role
The Conservative government has in facilitating these links, and counts
also worked to encourage investment oil companies BP, Equinor, Sunny Hill
in Algeria by other UK firms: total trade Energy and Petrofac as members. ABBC
between the two countries was £3.2bn in charges members for access to UK
2019, up 68 percent on the previous year. and Algerian government officials and
Today, Algeria is still ruled by a hosts business networking events.
military dictatorship with a civilian Such visits ignore the Foreign
façade. Affairs Committee’s conclusions that
Yet BP and the British government business interests must be balanced
continue to ignore social movements and with human rights.
civil society, instead working with the Instead, the sole priority is
intelligence agencies, training Special making connections between British
Forces and strengthening military and companies like BP and Shell and
economic cooperation. members of the Algerian regime.
Despite its strategic importance and Britain consistently prioritises fossil
growing relations with Britain, Algeria is fuel interests over human rights and
barely mentioned in the British media, democratic principles, and in the
due to a colonial perspective where the process is actively shoring up a highly
country is seen as the special reserve of repressive and corrupt regime.
France.
30
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