Bergen in Norway, sixteenth century. Hieronymus Scholeus.
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Bergen in Norway, sixteenth century. Hieronymus Scholeus.
Source: Civitates Orbis Terrarum, Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden, Collbn Atlas 45-2, fol. 38-39
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Hollanders in pursuit of mercantile
success on Hanseatic ground c. 1440-1560.
Bergen, Norway: the other story
Justyna Wubs-Mrozewicz
The trade in both the Baltic and Norway was in Hanseatic more efficient organisation of trade, com-
petitive prices and institutional innovations.4
hands in the Late Middle Ages. Hollanders ventured to The common denominator in these explana-
tory models is that these factors were bound
penetrate both markets and attained growing success in to foster a change in the sixteenth century, a
shift from Hanseatic to Hollandish domi-
the Baltic. A lesser known story is that they failed to do so in nance in the Baltic.
However, such a change did not occur in
Bergen, Norway. This article explores the reasons behind the all the areas where Hansards and Hollanders
vied for their share of the market in the fif-
failure in the period c. 1440-1560 and advances the view that teenth and sixteenth centuries. My doctoral
research dealt with a case in which there was
local conditions should be considered.1 continuity, not change in the commercial bal-
ance.5 In Bergen, the mercantile capital of
(Late) Medieval Norway, Hansards main-
tained their grip on foreign trade until at
Hollanders, Hansards and the Baltic: one of least the end of the sixteenth century. This
the grand themes of research on economic fact has until now been omitted from most
expansion in the Late Middle Ages and Early of the analyses of the general Hollandish-
Modern period. From the fifteenth century
on, Hollanders became increasingly active 1 This article is based on research for my doctoral project, which resulted
in the North Sea and Baltic trade. As they in the book Traders, Ties and Tensions. The Interaction of Lübeckers,
expanded into the Baltic, they became both Overijsslers and Hollanders in Late Medieval Bergen (Hilversum 2008).
2 R. Unger, ‘Feeding Low Countries Towns: the Grain Trade in the Fifteenth
partners and competitors of Hanseatic mer- Century’, Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire 77 (1999) 329-358; M. van
chants. Eventually, Hollanders outweighed Tielhof, De Hollandse graanhandel, 1470-1570: koren op de Amsterdamse
Hansards in the Baltic trade and took over molen (Den Haag 1995); J. de Vries and A. van der Woude, The first
modern economy. Success, failure and perseverance of the Dutch economy,
the pivotal role in the grain trade. Academic 1500-1815 (Cambridge 1997).
discussion has revolved around the impor- 3 D. Seifert, Kompagnons und Konkurrenten. Holland und die Hanse im
späten Mittelalter (Köln 1997); K. Spading, Holland und die Hanse im
tance of Baltic grain for the economic de- 15. Jahrhundert: zur Problematik des Übergangs vom Feudalismus zum
velopment of the Low Countries,2 the ex- Kapitalismus (Weimar 1973); W. Blockmans, ‘Der holländische Durchbruch
tent of Hollandish-Hanseatic rivalry and in der Ostsee’ in: S. Jenks and M. North eds., Der hansische Sonderweg?
Beiträge zur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Hanse (Köln 1993) 49-
cooperation,3 and the factors which enabled 58.
Hollandish expansion on Hanseatic com- 4 L. Heerma van Voss and E. van Nederveen Meerkerk, ‘The Hanse and
after. State formation, merchant elites and the efficiency of institutions
mercial ground in the Baltic. With respect to in the Hanse and Holland c. 1400-1680’ in: H. Brand ed., The German
the latter, the focus has been predominantly Hanse in Past & Present Europe. A medieval League as a model for modern
on the Hollandish background and qualities interregional cooperation? (Groningen 2007) 221-246; A.E. Christensen,
Dutch trade to the Baltic about 1600. Studies in the Sound toll registers
specific to Hollandish trade and economic and Dutch shipping records (Copenhagen 1941); E. Pitz, ‘Steigende und
policy. There are several complementary fallende Tendenzen in Politik und wirtschaftsleben der Hanse im 16.
Jahrhundert’, Hansische Geschichtsblätter 102 (1984) 39-77; H. Brand,
models of explanation for the Hollandish ‘Habsburg and Hanseatic diplomacy during the Sound controversy of
supremacy in the Baltic: among the most 1532’, in: H. Brand ed., The dynamics of economic culture in the North
frequently mentioned are the formation of Sea- and Baltic Region: in the late Middle Ages and early modern period
(Hilversum 2007) 102-121; H. Spruyt, The sovereign state and its competi-
a state which was superior to the Hanse in tors: an analysis of systems change (Princeton 1994) 109-129, 151-180.
political, diplomatic and economic terms, 5 Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions.
Tij d s c hr i ft vo o r G e s c hi edeni s - 12 3e j a a rga ng , num m er 3 , p. 3 40 - 3 53
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Hanseatic relations. It is also a lesser known versus non-Hanseatic, by shared interest, and
part of the history of Hollandish trade alto- by (a purposeful) manner of organisation.8
gether. It must be noted that sources on the In the context of this article, the most
relations in Bergen have hardly been used striking finding is that none of the afore-
in general discussions – this in spite of the mentioned external factors which boosted
fact that the published ones (especially the the Hollandish position in the Baltic seem
Norwegian source editions) and the unpub- to have played any role in Bergen. It must be
lished ones (in particular the recently recov- pointed out here that even though Bergen
ered Bergenfahrer archives in Lübeck) offer was initially regarded to have been on the
new and fascinating insights into the func- outskirts of commerce in Late Medieval and
tioning of Late Medieval commerce.6 In my Early Modern Europe, in reality it was both
book, these sources made it possible to pro- geographically and commercially a vital eco-
vide a detailed analysis of the ties and ten- nomic hub. Bergen was not only the seat of
sions between Hansards in Bergen, namely one of the four major Hanseatic Kontore, but
Lübeckers on the one hand and Overijsslers (a also the major staple market of stockfish in
term of group self-description used by traders Europe. And stockfish (dried cod) was a com-
from Deventer, Kampen and Zwolle in the modity which became a hit product with me-
Bergen context) on the other.7 The findings dieval consumers in the age of urbanisation
served to put the relations of all Hansards in and one of the major bulk goods in Hanseatic
Bergen with Hollanders (as non-Hansards) and European commerce.9 The characteris-
in a new light. The application of the con- tics of stockfish, especially its durability, also
cept of flexible ingroups and outgroups to made it a product which attracted the con-
both Hansards and non-Hansards resulted tinuous interest of foreign traders, among
in two general conclusions. Firstly, that inter- them Hansards and Hollanders.10 These two
nal Hanseatic relations as well as Hanseatic- groups, however, were quite different and
Hollandish relations in Bergen were more their story as it pertains to Bergen turned out
complex than formerly assumed (among oth- also quite different. As the following discus-
ers, the cooperation between Overijsslers and sion will show, Hansards constituted a much
Hollanders in Bergen is explored). A second larger group of foreign traders in Bergen than
general conclusion is that groups in Bergen Hollanders, while the latter fetched stockfish
were formed by the distinction Hanseatic also outside of Bergen, namely in Iceland and
Trondheim. Moreover, the Hollanders’ own
6 A recent study of the network of Lübeckers engaged in the Bergen trade cod and herring fisheries possibly moderated
is M. Burkhardt, Der hansische Bergenhandel im Spätmittelalter. Handel- their demand for Norwegian dried cod.11
Kaufleute-Netzwerke (Köln 2009).
7 In response to this issue in the review of my dissertation by R. Fagel in
Also, one can argue that the stockfish trade
Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 121 (2008) 480-481: the fact that these trad- was altogether of secondary importance to
ers themselves employed this term when they for instance wanted to Hollanders when compared with the moeder-
defend the interests of their group in the Bergen Kontor has motivated
my choice of this English neologism; see the more detailed discussion negotie, i.e. the grain trade in the Baltic. Still,
and examples in Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 15 note 15. it can be claimed that Bergen was clearly
8 Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 245-263.
9 A. Lampen, ‘Stadt und Fisch’, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und
within the sphere of Hollandish commer-
Wirtschaftsgeschichte 87 (2000) 281-307; J. Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘Fish, Stock cial interest, and that there were dynamics of
and Barrel. Changes in the Stockfish Trade in Northern Europe c. 1360- competition as in the Baltic. As discussed be-
1560’, in: L. Sicking and D. Abreu-Ferreira eds., Beyond the Catch. Fisheries
of the North Atlantic, the North Sea and the Baltic, 900-1850 (Leiden low, the appearance of Hollanders in Bergen
2009) 187; Ph. Dollinger, Die Hanse (5th edition, Stuttgart 1998) 278; when Hansards had temporarily left town,
D.E.H. de Boer, ‘“Waermede sal men den cogge laden?” - Enkele aspecten
van de laat-middeleeuwse handel in de Nederlanden, tot ca. 1470’ in: A.
the sustained Hollandish pursuit of rights,
Carmiggelt ed., Rotterdam Papers VII. A contribution to medieval archaeo- and Hanseatic measures against Hollanders
logy (Rotterdam 1992) 51-60. in Bergen all indicate that Hollanders acted
10 A. Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen fra det vestafjelske Norge (Bergen 1983,
unpublished doctoral thesis) 18, 159-169; J. Schreiner, Hanseatene og and were perceived by Hansards as poten-
Norge i det 16. århundre (Oslo 1941) 115-183; A.B. Fossen, Bergen bys histo- tial rivals in Bergen in the second half of
rie II. Borgerskapets by 1536-1800 (Bergen 1979) 15-22.
11 It must be noted that Hollandish cod fishery started on a larger scale
the fifteenth and first half of the sixteenth
from the middle of the sixteenth century and was of lesser importance centuries. If Hollanders tried to get into
than the herring fishery: see De Vries and Van der Woude, The first mod- the Bergen trade at the very same time they
ern economy; Ch. van Bochove, ‘The ‘Golden’ Mountain: an economic
analysis of Holland’s Early Modern Herring Fisheries’, in Sicking and
were expanding in the Baltic, why was there
Abreu-Ferreira, Beyond the Catch, 209-243. no similar shift in dominance in Bergen? In
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the following I will argue that local condi- stockfish, establishing long-lasting relations
tions played a crucial role in defining the with the fishermen and control of the ex-
commercial standing of foreign traders in port. The cod sold in Bergen as stockfish was
Bergen. Three factors were key: i) the frame- caught and freeze-dried around the Lofoten
work of the commercial privileges granted and Vesterålen islands in northern Norway.
by Norwegian rulers; ii) the so-called credit It was also brought from Norway’s tributary
system; and iii) the manner of organisation of islands of Shetland, Orkney and the Faeroes,
Hansards and Hollanders. and at least until the fifteenth century also
from Iceland. Bergen was thus the place to
be for traders in stockfish, and it is appar-
The privileges
ent that many foreigners wished to stay there
Hansards had a long history of privileges in year-round.19 The right of winter residence
Bergen. Commercial rights were first granted was first accorded to foreigners in 1276, in
to traders from specific towns and later also the Norwegian Urban Code.20 In 1282 this
to all the members of the most important right was restricted and would be granted
mercantile organisation of northern Europe, only to those foreigners who imported grain
the Hanse. Lübeckers, who would become products to Bergen.21 It was a measure to se-
the uncrowned leaders in the Hanse, received cure the steady supply of a scarce and much-
their first trading rights in Norway before desired product. Since Hansards profited
the middle of the thirteenth century.12 From from an increasingly more efficient and inte-
1343 privileges in Bergen were granted to grated mercantile network in the Baltic and
Hanseatic traders and Hanseatic towns,13 North Sea region, and could both offer mar-
which coincided with the development of kets for the Norwegian stockfish and pro-
the Hanse as an organisation of traders and vide grain products, their position in Bergen
towns.14 In the Bergen context, the term became only stronger as a result of the royal
‘Hanseatic traders’ encompassed Wendish restrictions on foreigners. After the Black
merchants, Lübeckers in particular, as well Death in the mid-fourteenth century, grain
as Overijsslers.15 The 1343 privilege, as well imports still remained of great importance to
as the ensuing privileges from the mid-four-
teenth century for the ‘traders of the Hanse’, 12 Diplomatarium Norvegicum (Christiania/Oslo 1847-) henceforth DN, vol.
also reflected the growing organisation of 5 nr. 4, 13 and 15.
13 DN 8 nr. 151.
Hansards within Bergen, which itself led to 14 V. Henn, ‘Was war die Hanse’, in: J. Bracker e.a. eds., Die Hanse.
the establishment of the Hanseatic Kontor in Lebenswirklichkeit und Mythos (3rd edition, Lübeck 1999) 14-23; M. Puhle,
the 1360s.16 The Kontor in Bergen would be- ‘Organisationsmerkmale der Hanse’ in: Bracker, Die Hanse, 196-201.
15 Deventer traders made use of Hanseatic rights from the 1360s, Kampen
come one of the four main foreign outposts of traders from the 1440s, and Zwolle traders probably made use of their
the Hanse, a permanent settlement of traders Hanseatic rights in Bergen from the 1460s on.
geared at ensuring efficiency in the fish-grain 16 Norges gamle Love. Anden Række 1388-1604 (Christiania/Oslo 1912-)
henceforth NGL II, vol. 1 nr. 339 (1360) NGL II/1 nr. 341-342 (1365, 1366): a
exchange and safeguarding Hanseatic privi- Norwegian source edition containing not only legal sources.
leges in Norway.17 The position of Hansards 17 Dollinger, Die Hanse, 132-142; R. Hammel-Kiesow, Die Hanse (2nd edition,
München 2002) 61-64, 115-116; K. Friedland, Die Hanse (Stuttgart 1991)
in Bergen was conditioned both by com- 147-151; E. Schubert, ‘Novgorod, Brügge, Bergen und London: Die
mercial rights and restrictions imposed by Kontore der Hanse’, Concilium medii aevi 5 (2002) 1-50; N. Jörn, ‘Die
the Norwegian rulers, and Hansards turned Herausbildung der Kontorordnungen’, in: D. Ruhe and K.-H. Spiess eds.,
Prozesse der Normbildung und Normveränderung im mittelalterlichen
some of the restrictions to their own advan- Europa (Stuttgart 2000) 217-235; M. Burkhardt, ‘Die Ordnungen der vier
tage. This legal framework consisted of: i) the Hansekontore’, in: A. Graßmann ed., Das Hansische Kontor zu Bergen und
die Lübecker Bergenfahrer. International Workshop Lübeck 2003 (Lübeck
privilege of winter residence; ii) the restric- 2005) 58-77; J. Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘De Kantoren van de Hanze: Bergen,
tion to wholesale trade; and iii) the prohibi- Brugge, Londen en Nowgorod’, in: H. Brand and E. Knol eds., Koggen,
tion on trading north of the city, including Kooplieden en Kantoren. De Hanze, een praktisch netwerk (Hilversum/
Groningen 2009) 90-107.
the tributary islands (Shetland, Orkney and 18 Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 35-62.
the Faeroes) and Iceland.18 19 Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 268-278; K. Helle, Bergen bys historie I.
Kongssete og kjøpstad. Fra opphavet til 1536 (Bergen 1982) 734-738; Wubs-
First of all, winter residence allowed Mrozewicz, ‘Fish, stock and barrel’, 190 .
trade in stockfish to take place not only dur- 20 R. Keyser, R. e.a. Norges gamle Love indtil 1387 (Christiania 1846-1895)
ing the market season in Bergen (May 3rd - henceforth NGL I, vol. 2, 185-290; K. Helle, ‘Die Rechtsstellung’, in: H.
Wernicke and N. Jörn eds., Beiträge zur hansischen Kultur-, Verfassungs-
September 14th), but also during winter. This und Schiffahrtsgeschichte (Weimar 1998) 316.
opened up the possibility of better choice in 21 NGL I/3 nr. 2.
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In turn, it again strengthened the position
of the Hansards as importers of grain prod-
ucts.22
Secondly, the restriction to wholesale
trade was imposed on foreign traders in
Bergen in 131723 and was repeated specifical-
ly for Hansards thereafter.24 Retail trade was
to remain primarily in the hands of Bergen
burghers.25 Even though Hansards once ap-
plied for the right of retail trade and at times
broke the rules, it does not seem that their
standing in Bergen was in any substantial
way affected by this restriction. They concen-
trated on exports from Norway, which meant
that wholesale trade – not retail – was of pri-
mary importance to them.
Thirdly and finally, the ban on trade
north of Bergen, including Iceland and the
Norwegian tributary islands, imposed by the
king of Norway for the first time in 1294 and
repeated many times since, proved to be in
line with the economic policy of the Hanse.
Hansards (from Lübeck, but also Overijssel towns) and Hollanders By establishing the Kontor in Bergen, the
(primarily from Amsterdam) were involved in the Bergen stockfish Hanseatic traders and towns wished to con-
trade. centrate and control the stockfish trade in
Source: J. Wubs-Morzewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions. The Interaction of Lübeckers, one place. Therefore, they adopted this royal
Overijsslers and Hollanders in Late Medieval Bergen (Hilversum 2008)
prohibition as their own and frequently re-
peated it.26 The concentration of stockfish
trade in Bergen and the Bergen Kontor, the
Norway, despite the reduction in population. aforementioned Hanseatic focus on whole-
How can this be explained? The decrease in sale trade, and the (in practice) exclusive right
manpower, along with a climatic change in of winter residence for Hansards were vital
Scandinavia which worsened conditions for elements to them. This legal framework pro-
cultivating grain, prompted a greater con- vided the Hansards with a basis for a rock-
centration on fishery and animal husbandry solid monopoly in the Bergen foreign trade
in Norway. It was a less labour-intensive and by the time Hollanders appeared in Bergen.
more successful way of procuring foodstuffs. Consequently, Hollanders, especially
Amsterdammers, who entered the Bergen
scene in the 1430s, needed either to fit into an
22 Helle, Bergen I, 730. On the impact of the Black Death in Bergen and
Scandinavia, see O.J. Benedictow, Plague in the late medieval Nordic
existing framework of privileges or attempt
countries: epidemiological studies (Oslo 1992); J. Vahtola, ‘Population to change it. The view has been advanced
and settlement’, in: K. Helle ed., The Cambridge History of Scandinavia I repeatedly in research that rulers started to
(Cambridge 2003) 559, 568-572.
23 NGL I/3 nr. 49. favour the Hollanders, which prompted an
24 1377, NGL I/3 nr. 111. anti-Hanseatic policy and stimulated the de-
25 1302, NGL I/3 nr. 53; Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 214. However,
Hollanders were probably allowed it since 1498: Wubs-Mrozewicz,
mise of the Kontor. This would mean that the
Traders, Ties and Tensions, 211. second option took place, and that there was
26 1294, DN 5 nr. 23; for instance 1412, NGL II/1 nr. 375 § 11; 1519, D. Schäfer ed., a development somewhat parallel to that in
Hanserecesse. Dritter Abtheilung. 1477-1530 (Leipzig 1881-1913), hence-
forth HR III, vol. 7 nr. 246 § 94 and 1550, Archives of the Hanseatic City of the Baltic.27 The claim that the Hollanders
Lübeck (Archiv der Hansestadt Lübeck), henceforth AHL, Bergenfahrer nr. served as a counterbalance to Hansards in
877; Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 198-205.
27 T. Riis, ‘Der Einfluß des hansischen Handels’, in: Graßmann ed., Das
Scandinavia dates back to the nineteenth
Hansische Kontor zu Bergen, 39-40; E. Hoffmann, ‘Die skandinavischen century.28 However, as I have demonstrated
Reiche und der Zusammenbruch der lübisch-hansischen Ostseepolitik’, in my book and as I will argue in the follow-
in: Bracker, Die Hanse, 130; and H. Stoob, Die Hanse (Graz 1995) 258-259.
28 Especially to the once influential work of the Danish historian C.F. Allen,
ing, there are few indications that Norwegian
De tre nordiske Rigers historie (Copenhagen 1864-1872) vol. 1, 503. rulers used privileges for Hollanders as a
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consistent policy to decrease Hanseatic influ- chants in the Norwegian economy, namely
ence on Norwegian economy and politics. In that Hansards brought meal, malt and
fact, due to recurrent turmoil in the politics beer in accordance with several privileges,
of Scandinavian succession in the second which strengthened the country. Moreover,
half of the fifteenth and in the first half of Hansards had proven their friendship and
the sixteenth century, the rulers of Norway faithfulness.35 In 1471 the Hollandish trade
and Denmark needed Hanseatic support not was further limited in spatial terms to two
only in economic, but also political terms. tenements (blocks of houses). The aim of the
Hansards were able – and willing – to pro- king, as he himself expressed it, was to ensure
vide financial and at times even military as- that the (Hanseatic) settlement and organisa-
sistance to rulers, and to refuse to trade with tion, as well as the interests of all inhabitants
the kings’ opponents. On the other hand, if of Bergen, not be weakened.36 In the Bergen
their interests were harmed by the rulers of context, Hansards thus seem to have been re-
Norway and Denmark, they were just as will- garded as traders of much greater importance
ing to support the opposing party in Sweden, than Hollanders.
where they also had vested interests.29 The only period in which Hollanders stood
Local economic and political conditions in a chance to gain more rights than Hansards
Scandinavia thereby determined which for- in Bergen was the 1490s. A prelude to this
eign traders were favoured. And, most of the was the privilege of 1490, when Hollanders
time, Hansards were the favoured ones. were allowed to trade outside of Bergen, and
How did this come about? Hollanders also in Iceland.37 They continued to enjoy this
had been nominally accorded rights in right throughout the period analysed here.
Norway already in 1376, yet this had hap- Still, in Bergen the extent of their trade was
pened in the general context of the Cologne to remain limited. A real change seemed to
Confederation, and it was in no relation to have been on the way after the Danish and
any actual mercantile ventures.30 Hollanders Norwegian king defeated his Swedish op-
appeared in Bergen in the 1430s, probably position, and the need of Hanseatic support
at the very time when Hansards had tem- was less pressing.38 In 1498 Amsterdammers
porarily left town in the period 1427-33.31 received the most general rights ever, equal to
The first privilege which came in response to the rights of Bergen burghers, among them
Hollanders setting up commercial relations presumably also the right of retail trade.39
with Norway was in 1443: Amsterdammers However, Hansards received a confirmation
were given the right to trade freely in Bergen
and Norway, with the exception of Iceland
29 J. E. Olesen, ‘Inter-Scandinavian relations’, in: Helle ed., The Cambridge
and other tributary lands.32 This privilege History of Scandinavia I , 747-749, 762; K. Kumlien, Sverige och hansea-
has been seen as a measure against Hansards, terna. Studier i svensk politik och utrikeshandel (Stockholm 1953) 368, 371,
since Hollanders were allowed access to the 375-377, 381, 394-398; F. Ketner, Handel en scheepvaart van Amsterdam
in de vijftiende eeuw (Leiden 1946); J. Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘‘Alle goede
Bergen trade on a seemingly equal foot- coepluyden…’ Strategies in the Scandinavian trade politics of Amsterdam
ing as Hansards. Yet in fact no rights were and Lübeck c. 1440-1560’, in: H. Brand and L. Müller eds., The dynamics
of economic culture in the North Sea and Baltic Region (c. 1250-1700) I
granted – at least overtly – which would pose (Hilversum 2007) 86-101; H. Brand, ‘Habsburg Diplomacy during the
direct harm to Hansards or infringe their Holland-Wend Trade Conflict of 1510-1514’, in: H. Brand ed., Trade, diplo-
special rights. The same concerned the ensu- macy and cultural exchange. Continuity and change in the North Sea area
and the Baltic c. 1350-1750 (Hilversum 2005) 114-115.
ing confirmations.33 At that time the ruler 30 DN 8 nr. 199; Olesen, ‘Inter-Scandinavian relations’, 718-719; Seifert,
of Denmark and Norway, King Christian I Kompagnons und Konkurrenten, 46-81; J. Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘The
Bergenfahrer and the Bergenvaarders. Lübeck and Amsterdam in a Study
(1448/50-1481), needed both the financial of Rivalry’, in: Graßmann, Das Hansische Kontor zu Bergen, 206-230.
and political support of the Hanseatic towns 31 1440, HR II/2 nr. 397 (BGO nr. 1459); Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 144 .
in his conflicts with Sweden. A breach of rela- 32 NGL II/1 nr. 124; Ketner, Handel en scheepvaart van Amsterdam, 116.
33 1447, NGL II/1 nr. 144 and 145; 1452, NGL II/2 nr. 37 and 38; 1453 H.
tions with Lübeck could have cost him dearly, Noordkerk ed., Handvesten der stad Amsterdam (Amsterdam 1748-1778),
as the town might have turned against him.34 henceforth Handvesten, vol. 1, 53, NGL II/2 nr. 37; 1454 Handvesten 1, 53,
NGL II/2 nr. 56; DN 5 nr. 788; 1458 NGL II/2 nr. 87.
In 1469, in a similar political context, the 34 Olesen, ‘Inter-Scandinavian relations’, 747-749.
king even explicitly limited to one or two the 35 NGL II/2 nr. 121.
number of Hollandish ships allowed to en- 36 NGL II/2 nr. 127.
37 NGL II/3 nr. 51.
ter Bergen (presumably at a time). The king 38 Olesen, ‘Inter-Scandinavian relations’, 762.
stressed the vital role of the Hanseatic mer- 39 NGL II/3 nr. 126; Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 211.
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of their rights at the same time. The king may thorns in the side of the Hanse.48 The fact that
have been aiming to maintain good relations the Kontor consistently wished to restrict the
with both the Hanse and Holland. In the six- scope of the Hollandish trade in Bergen sug-
teenth century Hollandish rights in Bergen gests that Hollanders were for a long time per-
were curtailed,40 despite their diplomatic suc- ceived as nuisance, and sometimes even as a
cesses elsewhere.41 potential threat and competition.
It must be emphasised that Hansards It must be stressed that from the 1540s
actively opposed Hollandish privileges in the royal policy was to further the rights of
Bergen and at times even resorted to violence the burghers of Bergen, and only in the sec-
against Hollanders.42 One of the first sources ond place to confirm Hanseatic rights. Other
on Hollandish presence in Bergen is an ac- foreigners, amongst them Hollanders, were to
count of Hansards destroying a Hollandish remain far less privileged than Bergen burgh-
stall.43 In 1447 Hansards attempted to ban ers and Hansards.49 A confirmation of rights
all foreign traders from the Bergen trade.44 In in Odense in 1560 again showed the differ-
1469 and 1471 the Kontor traders intervened ences between the positions of these three
against Hollandish trade outside of Bergen, groups, and especially between Hansards
excessive trade in smallwares, retail trade and and Hollanders.50 Despite the intervention
the scope of the Hollandish settlement.45 A of the regent of Holland, Margaret of Parma,
decade later, Hollanders filed repeated com- Hollanders were in practice denied the right
plaints about the hindrances they experienced to trade in winter. The vocal support of a rul-
in their trade in Bergen inflicted upon them er was thus not effective in the long run in the
by Hansards.46 In 1490 Hansards managed case of Bergen.51 And, as stated before, winter
to exact a restriction to three Hollandish residence was crucial for conducting efficient
tenements in Bergen.47 Throughout the six- trade in Bergen. In the 1560 edict, which de-
teenth century Hansards were repeatedly fined the Amsterdam trade until the end of
undermining Hollandish rights when they the sixteenth century, the king was openly
negotiated their own position. Hollandish choosing sides between the Amsterdammers
retail trade in smallwares in Bergen, and and the Hanseatic merchants in Bergen.52
fish trade outside of Bergen, were particular Like his predecessor in 1469, he offered an ex-
planation for his choice, pointing out the cru-
40 In 1507, their winter residence was limited to 3 or 4 merchants, NGL II/3 cial role which Hansards continued to play in
nr. 191. The 1545 confirmation of rights was also very limited, despite the
promises at Speyer in 1544; see Handvesten 1, 58 and Fossen, Bergen II, 26.
the town. He stated that, as the importers of
41 L. Lahaine, ‘Die Hanse und Holland von 1474 bis 1525’, Hansische all kinds of needed goods, Hansards simply
Geschichtsblätter 24 (1918) 227-280; Brand, ‘Habsburg and Hanseatic could not be missed in the Bergen economy,
diplomacy’, 102-121; J.D. Tracy, Holland Under Habsburg Rule, 1506-1566:
The Formation of a Body Politic (Berkeley 1990) 106- 114; R. Häpke, Die
and therefore only they were permitted win-
Regierung Karls V. und der europäische Norden (Lübeck 1914) 211-233. ter residence and winter trade.53 It appears
42 This section is based on Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘‘Alle goede coepluyden…’, 86- that the rulers of Norway made a clear choice
101.
43 c. 1440, NGL II/1 nr. 130, 245-248. between the two groups of foreigners and
44 HR II/3 nr. 312 § 7. were far more prone to curtail the rights of
45 NGL II/2 nr. 121; NGL II/2 nr. 127; Bruns, Bergenfahrer, p. XIII.
46 MA Amsterdam, Groot Memoriaal I 1474-1825, nr. 5023, 1480, fol. 139; 1481,
Hollanders than Hansards.54 The case of
fol. 161 (BGO nr. 2744); 1484, fol. 189 (HUB 10 nr. 1143). Bergen privileges is a good illustration of
47 NGL II/3 nr. 57. how the Hanse-Holland mercantile balance
48 Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 77-80, 170-213.
49 Ibidem, 57-59, 77-80. depended on local conditions.
50 Handvesten 1, 57; L. Laursen e.a. eds., Danmark-Norges Traktater 1523-1750
med dertil hørende Aktstykker (Copenhagen 1907-) henceforth DNT, vol. 1
p. 663. The credit system
51 Norske Rigs-Registranter tildeels i Uddrag, 12 vol. (Christiania 1861-1891),
henceforth NRR, vol. 1 pp. 287 and 297; the issue is discussed in Wubs- The so-called credit system was one of the cor-
Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, p. 79.
52 Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norge, 349-350; S. Sogner, ‘Hollendertid og nerstones of the Bergen foreign trade, and it
skottetid’, in: K. Kjeldstadli e.a. eds., Norsk innvandringshistorie Bind 1. I was closely connected to the privileges of for-
kongenes tid 900-1814 (Oslo 2003) 297-303.
53 Handvesten 1, 59-60; DNT 1, 663.
eign merchants there – particularly the afore-
54 It must be noted that many Hollanders became Bergen burghers and mentioned rights of winter residence and the
thereby circumvented the restrictions. However, they were then no prohibition of trade outside of Bergen. The
longer defined as foreign traders and had to abide by the rules in Bergen
and swear they would stay burghers there. See Wubs-Mrozewicz,
credit system shaped the conditions of stock-
Traders, Ties and Tensions, 78, 123-124, 166-168. fish-grain exchange in Bergen, and those who
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Stockfish trade and production
which was subject to competition
between Hansards and Hollanders.
Source: J. Wubs-Morzewicz, Traders, Ties
and Tensions. The Interaction of Lübeckers,
Overijsslers and Hollanders in Late Medieval
Bergen (Hilversum 2008)
could not or would not participate in it had ity in the Norwegian foreign trade, and the
to resign themselves to an inferior place on fishermen could prosper from exchange with
the mercantile ladder. Eventually, some of the rest of Europe.60 In the period c. 1350-
the foreigners – amongst them Hollanders – 1500 grain prices in Europe fell, while meat
started to seek their fortune elsewhere. and fish prices soared. As mentioned earlier,
While the employment of credit was wide- this acted as an incentive for the inhabitants
spread both in mercantile Europe in general of the northern coast of Norway to concen-
and in the Hanse,55 the credit system in the trate on fishery rather than only on farm-
Hanseatic Kontor in Bergen was a unique ing.61 Also, the credit system guaranteed
phenomenon.56 Its main principle was that a them the needed goods even in lean years.62
trader advanced credit to a Norwegian fish- Hansards provided goods to the fishermen
erman in the form of imported goods, such as for one year and would not expect repayment
grain products, textiles, and fishing tools, and
the fisherman was obliged to supply fish to his
55 E.S. Hunt and J.M. Murray, A History of Business in Medieval Europe,
creditor until the debt was repaid. Only fish- 1200-1550, 65-66, 160; M. North, ‘Kreditinstrumente in Westeuropa
ermen who had not incurred a debt were free und im Hanseraum’, in: N. Jörn e.a. eds., ‘Kopet uns werk by tyden’.
to trade with whomever they wished.57 Credit Beiträge zur hansischen und preußischen Geschichte. Walter Stark zum 75.
Geburtstag (Schwerin 1999); S. Jenks, ‘War die Hanse kreditfeindlich?’,
was already common in Bergen prior to the Vierteljahresschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 69 (1982) 305-
establishment of the Kontor in the 1360s, 338.
56 Jörn, ‘Die Herausbildung der Kontorordnungen’, 225-232.
but its use was probably expanded along 57 NGL II/1, 257; Helle, Bergen I, 734-738.
with the institutionalisation of Hanseatic 58 Helle, Bergen I, 735.
trade in Bergen.58 In the Norwegian histori- 59 Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 249-252, 268-278; Helle, Bergen I, 734-338;
Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norge, 18-21.
cal literature discussions of the credit sys- 60 A. Nedkvitne, ‘How important was Hansa Trade for the Norwegian
tem have mostly revolved around the issue of Economy’, in: V. Henn and A. Nedkvitne eds., Norwegen und die Hanse.
Wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Aspekte im europäischen Vergleich
the impact it had on the fishermen, namely (Frankfurt am Main 1994) 9-18; J. Sandnes, Ødegårdstid i Norge. Det
whether it was advantageous or disadvan- nordiske ødegårdsprosjekts norske undersøkelser (Oslo 1978) 150-151.
tageous for them.59 Nowadays, researchers 61 Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 336, 343-344 and table VI.2.
62 S. Dyrvik e.a. eds., Norsk økonomisk historie 1500-1970. Bind 1, 1500-1850
hold the view that it was profitable for both (Bergen 1979) 71; Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 336; K. Lindbekk, ‘Norsk
sides, since the credit system provided stabil- tørrfiskhandel’, Heimen 16 (1974) 445-446.
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until the following year. Sometimes they did which the country needed, namely grain
not receive any payment at all.63 The objective and malt.67 Again, as mentioned earlier,
of the credit system was to establish a stable, the Norwegian rulers at least twice explic-
long-term trade relationship, rather than to itly stressed the benefits Hanseatic import
provide short-term loans. The credit system of grain provided.68 Furthermore, they gave
continued to exist in Bergen even after the their support to the credit system and called
Hanseatic Kontor was closed: Norwegians on their subjects to fulfil the duties they had
took the system over when they founded accepted by taking the Hanseatic credit,
their own Kontor in 1754.64 namely providing the fish to specific mer-
A precondition for the efficient function- chants.69 Hansards themselves were keen to
ing of the credit system was the winter resi- maintain complete control of the channelling
dence, the support of the rulers, and adher- of fish from northern Norway, the tributary
ence to the rule that the trade was to take islands and Iceland through Bergen and their
place in Bergen. As stated earlier, winter resi- Kontor. They established their own rules on
dence was crucial since only merchants who how the exchange of grain against stockfish
resided all year long (often for many years) was to take place, first and foremost by allow-
in Bergen could establish long-lasting trade ing only winter residents (and not summer
relations with Norwegian fishermen.65 The guests) to trade directly with the fishermen.
fact that Hansards could provide the desired Trespassers were punished severely.70 Guests,
grain (along with other products) ensured who as such were not permanent residents
them not only the right of winter residence, of the Kontor, were to buy the stockfish
but also control of the stockfish which was from residents. In no case were they allowed
to be exported via Bergen. It was also the to fetch the fish themselves from northern
explanation Hanseatic traders gave for their Norway. The credit system was put under
stronghold in Bergen. With their ships filled serious strain when Hanseatic non-residents
with Baltic grain, they considered themselves of the Kontor started trading directly with
indispensable to Norway and its inhabit- Iceland in the first half of the fifteenth centu-
ants.66 As early as the 1240s the Norwegian ry, and with northern Norway and the tribu-
king requested that Lübeckers send goods tary islands in the sixteenth century.71 The
latter happened often after Hansards left the
Kontor and became Bergen burghers.72
63 1560, R. Häpke ed., Niederländische Akten und Urkunden (München
1913-1923), henceforth NAU, vol. 2 nr. 103, 44; A. Skivenes, ‘“So long - and
The credit system of the Hanseatic
thanks for all the fish!” The German Wharf Fish Trade as seen in Bergen’, Kontor had a huge impact on the position
in: Graßmann, Das Hansische Kontor zu Bergen, 106. of Hollanders in Bergen. Basically, it made
64 Fossen, Bergen II, 679-689.
65 Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 268-278; Helle, Bergen I, 734-338; Schreiner,
them outsiders in the Bergen fish trade.73 The
Hanseatene og Norge, 18-21. credit system and the Kontor itself were well-
66 1476, NGL II/2, 737-738 § 24: ‘wente dat lant unde de Normans sunder established in Bergen by the time Hollanders
sware gudere uth den Osterschen steden sick nenerleye mogen unthold-
en’ (because this country and Norwegians cannot in any way do without started to come there in the 1430s. Since
grain products from the Baltic towns); F. Bruns, Die Lübecker Bergenfahrer the Hansards enjoyed full royal support in
und ihre Chronistik (Berlin 1900) LI.
67 DN 5 nr. 1 (1247-1248).
their claims to the fish received from their
68 1469, NGL II/2 nr. 121; 1560, NRR 1, 297; Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norge, debtors, Hollanders had to adapt to this
295. situation. As will be shown in the next sec-
69 For instance 1350, DN 3 nr. 272; 1398, NGL II/1, 40-41; 1447 NGL II/1 nr. 140
§§ 11, 21; 1513, NGL II/4 nr. 4 §§ 4, 9. tion, the Kontor merchants greatly outnum-
70 For instance NGL II/2, 727-728 § 2; NGL II/2, 732-733 note 2 and §§ 1-5; NGL bered the Hollanders and accordingly had
II/2, 732-734 § 1; NGL II/2, 739-742 § 2.
71 Especially traders from Hamburg and Bremen, for instance HR III/1 nr. 351
a large number of debtors whom they for-
and 510; HR III/6 nr. 515. See also E. Baasch, Forschungen zur hamburgi- bade to trade with anyone else. This forced
schen Handelsgeschichte. I. Die Islandfahrt der Deutschen, namentlich Hollanders to conduct business either with
der Hamburger, vom 15. bis 17. Jahrhundert (Hamburg 1889) and B.E.
Gelsinger, Icelandic enterprise. Commerce and economy in the Middle Ages fishermen who were not indebted or with the
(Columbia S.C. 1981). Hanseatic Kontor itself.74 They also bought
72 NGL II/3, 107 § 165; AHL, Bergenfahrer nr. 1427 and 452; NRR 1, 101; Fossen,
Bergen II, 43-45.
fish from the Norwegian authorities which,
73 For a discussion on the credit system as a factor which created (tem- for instance, had been collected as taxes.75
porary) outgroups in Bergen, see Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and On the other hand, the fact that Hollanders
Tensions, 148-160, 163-168, 249-263.
74 HR III/7 nr. 154 § 8.
were less numerous than Hansards meant
75 Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 142-143, table II. 32. that their capacity for buying fish was small-
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er than that of the Kontor merchants. The that from the beginning of the fifteenth cen-
Hollanders coming to Bergen could not pos- tury, Bergen ceased to be the sole destination
sibly export all of the fish that the fishermen of Icelandic fish: it was now being shipped
had on offer. In this respect, they could hardly to England, and from the second half of the
become rivals of the Hansards as large-scale fifteenth century also to several German
purchasers of Norwegian stockfish. And, towns and Amsterdam.81 The Kontor mer-
just as the winter residence was a precondi- chants were all but happy about this practice:
tion for Hanseatic success in the credit sys- in their words, it was a catastrophe for their
tem, the aforementioned ban on Hollandish own trade. If not stopped, it would cause the
winter residence was a serious hindrance to demise of the Kontor and the fish trade in
the Hollanders’ efforts to expand the stock- Bergen. The reason was that Icelandic fish was
fish trade and establish lasting trade rela- being shipped in great quantities to northern
tions with Norwegian fishermen in Bergen. Germany and Amsterdam, and therefore the
Its impact was even more profound when demand for fish from Bergen was dwindling.
combined with a 1560 regulation by the king Fish from Iceland was cheaper, so it offered
which forbade Hollanders from advancing stiff competition to fish from Bergen.82 The
credit to Norwegian fishermen.76 The credit price was lower because Icelandic stockfish
system thereby limited the Hollandish pos- was harder due to different drying conditions
sibilities in stockfish export. and therefore considered of lesser quality.83
Moreover, the credit system of the The quality problem was solved by customers
Hanseatic Kontor probably affected the in Westphalia and the Rhine area in the be-
scope of Hollandish imports, and thus their ginning of the sixteenth century who devised
relations with the Norwegian fishermen. a stockfish mill to batter the commodity and
Fish was exchanged first and foremost for make it softer. As a result, the difference in
grain products, and sources from the late fif- quality between the two types of stockfish
teenth and sixteenth centuries indicate that apparently diminished, and the demand for
Hansards remained leaders in grain import Icelandic fish rose.84 In any case, it appears
to Bergen at that time.77 Hollanders import- that by the beginning of the sixteenth cen-
ed very little grain to Bergen in the sixteenth tury Icelandic stockfish had emerged as com-
century, a period when Amsterdam was be- petition to the fish from Bergen, and that
coming the centre of import and redistribu- Hollanders were participating in the import
tion of Baltic grain.78 The fact that the ma- of this competitive commodity.
jority of fishermen trading in Bergen were Another Hollandish source of stockfish
tied by debt to Hanseatic merchants suggests from the 1530s on was Trondheim. The
that Hollanders would have had difficulties sticky issue for Hansards was that Hollanders
not only buying fish directly, but also selling fetched not just any fish there, but fish which
grain products.79 A fisherman indebted to
a Hanseatic merchant was supposed to ex- 76 DNT 1, 663-644; Handvesten 1, 57; Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norge, 293;
change his fish for grain and other products Fossen, Bergen II, 27-28.
77 Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norge, 301-304; Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen,
provided by the merchant. In other words, he 170-171, table III.1.
was not free to buy desired products from, for 78 Van Tielhof, De Hollandse graanhandel, 149-168.
instance, traders from Amsterdam. 79 Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norge, 107-108.
80 DN 20 nr. 823.
However, there were two sides to the credit 81 NGL II/1 nr. 377; NGL II/1 nr. 385; DN 20 nr. 789; Schreiner, Hanseatene og
system. It imposed limitations on Hansards, Norge, 43; Baasch, Forschungen, 6-16; Gelsinger, Icelandic enterprise, 193;
M. Simon Thomas, Onze IJslandsvaarders in de 17de en 18de eeuw: bijdrage
namely by restricting their trade to Bergen tot de geschiedenis van de Nederlandsche handel en visscher (Amsterdam
alone. Hollanders did not have such a limita- 1935) 6-13.
tion, neither through internal rules nor regu- 82 AHL, Bergenfahrer nr. 1348 c. 1515/1516 and 1514, ‘Gebreke des copmans to
Bergen in Norwegen vorkerende’ in: Bruns, Bergenfahrer, 211-214 and NGL
lations by the king. Consequently, they were II/4 nr. 17.
free to pursue their stockfish trade elsewhere. 83 Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘Fish, stock and barrel’, 199. There was also a difference
in the quality of fish from the tributary islands (Shetland, Orkney and the
First of all, they focused on Iceland. Sailing Faeroes) and Bergen, and therefore it was forbidden to mix the two. See
from Amsterdam to Iceland is already record- NGL II/3 nr. 389 § 153 (1494).
ed for 143980 and, unlike Hansards, after the 84 ‘Gebreke’, in: Bruns, Bergenfahrer, 212-213 and NGL II/4 nr. 17. Such Late
Medieval or Early Modern mills have, to my knowledge, not been dis-
1490s they were no longer hindered by royal cussed in the literature on mills, probably due to the paucity of sources;
bans from trading there. It must be noted more extensively in Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘Fish, stock and barrel’, 197-198.
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indebted fishermen were supposed to sell to
The organisation of traders
the Kontor.85 Because the credit system was
based on the principle that indebted fish- The Hanseatic organisation of traders in
ermen were not free to trade with whom- Bergen was far more defined than the way
ever they wished, Hollanders intercepting Hollanders organised their activities there.
such fish in Trondheim seriously disrupted This was especially visible in the administra-
the mechanism of the system in Bergen. tion, settlement and the rules governing the
Hansards were even alarmed that Hollanders groups of traders. As a distinct entity, the
would establish their own settlement and or- Hanseatic Kontor proved to be a powerful el-
ganisation in Trondheim in the 1550s, but ement in the town of Bergen and largely im-
these fears proved unfounded.86 The scope mune to other foreign competition.
of the Iceland and Trondheim fish trade The organisation of Hansards in Bergen
conducted by Hollanders is very difficult to was consolidated in the 1360s and became
establish due to the paucity of sources. The one of the four major Hanseatic Kontore.88
fact that Hansards voiced their fears about it It was a structure with marked vertical and
suggests that it was potentially dangerous for horizontal lines. On the one hand, the en-
the Bergen Kontor. Yet it can also be seen as semble of traders coming to Bergen (menheyt)
a tactical move to alert the Hanse as a whole had a say in many matters, and the princi-
in order to stop any even minor changes in ple of equality among all the members was
the stockfish trade. The Kontor continued to very present. On the other hand, there was a
exist until the mid-eighteenth century, well central administration which connected the
past the prime of the Hanse itself.87 Kontor directly to the decisions of Hanseatic
In summary, the issue of the credit sys- Diets.89 The administration consisted of two
tem shows well that the local conditions to six aldermen supported by eighteen assist-
in Bergen were much more favourable for ants (achteinen). They formed the council of
Hansards and, consequently, Hollanders the Kontor, the kopmans rad.90 From the mid-
had very little room for expansion both in fifteenth century a secretary also joined the
the export and import of goods. Still, the dif- central administration. The aldermen who
ficulties in Bergen apparently did not mean stood at the head of the Bergen Kontor had
that the Hollandish interest in stockfish had a dual function. They acted internally as the
vanished. The logical step was to seek other judiciary authority, which had the power to
grounds for stockfish trade. establish regulations, and they also saw to the
observation of Hanseatic and Kontor rules.
Externally, they represented the Kontor at
the Hanseatic Diets and in negotiations with
rulers. The achteinen had specific tasks in the
administration of Kontor matters, such as
85 1533; the charge was also against traders from Hamburg and Bremen. See fire prevention, freight, or church matters.
G. Wentz and K. Friedland eds., Hanserezesse. Vierter Abteilung. 1531-1537 The secretary’s main tasks were not only at-
(Leipzig 1937-1970), henceforth HR IV, vol. 1 nr. 176; Schreiner, Hanseatene
og Norge, 220-221.
tending Kontor meetings and keeping cor-
86 Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norge, 220-221; AHL, Bergenfahrer nr. 877; respondence, books and registers, but also
Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘Bergenfahrer and Bergenvaarders’, 228. representing the Kontor as an envoy to the
87 Fossen, Bergen II, 679-690.
88 1366, NGL II/1 nr. 342; 1369, NGL II/1 nr. 346; Dollinger, Die Hanse, 132- Hanseatic Diets or meetings with royal of-
142; Hammel-Kiesow, Die Hanse, 61-64, 115-116; Friedland, Die Hanse, ficials.91 In general, the administration of
147-151; Schubert, ‘Novgorod, Brügge, Bergen und London: Die Kontore
der Hanse’, 1-50; Wubs-Mrozewicz, ‘De Kantoren van de Hanze:
the Bergen Kontor was similar to the or-
Bergen, Brugge, Londen en Nowgorod’; Jörn, ‘Die Herausbildung der ganisation of the Kontore in London, Bruges
Kontorordnungen’; ‘Die Ordnungen der vier Hansekontore’. and Novgorod.92 The difference in Bergen,
89 Bruns, Bergenfahrer, XXII-XXIX; Schubert, ‘Novgorod, Brügge, Bergen und
London’, 4, 6-7, 27-37. however, was that the administration was
90 Helle, Bergen I, 746. overwhelmingly dominated by Lübeckers.93
91 Bruns, Bergenfahrer, XXII; Helle, Bergen I, 744.
92 Jörn, ‘Die Herausbildung der Kontorordnungen’, 217-235; Wubs-
Their well-established and extensive trade
Mrozewicz, ‘De Kantoren van de Hanze: Bergen, Brugge, Londen en in Bergen and elsewhere allowed them to
Nowgorod’. take the helm at the Kontor. Moreover,
93 Bruns, Bergenfahrer, XIII-XV; more discussion on the issue, especially
in relation to Overijssel traders, in Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and
the existence of an organised Bergenfahrer
Tensions, 91-100. guild in Lübeck, which dated back to 1393,
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However, I have found no direct evidence
in the sources that the latter was indeed the
case. Instead, one common way of dealing
with representative and administrative prob-
lems in their contacts with Norwegians and
Hansards, which has been documented in a
source, was apparently to choose three or four
of the most competent merchants from the
ranks of the Amsterdam Bergenvaarders.100
This concerned Amsterdammers, but it could
have referred to all Hollanders in Bergen. It
may be that only urgent or minor issues were
addressed this way in person; more serious
problems were probably dealt with by the
Amsterdam aldermen, whether they travelled
to Bergen or not. This appears from the fact
that the Amsterdam traders in Bergen did
not address the king or the Kontor directly in
writing on behalf of their group; instead, their
Drying stockfish. letters are signed by the aldermen or guild in
Source: photo by author Amsterdam or the council of Amsterdam.
Apparently, the Amsterdam traders had
difficulties in countering Hanseatic and
must have played a significant role. Indeed, Norwegian opposition. In 1561 the aldermen
Lübeck was the only Wendish town with of the guild in Amsterdam decided that only
such a guild.94 Guild members frequently in- experienced merchants were allowed to trade
terfered in Bergen affairs, either directly or in Bergen in order to put an end to inefficient
through the Lübeck council.95 The personal negotiations and business conducted there.101
relations with the influential Lübeck council The question which remains is to what extent
must have also strengthened the position of the limited form of administrative organisa-
Lübeckers in Bergen. Lübeckish traders who tion of Hollanders was a reflection of their
were engaged in the Bergen trade often rep- limited interests in the Bergen trade and to
resented the Hanse as a whole in negotiations what extent it was a cause of less successful
with Scandinavian rulers.96 It also meant that business.
the Kontor in Bergen had the direct support As mentioned earlier, Hansards also had
of the most powerful town in the Hanse. a clearly more prominent presence in Bergen
There is ample evidence that the Kontor in
Bergen, either directly or via the Hanse, ex- 94 Bruns, Bergenfahrer, XX, CXI-CXII; Burkhardt, Der hansische Bergenhandel;
erted pressure on the Norwegian rulers and Helle, Bergen I, 749; in Deventer there was the only Bergenvaarders guild
in Overijssel; see Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 96.
achieved its aims, which included reducing 95 For instance on freight regulations in the second half of the fifteenth
the Hollandish privileges in the fifteenth and century: 1455, NGL II/2 nr. 406; 1463, NGL II/2, 668-669; 1485, NGL II/3,
sixteenth centuries.97 495-496; 1494, NGL II/3 nr. 388.
96 G. Asmussen, ‘Prosopographischer Vergleich der Älterleute der
Hollanders lacked a similarly efficient Bergenfahrer und der Flandernfahrer’, in: Graßmann ed., Das Hansische
administrative tool for their trade in Bergen. Kontor zu Bergen, 176-178, 183-184.
97 For instance in 1469, NGL II/2 nr. 121; Bruns, Bergenfahrer, XIII; Schreiner,
The organisation of Hollanders in Bergen was Hanseatene og Norge, 34; 1471, NGL II/2 nr. 127; Bruns, Bergenfahrer, XIII;
inherently connected to the Bergenvaarders Olesen, ‘Inter-Scandinavian relations’, 755; several instances in the 1540s-
guild in Amsterdam, which was the only 1550s: see Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 77-80.
98 J.C. Breen ed., Rechtsbronnen der stad Amsterdam (’s-Gravenhage 1902)
Bergenvaarders guild in all of the County of 217; DN 12 nr. 429; DN 16 nr. 604; Handvesten 3, 1187-1188 § XIX.
Holland, and which was presided over by 99 J. Wagenaar, Amsterdam, in zyne opkomst, aanwas, geschiedenissen, voor-
regten, koophandel, gebouwen, kerkenstaat, schoolen, schutterye, gilden
aldermen (overluyden).98 According to an en regeeringe (Amsterdam 1760-1767) II, 458.
eighteenth century history and description of 100 Handvesten 3, 1187-1188 § VII.
Amsterdam there were four such aldermen: 101 Municipal Archives Amsterdam (Gemeentearchief Amsterdam), hence-
forth MA Amsterdam nr. 5025, Vroedschap 1536-1795, fol. 225-226; J.G.
two who stayed in Amsterdam and two who van Dillen ed., Bronnen tot de geschiedenis van het bedrijfsleven en het
sailed with the other merchants to Bergen.99 gildewezen van Amsterdam I. 1512-1611 (’s-Gravenhage 1929) nr. 470.
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with respect to settlement and number of it maintained its position as the largest town
traders. It has been assumed that the first in Norway).108
winter residents from the northern German Hollanders were a far less numerous
towns stayed in Bergen in the 1260s.102 They group. Arnved Nedkvitne estimated on the
concentrated their business and living quar- basis of taxes paid that, for instance, in the
ters in the tenements at Bryggen, a part of period 1518-21 there must have been c. 56-
Bergen which eventually became synony- 66 Hollandish merchants in Bergen each
mous with the Hanseatic Kontor.103 Still, the year.109 This would have been a fraction of the
Kontor was not a topographically closed enti- Hanseatic population. In the fifteenth cen-
ty, and some Hanseatic traders also occupied tury they were also restricted to residence in
houses and tenements elsewhere in Bergen.104 three tenements in Bergen – much less than
In this respect, the Kontor in Bergen was less what the Hansards occupied.110 The gener-
segregated from the rest of the town than the ous privilege of 1498 discussed earlier, which
Kontor in Novgorod or London, but less in- afforded Hollanders rights equal to those of
tegrated than the Kontor in Bruges.105 The burghers, lifted the tenement restriction.111
Hanseatic merchants (as well as craftsmen This meant that merchants from Holland
and sailors) constituted a very visible group could now live freely and expand their settle-
in Bergen. Hansards occupied c. 19-31 tene- ment anywhere they wished, apart from the
ments, which in turn consisted of up to twen- Kontor quarters. The Hollandish settlement
ty houses.106 It has been calculated that in the seems to have expanded in the sixteenth cen-
winter the number of residents was between tury, though nothing in the sources indicates
1,000 and 1,500, and double this figure in that its size could in any way have matched
the summer.107 This was a substantial group that of the Hanseatic settlement. Moreover,
in Bergen, which had a population of be- due to the restriction on winter residence,
tween 5,000 and 10,000 people in the period most of the Hollanders who came to town
1300-1600. (It must be stressed that in the must have been summer guests, many of
European context, Bergen was a town of me- them possibly as skippers.112 Even in the cas-
dium size, but in the Scandinavian context it es when they broke the rules or circumvented
was a large city. Throughout the Middle Ages them by taking local burghership (thereby be-
ing present in Bergen in larger numbers than
appears from the tax sources), they remained
102 Schreiner, Hanseatene og Norges nedgang, 23; Helle, Bergen I, 380.
a significantly smaller group of foreigners in
103 Helle, Bergen I, 726-728. Bergen, even in the Early Modern period.113
104 G.A. Ersland, ‘Was the Kontor in Bergen a topographically closed entity?’, Finally, since its inception in the 1360s
in: Graßmann, Das Hansische Kontor zu Bergen, 51-57; Wubs-Mrozewicz,
Traders, Ties and Tensions, 109-111.
the organisation of Hanseatic traders in
105 Wubs-Mrozewicz, Traders, Ties and Tensions, 111-113 and ‘De Kantoren Bergen was governed by an elaborate set of
van de Hanze’, 92-100; E. Rybina, ‘Die hansischen Kaufleute in Novgorod. regulations, which was expanded and adapt-
Ihre Lebensumstände und ihre Beziehungen zu den Einwohnern der
Stadt’, in: R. Hammel-Kiesow ed., Vergleichende Ansätze in der hansi- ed if specific needs arose, for instance on the
schen Geschichtsforschung (Trier 2002) 242; N. Jörn, ‘With money and freighting of goods or on details of the credit
bloode’. Der Londoner Stalhof im Spannungsfeld der englisch-hansischen
Beziehungen im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Köln 2000) 417-432; V. Henn, ‘Das
system.114 The Kontor rules broadly con-
Brügger Kontor’, in: Bracker, Die Hanse, 219-223. cerned issues of trade, taxes, everyday life,
106 In the first half of the fourteenth century the number has been estimat- obedience to authority, dealing with discord
ed at thirty-one, and after the fire of 1527 at either nineteen or twenty;
Helle, Bergen I, 231, 246, 710. within the Kontore, and conduct towards the
107 Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 252-258. local population and other non-Hansards.115
108 Helle, Bergen I, 487-493, 692.
109 Nedkvitne, Utenrikshandelen, 326.
In addition, there were tenement rules which
110 1471, NGL II/2 nr. 127; 1490, NGL II/3 nr. 57 B. regulated more specific questions of everyday
111 NGL II/3 nr. 126. life.116 All these rules defined the group of
112 1470, NGL II/2 nr. 121.
113 H.J. Huitfeldt-Kaas, e.a. eds., Norske Regnskaber og Jordebøger fra det Hansards in Bergen, both at a given moment
16de Aarhundrede (Christiania/Oslo 1887-1983), henceforth, NRJ, vol. 2, and in general: they ensured the continuity of
576; Sogner, ‘Hollendertid og skottetid’, 297, 300.
114 NGL II/2 nr. 416.
the Kontor.
115 Jörn, ‘Die Herausbildung der Kontorordnungen’; M. Burkhardt, ‘Die In my book I have shown that some of
Ordnungen der vier Hansekontore’, in: Graßmann, Das Hansische Kontor these rules were specifically formulated with
zu Bergen, 58-77.
116 B.E. Bendixen, B. E. eds., Dat Gartenrecht in den Jacobsfjorden vnndt
two goals in mind: to demarcate the Kontor
Bellgarden (Bergen 1895). against non-Hansards and to further coher-
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