Fusion and Reform The Potential for Identity Fusion to Reduce Recidivism and Improve Reintegration - Berghahn Journals
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Fusion and Reform
The Potential for Identity Fusion
to Reduce Recidivism and Improve Reintegration
Harvey Whitehouse and Robin Fitzgerald
ABSTRACT: Recent theoretical advances in anthropology and group psychology suggest that
sharing self-defining experiences creates identity fusion, a powerful form of social glue mo-
tivating prosocial action. Here, we present results of in-depth interviews with a sample of 31
former inmates of prisons in an Australian state and explore the theoretical implications of this
work for interventions designed to reduce recidivism amongst ex-offenders. Our approach
focusses on the implications of fusion theory both for desistance amongst released prisoners
and for reinclusion into the community. We consider various ways in which existing inter-
ventions could be enhanced by applying this new theoretical knowledge and harnessing the
bonding power of shared experience. We also point to features of current practice throughout
the criminal justice system that encourage the adoption of inauthentic identities and thereby
obstruct the potential for fusion to energise and embolden efforts at reform.
KEYWORDS: anthropology, desistance, identity, psychology, recidivism, social cohesion
What is to be done about recidivism? We argue that a Howe 2004; Laidlaw 2004). This theory predicts that
potent form of social glue, known as ‘identity fusion’, self-defining experiences (prototypically rites of pas-
can motivate ex-offenders and, crucially, receiving sage, such as painful initiations) produce particularly
communities post-release to develop relationships intense social cohesion (Whitehouse 2004). It has long
based on shared experience to strengthen commit- been appreciated that episodic and autobiographic
ment to prosocial outcomes. These motivations could memory, including the visceral qualities of flashbulb
underpin a model of rehabilitation and reintegration memory (Conway 1995), play an important role in
for offending behaviour. shaping personal identities and are widely exploited
Identity fusion, commonly described as a ‘visceral by religious and military rituals to build social cohe-
sense of oneness’ with the group, was first conceptu- sion (Whitehouse 1992, 1996). With the emergence of
alised and measured by group psychologists (Swann fusion theory, however, it has become increasingly
et al. 2009). But theories of its underlying causes have clear that these processes documented ethnographi-
been largely inspired by anthropological studies of cally could be studied more precisely using psycho-
ritual and social cohesion (Whitehouse and Lanman logical measures (Whitehouse 2018; Whitehouse and
2014), especially the theory of ‘modes of religiosity’ as Laidlaw 2007).
developed and refined by social and cultural anthro- As a result, much research has now investigated
pologists specialising in a diversity of ethnographic the fusing effects of emotionally intense life experi-
regions including Madagascar (Bloch 2004), Melane- ence in a wide range of groups, including revolu-
sia (Barth 2002; Lewis 2004; Whitehouse 1995), West tionary insurgents (Whitehouse et al. 2014), football
Africa (Goody 2004; Peel 2004) and Asia (Bayly 2004; fans (Newson et al. 2016), Muslim fundamentalists
Anthropology in Action, 27, no. 1 (Spring 2020): 1–13 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action
ISSN 0967-201X (Print) ISSN 1752-2285 (Online)
doi:10.3167/aia.2020.270101
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No
Derivatives 4.0 International license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). For uses
beyond those covered in the license contact Berghahn Books.AiA | Harvey Whitehouse and Robin Fitzgerald (Yustisia et al. 2019), martial arts groups (Kavanagh in various ways, and argue that a fuller understand- et al. 2018), victims of terrorism (Jong et al. 2015), ing of the psychological mechanisms involved could and even wildlife conservationists (Buhrmester et al. lead to even more effective interventions. Moreover, 2018). This growing body of evidence suggests that the approach we recommend should be seen as po- the sharing of self-defining memories is capable of tentially augmenting rather than replacing others generating identity fusion whenever people undergo that have proven to be effective in the past. emotionally intense experiences together (White- There is certainly scope for improvement in the house et al. 2017). The policy implications of these way ex-prisoners are reintegrated into society. De- findings are becoming increasingly apparent (White- spite the substantial body of research evidence on house 2013), but this is the first effort to apply the re- effective interventions (Mackenzie 2006), recidivism sults of fusion research to the problem of recidivism rates remain high – for example, about two-thirds among ex-offenders. of released prisoners will be re-arrested within three Numerous studies have shown that identity fu- years in the United States (Durose et al. 2014). Those sion motivates strong forms of prosocial action and working from within the more recent desistance parochial altruism (e.g. Swann et al. 2014; White- paradigm have produced a series of arguments that house et al. 2014). Here, we consider how factors that the singular focus on ‘what works’ misses important increase fusion with others could help ex-prisoners questions about the nature of offending and of how to ‘go straight’ and improve their ability to make people change (Maruna 2001; Maruna and LeBel a positive contribution to society at large. At the 2012; McNeill 2006). From this view, desistance- same time, increasing fusion within the receiving supporting interventions “need to respect and foster community could also play an important role in re- agency and reflexivity; they need to be based on forming and reintegrating offenders. To some extent, legitimate and respectful relationships; they need to elements of correctional programmes and practices focus on social capital (opportunities) as well as hu- already encourage these kinds of relationships. Un- man capital (motivations and capacities); and they fortunately, there are features of the criminal justice need to exploit strengths as well as addressing needs system that can unintentionally prevent this from and risks” (McNeill 2006: 55). Nonetheless, studies happening by widening a gulf between offenders show that motivation is a persistent barrier to of- and the communities from which they come. They do fenders’ movement towards desistance (Farrall 2002; so by requiring offenders to adopt inauthentic identi- Giordano et al. 2002; Healy 2014). ties (e.g. to satisfy parole boards) and by a empting Equally important is the role of the wider com- to obstruct access to salient social networks (e.g. via munity in fostering reintegration and redemption. exclusion orders) rather than by influencing the goals These are laudable sentiments but also ambitious of these networks in positive ways. Here, we offer ones. To start the process, some have argued that a diagnosis of the problem based on a theoretical there needs to be an effective way of motivating ex- framework developed by a transdisciplinary team of offenders and the communities into which they need social and behavioural scientists, and propose a road to be reintegrated to work together towards common map for enhancing existing approaches to offender goals (Farrall 2002; Giordano et al. 2002; Healy 2014). rehabilitation. We view this as the first rung of a tall ladder, and our Criminologists have long debated how best to goal in this article is to contribute tools that can help provide effective correctional interventions. The shi make and install that ‘first rung’. In other words, we in mantras from ‘nothing works’ (Martinson 1974) to are seeking a motivational base capable of nudging ‘what works’ (Cullen and Gendreau 2001) is under- people in the direction of positive change. pinned by the risk paradigm and by experimental research demonstrating that at least some correc- tional programmes and interventions can and do Fusion among Felons reduce recidivism. Our goal in this article is not to criticize existing approaches, and still less to replace Identity fusion is a strong form of alignment with a them; rather, it is to demonstrate how one tool (iden- group, based on the fusion of personal and collective tity fusion resulting from the recognition of shared identities (Swann et al. 2009; Swann et al. 2012). Early experiences) can be used more effectively to reduce measures of fusion used a pictorial scale (Figure 1) offending. This tool is not entirely new in criminal in which research participants are shown a series of justice practice – we consider examples of initiatives pairs of circles, one small (representing you) and one that already harness the power of shared experience large (representing a group to which you belong). 2 |
Fusion and Reform | AiA
Low High
fusion fusion
Self Group Self Group Self Group Self Group Self Group
Figure 1. The Pictorial Fusion Scale (Swann et al., 2009).
Each pair of circles in the series differs in degrees sion can motivate peaceful forms of altruism within
of overlap, ranging from no overlap at all (very low the group (Swann and Buhrmester 2015). Indeed, in
fusion) to small circle fully enclosed within the big the absence of an out-group threat, evidence shows
circle (very high fusion). Participants are invited to that ‘fused’ individuals are primarily interested in
say which depiction best characterises their relation- taking care of one another rather than fighting (Red-
ship with the group. dish et al. 2016; Segal et al. 2018). Multi-country stud-
Variants of the pictorial fusion scale have used ies suggest that fusion fosters perception of familial
more gradations of overlap or a sliding scale which ties (Swann et al. 2014), and fusion has been described
participants can use to specify the exact point on a as a form of psychological kinship (Whitehouse
continuum where their fusion level falls. A verbal and Lanman 2014). Not surprisingly, therefore, the
fusion measure (Gómez et al. 2011) has also been perception of shared biological traits, as would be
developed and validated, in which participants are found amongst genetically related individuals, has
invited to endorse on a Likert scale how strongly they been shown to foster identity fusion (Vázquez et al.
agree with the following statements (in the original 2017) and may help to explain why highly fused so-
measure, the ‘group’ specified was ‘country’ but is cial groups commonly invoke idioms of kinship (e.g.
substitutable for any group): common ancestry, bonds of fictive brotherhood). But
fusion has also been shown to result from the sharing
My group is me. of personally transformative experiences (Jong et al.
I am one with my group. 2015; Whitehouse 2018). Indeed, this is probably the
I feel immersed in my group. most important pathway to fusion in groups of ge-
I have a deep emotional bond with my group. netically unrelated individuals. When self-defining
I am strong because of my group. experiences are shared with other group members,
I’ll do more for my group than any of other group and thus are also defining for the group, this serves
members would do. to fuse personal and collective identities. To the ex-
I make my group strong. tent that such experiences have a long-lasting (e.g.
lifelong) impact on identity, fusion with a group is
Numerous studies have shown that high levels o en highly stable over time (Newson et al. 2016).
of fusion with a group motivate extreme forms of Although no systematic research on identity fu-
self-sacrifice, such as willingness to fight and die to sion amongst offenders has been carried out, we
protect other members of the group (Swann et al. conducted in-depth exploratory interviews with a
2014). Fusion is thought to play an important role in sample of 31 men and women serving parole orders
fighting groups, ranging from conventional armies in an Australian state in 2017–2018. The aim of the
(Whitehouse et al. 2017), to revolutionary insurgents interviews was to assess participants’ perceived fu-
(Whitehouse et al. 2014), and from extreme football sion with a variety of groups (e.g. family, country
fans (Newson et al. 2016) to suicide terrorists (White- and salient friendship networks) using the pictorial
house 2018). But there is also strong evidence that fu- fusion scale, but it was also to speak in depth with
| 3AiA | Harvey Whitehouse and Robin Fitzgerald
participants about their interpretations of those re- and especially what kinds of things could motivate
lationships, their lives, and their experiences of them to want to go straight.
prison and parole. Parolees were recruited through Several themes arose from these interviews, sug-
six Corrective Services Probation and Parole offices, gesting that identity fusion amongst those who have
and the sample served as a rough representation served custodial sentences may follow very different
of the parole population in the state with a greater pa erns as compared with the population at large.
proportion of men (84 per cent) than women (16 per For a start, fewer than half (42 per cent) of our sample
cent), a greater proportion of those serving shorter indicated that they were highly fused with their
sentences of less than three years (65 per cent) than families, a figure that is low compared with levels
longer sentences (35 per cent), and roughly 16 per of fusion with family estimated in previous research
cent who identified as Indigenous Australians, an sampling general populations worldwide (Swann et
underrepresentation relative to their 31 per cent al. 2014). For example, most Australians (89 per cent
share of the state’s prison population but nonethe- of those sampled) in a multi-country study singled
less an overrepresentation relative to their 3 per cent out family as the group they were ‘most willing to die
share of the general population (Australian Bureau of for’, a measure that correlates highly with levels of
Statistics 2017). Ethical approval for this research was identity fusion (Swann et al. 2014: 916; Whitehouse et
granted in advance by the relevant university Hu- al. 2014). This finding is not surprising based on con-
man Research Ethics Commi ee and the state Cor- sistent research evidence linking dysfunctional fam-
rective Services Research Commi ee. Participants in ily relationships to criminal behaviour (e.g. Hoeve
the study, all parolees over 18 years old, were inter- et al. 2009). Poor family relationships are also tar-
viewed following scheduled supervision meetings so geted as a key risk factor in the predominant risk-
as to reduce respondent travel and time burden. All needs-responsivity models of correctional interven-
participants were given the opportunity to provide tion (Andrews and Bonta 2010; Purvis et al. 2011).
informed consent following a description of the na- Participants in our study articulated several reasons
ture and aims of the study in appropriately accessible for their lower fusion to family. Not surprisingly,
language. At the end of each interview, participants pa erns of childhood abuse and precarious family
were given the opportunity to debrief, seek feedback, circumstances emerged as common themes. As one
or ask questions related to the research, as well as to participant, explained:
opt out of the study at any time.
In line with our interest in the fusion of personal I’ve had bad experiences when I was growing up
with mum and dad. Um, just all the abusive hidings
and group identities, the structured interviews began
that we used to get when we were young. Um . . .
by focusing on participants’ most transformative life
and also, when mum, dad and me brothers and sis-
experiences, which we described as ‘life-changing’ ters le me in New Zealand and moved here in . . . I
events that can be remembered very clearly. We then was on the streets then, so I wouldn’t know that they
explored the extent to which the experiences people came here, to Australia to live. (Male, 40 years)
described were felt to be shared by others, something
previous research has shown to be an important Some participants described the disconnection from
mediator of fusion with a group. We were also in- family as the sense that their close kin did not really
terested in identities that might obstruct the path- know their authentic personal selves. For example, as
way to fusion, such as inducements by courts and another participant put it:
parole boards to adopt inauthentic redemptive life
I also haven’t been brought up with my siblings a
narratives in order to secure reduced sentences. For
lot . . . and I don’t normally talk about . . . what I go
example, we asked people whether they sometimes
through to them, so they . . . they only know me as
needed to put on an act and how that made them me, but they don’t know . . . the me on the inside.
feel. We then administered the pictorial fusion scale (Male, 37 years)
focused on a series of groups: family, all Australians,
and then other groups that they had indicated were Equally unusual in our sample, relative to national
important to them (e.g. community, church, work samples, was the low level of fusion with society at
colleagues). The questions then returned to issues of large (Swann et al. 2014). Indeed, a full third of our
shared experience, this time focusing more specifi- participants chose the two lowest possible fusion
cally on the groups mentioned earlier. In the closing levels with Australia, suggesting a strong sense of
parts of the interview, we explored factors that make alienation from their country of origin or residence.
reintegration into the community easier or harder As one participant explained:
4 |Fusion and Reform | AiA
Well I’m an outsider. Even though they – no one on emotionally intense ritual and religious experiences.
the street knows me, I feel like I’m being judged and An excellent example of this is provided by churches
looked at like they know – they just know. Or they in American prisons.
look at you ‘cus you have ta oos, and the way you Louisiana State Penitentiary (more commonly
look. Like, you’re a bad person, and cross the road. known as ‘Angola’, where ancestors of many inmates
So – I get that all the time. Like, just random people
were originally captured as slaves) is America’s larg-
just cross roads ‘cus I’m walking, yeah. (Male, 31
years) est maximum-security prison. Ninety per cent of those
serving sentences at Angola die in custody, with an
This is a critical point demonstrating alienation from, average sentence length for non-lifers of over 90 years
rather than alignment with, mainstream society. The in 2012 (Halle et al. 2017). Until the 1970s, murder
issue, to which we return below, is how to encourage rates at Angola were high, but felon-led religious or-
some recognition of existing commonality or ‘shared ganisations appear to have been largely responsible
experience’ between members of the community and for making the prison a much safer environment for
the offender so as to more effectively bolster and vali- both inmates and staff (Halle et al. 2017). Angola
date a desisting identity following release from prison. is the only prison in the United States that permits
Although fusion with family and country were inmates to run their own ‘churches’ as a result of a
much lower than what previous studies of Austra- 1974 federal consent decree aimed at addressing the
lia’s general population have recorded, ex-offenders appalling conditions in the prison that ‘shocked the
showed unusually high levels of fusion with mem- conscience of any right-thinking person’ (Halle et al.
bers of their social networks, especially those with 2017: 2). Federal resources have allowed inmates to
whom they had shared the ordeals of incarceration. design and operate a ‘panoply ecumenical worship’
The way participants described bonds of this kind (Norris 2016) referred to collectively as the ‘Angola
suggested that such relationships can be stronger Church’.
than bonds of kinship. As one participant put it: ‘My The Angola Church appears to have played an
friends are more family than what family is, ‘cus important role in fostering a sense of community in
I’ve been with them all my life’ (Male, 31 years). Or prison, leading to a safer environment. For instance,
for another participant, some fellow prisoners were Michael Halle and colleagues (2017) show that pris-
‘people that have gone through hell same as me’, oners involved in these religious programmes report
forging relationships with them that ‘absolutely lower rates of disciplinary convictions and miscon-
changed my life’ (Male, 19 years). Participants also duct, but also higher rates of religious self-change
described the feelings of trust that these bonds with or conversion narratives and positive self-identities.
other prisoners created, allowing them to feel com- In further research, conversion and, to some degree,
fortable sharing deeply felt experiences: religiosity are demonstrated to be likely to lead
Angola prisoners to ‘rehabilitate themselves by help-
There was a couple of good guys in there I knew ing transform their old, antisocial self into a new,
even though they did quite bad things . . . we could
prosocial one’ (Jang et al. 2018: 432). Future research
talk about everything. . . . I got to know them over six
years pre y much. Yes, they were good. They didn’t should a empt to disambiguate the psychological
tell anyone else anything. (Male, 29 years) processes that underpin these prosocial outcomes.
A plausible working hypothesis is that felon-led re-
Previous research has found these kinds of ‘familial’ ligious activities, and especially the oratorical skills
bonds also amongst diehard football fans (Newson of those delivering sermons in prison, serve to
et al. 2016) and military groups (Whitehouse et al. ramp up fusion amongst inmates based on shared
2017), and one such study conducted amongst revo- experience. Halle and colleagues describe an ‘inter-
lutionaries in the 2011 Uprising in Libya showed that denominational cross-pollination’ (2017: 179) that oc-
on a forced choice question, frontline fighters chose curs frequently between inmate ministers who o en
their brothers in arms over actual family members as work together, sharing the same physical space and
their most fused group (Whitehouse et al. 2014). We resources as they interact and build connections. Hal-
could describe these groups based on fictive kinship le and colleagues capture this sense of connection,
as ‘fusion families’. Although fusion families can or ‘camaraderie’, from one inmate minister:
become established naturally in prison as a result of I was so green, as green as they come. I was a racted
sharing the trials and tribulations of life behind bars, here being the maintenance man. I didn’t even know
there are also some striking examples of felon-led the books of the Bible. But when I was invited and
organisations that generate fusion to the group via approved to go to school – si ing in class day a er
| 5AiA | Harvey Whitehouse and Robin Fitzgerald
day a er day and working together and struggling to motivate prosocial action that is endorsed by the
together and ge ing to my wounds and my scars that criminal justice system as well as by society at large,
I could share with many of them through the various not only in the prison environment but following
tests, and yet it comforted me with a love – and not release. Correctional systems are already effective at
at all one time forcing me to become Baptist. There’s a identifying individuals who ought to be kept apart
camaraderie in the midst of the preparing, the equip-
because of previous or current criminal associations
ping, that I learned in seminary that you’re just not
going to get apart from that. (Halle et al. 2017: 61) (Andrews and Bonta 2010), but they may also pro-
vide a footing for the development of fusion families
A recurring theme in inmate ministers’ narratives through prison-based and community programmes
and in the sermons more generally is shared experi- that encourage peer connections (Devilly et al. 2005).
ence, which is of course a known pathway to identity Still other identity configurations are possible.
fusion. Angola’s inmates know, of course, that many For example, in some cases prisoners may become
of the ordeals they have personally endured in their toxically fused – that is, strongly aligned with a street
lives are commonplace amongst fellow prisoners. gang, criminal cartel, or terrorist cell bent on acts of
Techniques comparable to those used by ministers violence. Although our sample of ex-offenders did
in the Angola Church to inspire fusion and prosocial not include such individuals, dangerous forms of
action are evident in other religiously inspired inter- identity fusion might be amongst the ‘push-and-
ventions such as the Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) pull factors’ that can bedevil efforts to go straight
12-step programme that focusses strongly on shared (Roman et al. 2017). In such cases, efforts could be
suffering as a means of bonding and motivating par- made to develop interventions aimed at defusing
ticipants. As we could predict, recent research on AA group members, for instance by exposing them to
meetings has shown that giving help to other mem- evidence that their self-defining life experiences are
bers of the group, irrespective of receiving help from less shared with the members of violent groups than
others in the group, is a factor that significantly re- they previously assumed (Whitehouse 2018).
duces one’s likelihood to relapse (Johnson et al. 2018). If a goal of the criminal justice system is to reform
This is also evident in prison-based peer-support pro- prisoners, to reintegrate them into society as loyal
grammes which provide both mentors and mentees and law-abiding citizens, then one effective way to
greater insight into their lives, helping them to move accomplish this would be to nourish fusion with
towards desistance (Devilly et al. 2005). prosocial groups and values and/or to defuse offend-
Thus, it seems that the prison environment can ers from toxic groups. Arguably, current policy can
foster a diversity of configurations of personal and obstruct this by encouraging the adoption of inau-
group identity, presenting a range of challenges both thentic personal identities and focussing excessively
from a fusion-theory perspective and from the more on criminality rather than on commonality. Even ap-
practical perspective of how best to assist rehabilita- proaches specifically designed to help ex-offenders to
tion. One configuration we have considered above reintegrate into society could be criticised along simi-
may be described as ‘fusion-free’ – that is, individu- lar lines. For example, correctional practice through-
als who are not fused with any groups or relational out Australia relies heavily on interventions based
dyads and networks. Here, the practical challenge on cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT; Heseltine et
would be to help such individuals appreciate that at al. 2011). While there is consistent evidence that CBT
least some of the transformative life experiences that programmes are effective at reducing recidivism for
have made them who they are today are also shared some groups of offenders, and aid in teaching skills
by suitable others. The goal in this case would be to such as emotional regulation and perspective-taking
fuse such individuals to law-abiding or positive mod- (Hofmann et al. 2012), CBT has also been critiqued on
els, providing a basis for joining mainstream groups a number of grounds, including that some variants of
espousing positive values and character virtues. this form of therapy require prisoners to internalise
A second configuration, one that also featured or accept notions of criminal identity in order to then
in our Australian sample, was that of the ‘fusion undergo a process of self-recovery (Kendall 2002).
family’ – individuals who have developed familial Howard Becker’s (1963) now classic labelling theory
bonds in prison. And we have also seen that fusion suggests that, rather than changing behaviour, such
families can be cultivated within religious organisa- interventions may encourage the offender to accept
tions managed by prisoners themselves, such as the the ‘deviant’ label and consequently see him or her-
felon-led Angola Church. In such cases, a reasonable self as an ‘outsider’. These same labels are o en pro-
aim might be to harness the bonds of fusion families moted in the wider community, which increases the
6 |Fusion and Reform | AiA
difficulty of forming the types of relationships that ‘complicate efforts to a ain a conventional lifestyle’
can help an offender continue the path of desistance (Pogrebin et al. 2015: 414). In some cases, these com-
that may have started within the institution. plications may relate to individuals’ abilities to fos-
It is vital to appreciate that the fusion process ter and maintain crucial relationships with fusion
relies on the sharing of authentic self-defining experi- families. This can happen because the conditions of
ences with others. The formation of fusion relation- release commonly include various exclusion orders
ships within prison can serve to be the motivation for that prevent potentially fused individuals from con-
offenders to begin to develop a desistance identity. sorting with each other on the outside. While it may
Fusion families established spontaneously through be likely that relationships forged on the inside can
shared experiences in prison engender powerful social be counterproductive to desistance, we should also
bonds based on authentic and potentially durable pro- take seriously the strength of connections (based on
cesses of identity-formation. Family-like ties amongst shared experiences) within fusion families and the
offenders result not only from sharing the experience potential for encouragement of prosocial behaviour
of incarceration but also from the realisation that because of these relationships.
others have gone through similar experiences of Of course, the challenge lies in differentiating pro-
abuse growing up and of being rejected or judged social productive and counterproductive relationships
by society at large. When fusion families are created and determining how to foster the former and re-
in this way, their members are strongly motivated to channel the la er. A number of factors are thought to
support one another, even to encourage each other to influence the likelihood that fusion motivates violent
break out of cycles of crime and incarceration. As one or peaceful forms of pro-group action. These include
participant in our Australian sample put it: perceptions of out-group threat, adoption of violence
condoning norms, in-group–out-group segregation,
I’ve just done close to ten years straight. And I was
entitativity, and lack of peaceful alternatives (see re-
up with a good mate, and he’s a lifer. And I told him:
“I’m not gonna bother with parole. I’m just gonna sponse to commentaries in Whitehouse 2018). Where
kick back and do full time, ‘cus it’s easier in here.” there is potential for fusion families to work together
And he’s like: “Stuff it, mate. Just get out and live life. for prosocial outcomes, how might that potential be
I’m in here for the rest of my life, at least you can get fostered and implemented in practice? Further, can
out and enjoy it.” And . . . when he started explain- we help the individual who has demonstrated the
ing certain stuff, it kind of . . . stuck out to me. ‘Cus ability to develop fused relationships on the inside
I’m 31 and I’ve spent nearly three quarters of my life to generalise that ability so as to find new prosocial
in prison, juvenile and adult, and . . . I’ve never had fusion families on the outside – and if so, how? We
a birthday out since I was 15. Christmas . . . I’ve lost propose that, instead of trying to break up fusion
a lot of my life. My family, everything. So, what he
families, we should explore ways of harnessing fa-
said to me really stuck out. And I’ve been out seven
milial bonds among ex-prisoners to motivate forms
months now, and it’s the longest I’ve ever been out of
prison. (Male, 31 years) of prosocial action, not only in order to have them
support each other to succeed on the outside, but
In other words, the shared-experience pathway to fu- also to have them be able to assist less fortunate in-
sion in prisons and the criminal justice system more dividuals, for example through a range of charitable
broadly can serve as an important tool for reform and activities.
desistance. However, the initiation of the desistance
identity that is formed within the prison can only
be maintained following release if there is wider Fusion in the Receiving Community
validation in the external community. Certainly, cor-
rectional practice can, on its own, act to inhibit op- Managing fusion to achieve positive outcomes has
portunities for that validation. For instance, the very two components. The first is offender-focussed; it is
conditions of parole can expose individuals serving aimed at encouraging offenders to develop relation-
these orders in the community to stigmatising and ships where there is a mutual concern to motivate
blocked opportunities that hinder desistance (Opsal prosocial action. The second, however, focusses on
2012). This possibility has been described as the ‘pa- the wider community and its capacity to foster and
role paradox’, in which the system of parole, which strengthen prosocial relationships. Where the com-
is ostensibly aimed at reducing the risk of reoffend- munity is resistant to accepting offenders and form-
ing and encouraging reintegration, at the same time ing bonds with them, one challenge might be to
can place individuals in circumstances that actually establish programs and practices that demonstrate
| 7AiA | Harvey Whitehouse and Robin Fitzgerald
common experiences or a sense of shared humanity I want a life. I’ve got a chance. Mark [Johnson] talks
(Maruna and King 2008). Efforts to reform ex-prison- sense and the thing is I wouldn’t take that from any-
ers can productively focus a ention as much on the one else. He’s been through it and so I know that he’s
receiving community as on the offenders themselves, giving me good advice. If it was someone talking to
and in particular might explore ways of encouraging me who hadn’t lived his life I wouldn’t listen. I’d just
think, who are you telling me this?2
potential employers to hire ex-prisoners given their
tremendous obstacles to finding and keeping work Initiatives to reduce recidivism that focus on relation-
following release (Western et al. 2001). Identity fu- ships with the receiving community o en extend
sion has an important role to play here as well. The beyond relational networks, such as fusion families,
effectiveness of community initiatives that seek to by focussing on shared experience with much larger
establish relational ties with ex-prisoners may de- categorical groups, such as country, ethnic group,
pend greatly on the motivations of those responsible or even humanity at large. Although there is some
for delivery. If the primary motivations are profes- evidence that this kind of ‘extended fusion’ with
sional or charitable, and the rewards largely extrinsic imagined communities (Swann et al. 2012) may not
(e.g. salaries in the case of social workers, or profits be as strong as ‘local fusion’ with face-to-face groups
for prospective employers) or reputational (praise (e.g. Whitehouse et al. 2014), many studies have
or admiration as a ‘do-gooder’), then the relational shown that extended fusion is nevertheless a potent
ties forged with ex-offenders may be superficial or motivator of pro-group action (Swann et al. 2009),
transient. This is not to diminish the importance of even when it stretches beyond the species barrier to
such work but to say that its effectiveness could be include fusion with other animals (Buhrmester 2018).
significantly enhanced by strengthening the fusion of Examples of initiatives designed to tap into feelings
communities surrounding offenders as they re-enter of shared experience with expanded group catego-
society. In tune with this approach are a broad range ries, binding together community members and ex-
of initiatives that focus on shared experiences of of- offenders from all walks of life, include profitable
fenders and the communities around them and which new businesses. Since 1982, Greyston Bakery in the
are typically also felon-led or at least emphasise the United States has originated and developed a system
agency of both offenders and their social networks in of open hiring in which any willing person, irrespec-
equal measure. In this section, we begin with exam- tive of criminal history or past, can be employed
ples of initiatives that would seem to operate in this without asking any questions, and this ‘includes
way, arguing that a fusion-theory approach could fur- women, men, people of color, people of all faiths and
ther strengthen such interventions. We then consider sexual orientations, immigrants and refugees, those
examples of approaches that are more antipathetical living in poverty or who have spent time in prison,
to ours and highlight risks associated with them. and anyone else who has faced barriers to employ-
Fusion in the receiving community is o en rooted ment’.3 Greyston’s aim is ‘to create the opportunity
in prior experience of prison life. Indeed, some of for people to participate fully in our economy and
the most effective initiatives in the community have contribute to our collective values’.4 The larger story
been led by and for ex-prisoners to address various of Greyston is to lead by example and ‘to change the
issues that affect these ‘returning citizens’, including world’ by promoting a sense of shared commitment
employment, housing, education and health care. and experience in the wider community.5
These groups can function as political advocacy Other initiatives that seek to strengthen the com-
groups, places to position ex-offenders as moral ac- munity’s capacity to accept ex-offenders back into
tors or agents of change (Graham et al. 2015), but at the fold likely draw on shared experience to elevate
the same time they can also serve as places to foster fusion-like bonds. Such initiatives might be loosely
understanding and common ground amongst those categorised as ‘innovative correctional strategies’ in-
with shared experiences. Among others, User Voice, volving programmes focussing on a range of special
founded in the UK in 2009 by ex-offender Mark interests from art to horticulture. What they have
Johnson, has as a foundation an ex-offender-led peer in common is a mechanism for offenders to work
support and mentoring programme, recognising that with and alongside members of the community and
‘offenders like to relate to those who have walked for the community as a whole. Examples of these
in their shoes’.1 User Voice participants speak about initiatives include ‘green justice’ (cultivating healthy
the importance of shared experience with other par- garden produce for disadvantaged groups), animal
ticipants in their own narratives of desistance. For fostering and welfare, art therapies, entrepreneur-
example, Jade says: ship courses, local conservation projects, disaster aid
8 |Fusion and Reform | AiA
provision, and inclusion programmes (White and plain why some existing correctional practices might
Graham 2015). work, but it can also be a valuable resource not only
Initiatives that foster fusion and a local commu- for offenders, increasing their capacity to support each
nity have an important role to play in reducing recid- other and to contribute to society at large, but also for
ivism, but we also need to consider the role of society the communities accepting them back into the fold.
at large and especially the impact of nation-wide There are strong theoretical grounds for suppos-
government policies, which are in turn influenced ing that identity might play an important role in
by public opinion. Given the real barriers to re-entry both offending and subsequent recidivism (Stone et
that ex-offenders can experience including housing, al. 2018). Weak alignment with law-abiding groups
access to services, and employment (Petersilia 2003) and their values may be linked to increased risk of
and the crucial role that ex-offenders’ feelings of criminality. Here, we have sketched out potential
being stigmatised can have for reconviction and or mechanisms for improving both the quality of for-
reimprisonment (LeBel et al. 2008), it is necessary mer prisoners’ lives and their capacity to reintegrate
to break down the walls of separation (White and into a community following release so as to lay the
Graham 2015) between offenders and the countries foundations for interventions that take prisoners’
in which they are citizens. The production of shared authentic memories and identities more seriously.
experience leading to identity fusion must therefore In so far as the authentic identities are prosocial and
involve the wider society. Previous research suggests positive, affirming these positive core identities may
that there may be mechanisms for tapping into the strengthen motives to connect to others that will con-
broader public’s sense of ‘shared experience’, when tinue to nourish their identities and their capacity for
it comes to the re-entry of offenders back into society. prosocial action. In addition to policy applications,
For example, Mike Nellis (2009) has argued that an a ractive feature of this theoretical work from a
American film, theatre, music and literature since purely scientific perspective is that here we have the
the 1990s has produced a plethora of narratives fo- opportunity to consider a population in which we
cussing on the experiences of released prisoners. In can see a wide range of variability in the relation-
this body of work, there is a recurrent focus on per- ships between personal and group identities and ob-
sonal agony, redemption and public forgiveness. This serve how this can influence the fusion mechanism.
work can contribute to a public conversation about Drawing on recent research showing that identity
crime and punishment, but also to a sense of shared fusion results from the sharing of personally salient
humanity. Another example would the United King- experiences, we have argued that exactly this kind
dom’s newly launched ‘Twinning Project’ that seeks of sharing is what is needed to help ex-offenders
to establish links between football clubs and their lo- become more fully reintegrated into society. We have
cal prisons, providing coaching and support to help pointed to many examples of existing interventions,
offenders acquire new skills and social relationships especially felon-led initiatives that draw on shared
to facilitate reintegration a er they are released.6 The experience and the resulting fusion to assist reform
initiative is nation-wide, with backing from central and reduce recidivism. Most if not all such interven-
government, the Premier League, and the Football As- tions have arisen through trial and error, and could
sociation, garnering support from tens of thousands undoubtedly be refined and improved by adopting a
for sports fans from across the country. Because team more theoretically informed approach. For example,
sports are such a powerful mechanism for generat- we have suggested that some of the most potent ef-
ing identity fusion (Newson et al. 2016; Whitehouse fects of felon-led church groups could be distilled
et al. 2017), this initiative appears to be a particularly down into elements that do not strictly require a
strong candidate for strengthening fusion between religious component (e.g. appeal to supernatural
ex-offenders and society at large. agency). Conversely, we have suggested that many
approaches to prisoner reform that involve the adop-
tion of inauthentic and negative personal identities
Conclusion could impede rather than assist reintegration.
Although our approach seeks to build on desis-
We have argued that the theory of identity fusion is a tance theory, our focus on the role of group psychol-
useful tool that can be used to strengthen bonds be- ogy is distinctive. Desistance theorists have tended
tween offenders and society that leads to an increase to emphasise personal identities and psychological
in prosocial action including commitment to law- motivations, such as hope and belief in self-efficacy
abiding norms and behaviours. Fusion can, in part, ex- (e.g. Lebel et al. 2008). While we acknowledge the im-
| 9AiA | Harvey Whitehouse and Robin Fitzgerald portance of positive personal a itudes and a ributes – and Mathesius 2019), and the recent movement to such as optimism, confidence, and tenacity – we ‘toughen up’ the use of parole and conditional release argue that these qualities can be amplified through for prisoners in Australia (Freiberg et al. 2018). None fusion with a group. Fusion produces an expanded of these approaches create avenues for offenders’ fu- sense of agency and self-efficacy, hence its impor- sion to others in the community, nor do they tap into tance in military se ings when heroism is called for the community’s willingness to receive (connect with) and the temptation to run away or give up may be those who have violated laws. In fact, each of these strong (Whitehouse 2018). In that sense, fusion is approaches reflects the dominant politics of ‘risk- empowering – it strongly motivates people to press thinking’ as well as a presumed community desire for on against the odds. Fusion with law-abiding groups ‘revenge and retribution, anger, bi erness and moral could certainly strengthen the resolve to ‘go straight’. indignation’ rather than ‘shared belief in redemption, So, while having a belief in one’s self-efficacy can the need for second chances, and the belief that all certainly contribute to desistance, being fused with people can change’ (Maruna and King 2008: 347). a group – as an additional measure – can greatly We have argued that reforming felons and rein- strengthen one’s motivation to prioritise others (and tegrating them a er they are released from prison potentially also their positive values) over the temp- is best achieved by fostering a sense of shared ex- tation to act selfishly (including criminally). perience binding them to each other, to receiving Further research is needed to test and refine the communities, and to society at large. When it comes theoretical framework set out in this article, and we to identity fusion, it is clear that some kinds of trans- have pointed to several areas that might be fruitfully formative life events are more impactful than others. prioritised. First, we have argued that longstanding Above all, what ma ers are the memories that shape fusion with groups on the outside, as well as support our sense of who we are as individuals and the extent networks associated with fusion families created to which those self-defining experiences are shared through shared experience on the inside, could be by groups. In our view, efforts at reforming offend- harnessed to strengthen the resolve of ex-prisoners ers that incentivise or impose inauthentic identities to not to reoffend a er they are released. This would are doomed to fail. Instead, we recommend building involve not only nourishing existing relational ties in interventions that emphasise genuinely shared ex- ways that foster prosociality in the community but periences among ex-offenders and the communities also eliminating institutionalised practices rife within into which they need to be reintegrated. the criminal justice system that incentivise inauthen- tic identities and obstruct the capacity of fusion to foster behaviour change. Second, we have argued Acknowledgements that fusion between ex-offenders and receiving com- munities also has a crucial role to play in reducing We would like to thank Michael Buhrmester for recidivism and that this can be fostered through ini- comments on an early dra of this article and for tiatives that emphasise shared experiences of various contributions to the design of our questionnaire for kinds. Many existing initiatives do this already, but parolees in Australia, from which interview data is greater awareness of the psychological mechanisms quoted. This work was supported by an Economic involved could lead to refinements that increase the and Social Research Council (ESRC) Large Grant effectiveness of interventions. Finally, we have ar- entitled ‘Ritual, Community, and Conflict’ (REF RES- gued that fusion in society at large has a role to play 060-25-0085) and an Advanced Grant entitled ‘Ritual in shi ing public opinion towards a less punitive Modes: Divergent Modes of Ritual, Social Cohesion, and more restorative view of prisoner reform, one Prosociality, and Conflict’ (agreement no. 694986) that emphasises common humanity and the need to from the European Research Council (ERC) under reintegrate rather than segregate. the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and It is not difficult to find examples of criminal justice Innovation Programme. or corrections approaches that are contrary to what we propose. These would include the requirement in the United Kingdom for people serving community HARVEY WHITEHOUSE is an anthropologist who stud- service orders to wear fluorescent bibs identifying ies the role of ritual in creating social cohesion and them as ‘offenders’ (Maruna and King 2008), in the motivating cooperation. He has become increasingly United States the growing reliance on community interested in applying the insights of this research notification laws for managing sex offenders (Lussier to practical problems, such as countering violent ex- 10 |
Fusion and Reform | AiA
tremism, fostering wildlife conservation, and reduc- Buhrmester, M., D. Burnham, D. Johnson, O. S. Curry,
ing recidivism among ex-offenders. He is Professor D. Macdonald and H. Whitehouse (2018), ‘How
of Social Anthropology and Fellow of Magdalen Col- Moments Become Movements: Shared Outrage,
lege at the University of Oxford. Group Cohesion, and the Lion that Went Viral’,
E-mail: harvey.whitehouse@anthro.ox.ac.uk Frontiers in Ecology and Evolution 6: 1–7, doi:10.3389/
fevo.2018.00054.
Robin Fiĵgerald is a criminologist whose research Conway, M. A. (1995), Flashbulb Memories: Essays in
focuses on criminal justice responses to crime, in- Cognitive Psychology (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erl-
cluding the uneven effects of correctional policy and baum Associates, Inc.).
practices. Her research interests also include desis- Cullen, F. T. and P. Gendreau (2001), ‘From Nothing
tance from crime and offender reintegration. She Works to What Works: Changing Professional Ideol-
has received research funding from the Australian ogy in the 21st Century’, The Prison Journal 81, no. 3:
Research Council for projects on parole and domestic 313–338, doi:10.1177/0032885501081003002.
violence law reform. She is Senior Lecturer in Crimi- Devilly, G. J., L. Sorbello, L. Eccleston and T. Ward
nology at the School of Social Science at the Univer- (2005), ‘Prison-Based Peer-Education Schemes’,
sity of Queensland. Aggression and Violent Behavior 10, no. 2: 219–240,
E-mail: robin.fitzgerald@uq.edu.au doi:10.1016/j.avb.2003.12.001.
Durose, M. R., A. D. Cooper and H. N. Snyder (2014),
Recidivism of Prisoners Released in 30 States in 2005:
Notes Pa erns from 2005 to 2010. Washington, DC: US
Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs,
1. http://www.uservoice.org/about-us/our-services/ Bureau of Justice Statistics.
peer-support/. Farrall, S. (2002), Rethinking What Works with Offenders.
2. h p://www.uservoice.org/ex-offender/real-stories/. New York: Routledge.
3. h ps://greyston.org/open-hiring/. Freiberg, A., L. Bartels, R. Fitzgerald and S. Dodd
4. h ps://greyston.org/about/. (2018), ‘Parole, Politics and Penal Policy’, QUT L.
5. Ibid. Rev 18, no. 1: 191–215, doi:10.5204/qutlr.v18i1.680.
6. h ps://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/football/46970691. Giordano, P. C., S. A. Cernokovich and J. L. Rudolph
(2002), ‘Gender, Crime and Desistance: Toward
a Theory of Cognitive Transformation’, American
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