Stone Axe Studies III - An offprint from Edited by Vin Davis Mark Edmonds
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An offprint from
Stone Axe Studies III
Edited by
Vin Davis
Mark Edmonds
© Oxbow Books 2011
ISBN 978-1-84217-421-0Contents
Introduction 1 Interlude 4 147
Chapter 1 7 Chapter 9 149
The experienced axe. Chronology, condition Production and diffusion of axes
and context of TRB-axes in western Norway in the Seine valley
Knut Andreas Bergsvik and Einar Østmo François Giligny, Françoise Bostyn,
Jérémie Couderc, Harold Lethrosne,
Chapter 2 21 Nicolas Le Maux, Adrienne Lo Carmine,
The Nøstvet Axe Cécile Riquier
Håkon Glørstad
Chapter 10 167
Interlude 1 37 A time and place for the Belmont Hoard
Vin Davis and Mark Edmonds
Chapter 3 39
The evolution of Neolithic and Chalcolithic Interlude 5 187
woodworking tools and the intensification
of human production: axes, adzes and chisels Chapter 11 189
from the Southern Levant The prehistoric axe factory at Sanganakallu-
Ran Barkai Kupgal (Bellary District), southern India
Roberto Risch, Nicole Boivin,
Chapter 4 55 Michael Petraglia, David Gómez-Gras,
Eclogite or jadeitite: The two colours involved in Ravi Korisettar, Dorian Fuller
the transfer of alpine axeheads in western Europe
Pierre Pétrequin, Alison Sheridan, Chapter 12 203
Serge Cassen, Michel Errera, Estelle Gauthier, The ritual use of axes
Lutz Klassen, Nicolas le Maux, Yvan Pailler, Lars Larsson
Anne-marie Pétrequin, Michel Rossy
Interlude 6 215
Interlude 2 83
Chapter 13 217
Chapter 5 85 Primary and secondary raw material preferences
Power tools: Symbolic considerations of in the production of Neolithic polished stone tools
stone axe production and exchange in in northwest Turkey
19th century south-eastern Australia Onur Özbek
Adam Brumm
Chapter 14 231
Chapter 6 99 Stone-working traditions in the prehistoric
Social and economic organisation of stone axe Aegean: The production and consumption
production and distribution in the western of edge tools at Late Neolithic Makriyalos
Mediterranean Christina Tsoraki
Roberto Risch
Interlude 7 245
Interlude 3 119
Chapter 15 247
Chapter 7 121 The Mynydd Rhiw quarry site:
The felsite quarries of North Roe, Shetland Recent work and its implications
– An overview Steve Burrow
Torben Ballin
Chapter 16 261
Chapter 8 131 Graig Lwyd (Group VII) assemblages from
Misty mountain hop: Prehistoric stone working Parc Bryn Cegin, Llandygai, Gwynedd, Wales
in south-west Wales – analysis and interpretation
Timothy Darvill John Llewellyn Williams, Jane Kenney,
Mark EdmondsInterlude 8 279 Interlude 11 383
Chapter 17 281 Chapter 24 385
Neolithic polished stone axes and hafting Stone axes in the Bohemian Eneolithic:
systems: Technical use and social function Changing forms, context and social significance
at the Neolithic lakeside settlements of Jan Turek
Chalain and Clairvaux
Yolaine Maigrot Chapter 25 399
Changing contexts, changing meanings:
Chapter 18 295 Flint axes in Middle and Late Neolithic
A potential axe factory near Hyssington, Powys: communities in the northern Netherlands
Survey and excavation 2007–08 Karsten Wentink, Annelou van Gijn,
Nigel Jones and Steve Burrow David Fontijn
Chapter 19 309 Interlude 12 409
Does size matter? Stone axes from Orkney:
their style and deposition Chapter 26 411
Ann Clarke Old friends, new friends, a long-lost friend
and false friends: Tales from Projet JADE
Interlude 9 323 Alison Sheridan, Yvan Pailler,
Pierre Pétrequin, Michel Errera
Chapter 20 325
Neolithic ground axe-heads and monuments Chapter 27 427
in Wessex The Irish Stone Axe Project:
David Field Reviewing progress, future prospects
Gabriel Cooney, Stephen Mandal,
Chapter 21 333 Emmett O’Keeffe
The twentieth-century polished stone axeheads
of New Guinea: why study them? Interlude 13 443
Pierre Pétrequin and Anne-Marie Pétrequin,
Interlude 10 351
Chapter 22 353
Neolithic near-identical twins:
The ambivalent relationship between
‘factory’ rock and polished stone implements
Stephen Briggs
Chapter 23 361
Flint axes, ground stone axes and “battle axes”
of the Copper Age in the Eastern Balkans
(Romania, Bulgaria)
Florian KlimschaRoberto Risch
Social and economic
organisation of
stone axe production
and distribution in the
western Mediterranean
Abstract The question of social value is central to the study of stone axe
distributions. This paper argues that a dialectical approach to the
concept of value, seen as a consequence of the interplay between
material constraints, social institutions and individual strategy,
is essential for our understanding of prehistoric value systems.
With this argument established, the paper goes on to analyse
the social value of stone axes on the Northern margins of the
Western Mediterranean.
The growing number of petrographic and archaeological studies
undertaken during the last decade or so, mean that we can to begin
to define the spatial and temporal patterns of axe production and
circulation from the Alps to the Sierra Nevada during the 6th to 3rd
millennia BCE. This suggests that next to regional supply strategies,
long distance exchange networks developed and became the target of
political control at particular times and places. However, the economic
importance of these exchange relations remained relatively limited,
and did not always go hand in hand with the centralisation of power.
Expanded exchange could just as well serve as a mechanism
to strengthen social bonds in societies where we observe
an increasing division of tasks in the economic sphere.
In general, the prehistoric axe distribution patterns of the western
Mediterranean, despite their rather uniform appearance, seem
to be a consequence of different forms of social organisation
and value systems.Introduction use value. Only those activities that provide use-
ful things should be considered as being of
During the last two decades a growing body of value in a society. For Aristotle, the primary
petrographic analysis of stone axes has been source of wealth was land, which allowed the
presented by different research projects in Italy, development of agriculture and husbandry. His
France and Spain. The characterisation of hun- critique of trading or crematism, as an uncon-
dreds of artefacts has provided detailed infor- trolled and illegitimate way to increase wealth
mation about the range of rocks used by later separated form economy proper, prevented him
prehistoric societies in different regions. from acknowledging the importance of the pro-
Moreover, a series of spatial and temporal pat- duction processes and of exchange in the for-
terns have been proposed in relation to the cir- mation of social value. Only much later, Adam
culation of different raw materials from the 6th Smith (1776) proposed that exchange value as
to the 2nd millennia BCE (Ricq-de Bouard opposed to use value had to be related to the
1996; Orozco-Köhler 2000; Thirault 2005; Risch human labour invested in the manufacture of a
& Martínez 2008). These results make it possi- given object. Ricardo (1817) elaborated this the-
ble for the fist time to compare the different ory of classical economy until the analytical
regional and inter-regional situations between reduction of exchange value to the amount of
the Alps, the Pyrenees and the Betic range, labour that could be measured in units of time,
which constitute the three large orogenic for- incorporated in a given product, was achieved.
mations that characterise the northern side of Marx (1867) insisted on the dialectical relation-
the western Mediterranean. ship existing between such an exchange value
However, our understanding of the social and the use value in capitalist economy, thereby
and economic structures behind the observed establishing the conceptual unity between pro-
spatial and temporal patterns is still too limited. duction and consumption. Moreover, he was
We need to move beyond the dominant “pet- the first to fully acknowledge the importance
rographic focus” and pay greater attention to of the means of production in economic devel-
other environmental and social dimensions of opment (constant capital), as a factor separated
axe production, distribution and consumption. from labour force (variable capital) but with a
An environmental approach is necessary in direct repercussion on the value of all products
order to achieve a better understanding of the in a society. By the end of the 19th century, but
areas of raw material extraction as well as the mainly in the 20th century different economists,
properties of the selected rocks. Both aspects such as Georgescu Roegen (1971), had in a cer-
represent natural constraints to stone axe pro- tain way reassumed an Aristotelic view of econ-
duction and require a slightly different method- omy by insisting on the necessity of considering
ological approach than so far followed by natural resources and their exploitation as an
previous researchers. On the other hand, the inextricable part of the value of all goods. The
analysis of the social dimensions of axe circula- awareness of the natural limits of economic
tion not only compares the objects and their development draws attention to the sustain-
contexts of production and consumption, but ability of the modern economic system, as well
judges the differences found in terms of eco- as towards questions about the control and
nomic, ideological or political categories that management of the resources by different social
are considered to be historically significant. The groups at a global scale.
criteria for such comparisons and judgements Meanwhile, the dominant academic thought
derive from a theoretical discussion that since the end of the 19th century, known as
inevitably leads to the concept of value. “marginalism”, has in practice abandoned the
Ultimately, the interpretation of the quantita- search for a definition of value as something
tive data, such as the distance and volume of different from price. The concept marginal value
circulation of materials, and the qualitative considers only the relative differences between
information, such as shape, texture or colour of commodities resulting from a comparion
the artefacts, will depend on the value theory between their “scarcity” and the “unlimited
one implicitly or explicitly uses. necessities” of the individual (Menger 1871). As
the only objective expression of this comparison
is the actual price of commodities, the theory is
Value theory and inevitably tautological and frees economic
archaeological interpretation analysis from considering the material as well
as historical conditions in which production
At least since Aristotle (336–323 BCE), the idea takes place.1 Modelling market behaviour in a
of economy has been linked to the concept of neutral and ahistorical space, where individuals
100 Stone Axe Studies IIIinteract under supposedly equal conditions, labour force, and a use value, expressing the
allows for the application of quantitative meth- subjective as well as objective perception of the
ods that confer a “scientific touch” to the analy- qualitative properties of all goods, underlines
sis, but reduces the possibility to consider, for the dynamic nature of value systems and hence
example, the ecological limits, the existing dis- their historical specificity (Lull 2002:304ff.). It
tribution of private property or unequal tech- also explains the dialectical construction of
nological development in the world economy. value through the interplay between social
The marginalist reduction of the notion of forces and particular interests. In other words,
value to the realm of subjective desires and it unveils, at the level of the specific object and
necessities encouraged social scientists to drive action, the fundamental distinction as well as
the discussion on value into the field of the unity between social production and individual
multiple ways individuals judge their relation consumption, which perpetually organises the
with others (Simmel 1900; Appadurai 1986; reproductive cycle of human society (Marx
Humphrey & Hugh-Jones 1992), or to abandon 1857–58/1973:84–111). If this cycle, and the very
the concept altogether in the conviction that it existence of society is negated, as liberals have
is impossible to find an easy analytical defini- claimed for a long time, it is no longer possible
tion for it. In either case, the dominant trend of to approach the question of surplus production
“theoretical archaeology” during the last years and social exploitation otherwise than in purely
has been to avoid as far as possible social or subjective terms.
historical explanations concerned with the The main theoretical difficulty however is
material, environmental and technical con- that the concept exchange value of Ricardo and
straints of production and consumption, and of Marx is only relevant in a market economy,
social reproduction in general. Even the fact were all products have become commodities
that any power relation must be sustained by (Gregory 1982). In order to overcome this his-
some form of economic exploitation and unjust torical specificity but at the same time to main-
distribution of property, is eluded or deluded. tain the notion that social objects imply an
Concepts such as prestige, status or agency, or intentional energetic and material transforma-
the ephemeral moments of exchange are much tion, we have chosen the concept of production
better suited for an in-material view of individ- value (Risch 2002:28–31). It implies that all
ual relations and thus a projection of our own objects/subjects generated and maintained by
values onto the past. Exchange and consump- a community have a value resulting out of a
tion are often treated as social entities in their production process that puts into action specific
own right, independent of the physical condi- forces and materials. In this sense, it is not only
tions – matter and energy – which make them the social objects but also the actions that gen-
possible, and the social needs they serve. In erate and maintain them that must be consid-
other words, these discussions are more con- ered as valuables (Graeber 2001:45ff.). The
cerned about the desires and value notions of dialectical relation between production value and
the individual actors, than about the production use value can be expressed by the term social
and distribution of social values among society, value, as the ever-changing synthesis between
i.e. the social relations of production. It is strik- production and consumption processes.
ing however, that another part of archaeology, Another difficulty faced by any value theory
which may be seen by some as theoretically less remains the definition of the criteria needed to
concerned, devotes considerable efforts to a compare and judge social materiality. Such a
better understanding of technology, function request stands in the tradition of economic the-
and the social implications of production ory outlined above, rather than in line with
processes (e.g. Roux & Corbetta 1989, Vidale post-modern reflections about the value per-
1992, 2002; Petrequin & Petrequin 1993; ceptions of people in the past or the present.
Clemente et al. 2002; Longo & Skakun 2008). Its initial and principal target is to understand
The heuristic importance of the notion of how economic wealth is generated and distrib-
social value lies precisely in the fact that its uted inside a society. Even today, most of this
meaning, according to Marx (1867/1962:49–98), process remains obscure to large parts of soci-
emerges from the interplay between production ety, a situation that can well be defined as the
and consumption, between objective material “economy of suspicion” (Groys 2000). This lack
conditions and personal desires, between the of distinction between an economic analysis of
power to impose certain economic constrains value, on one side, and the interpretation of
and the attempts to overcome them. The dis- economic values, on the other, explains to a
tinction between an exchange value, determined large extent the confusion generated by present
by the production process and most of all the debates in anthropology and archaeology.
Social and economic organisation of stone axe production and distribution in the western Mediterranean 101The development of economic theory shows housing.). The use value of the technical
that it is probably a mistake to try to reduce any means does not depend on their rareness
notion of value to one single economic factor, either (e.g. a power station), but on the utility
such as labour force. Basically, it can be pro- of the products generated by them (e.g. elec-
posed that production value depends on a series tricity). Archaeology, like other social sci-
of natural and social constraints: ences, generally succumbs to a marginalist
perspective when assigning on principle a
> Access to natural resources. As this accessibility much higher explicative value to rare and
can be limited naturally as well as socially, elaborate objects, often made out of partic-
the value of raw materials and hence of the ular materials, than to common artefacts.
final products certainly depends on the envi- Implicitly a perception is projected, which
ronmental and social conditions in which assumes that the former were as scarce in the
their exploitation takes place. Situations of past as in a modern market of antiquities and
autonomy as opposed to dependency, of therefore represented expressions of “pres-
unrestricted access as opposed to monopoly, tige”. The explanation of the relations neces-
or of competition versus sharing have differ- sary in order to claim for scarcity and prestige
ent effects on production as well as on con- is generally overlooked.
sumption.
> The aesthetic and symbolic utility a product
> The production process. Labour force, under- provides. These are subjective values pro-
stood in an energetic sense, is an abstraction jected into things, which can provide either
of the human implication in any economic social recognition or individual redemption.
activity and at the same time the immediate Such values are either imposed through
physical limit all societies are faced with. power or based on conventions inside soci-
Therefore, the amount of labour force ety, and can at all moments be abolished or
devoted to a specific production necessarily transformed. This makes them in fact flexible
effects the production value of the generated and, at the same time, indispensable for the
objects or services. Both vary according to organisation of a society at a cognitive and
the economic productivity achieved through communicative level. From a material per-
technological development, division of spective, such values can only be approached
labour and the volume of manufactured by comparing the production value and the
goods. actual use made out of a specific object. Thus,
for example, the meaning of a carefully man-
> The distribution process. It embraces the ufactured product of a material which has
mechanisms used inside and between soci- circulated over a long distance, but which
eties in order to provide its members with shows no use wear traces, must have
goods (direct access, reciprocity, redistribu- exceeded the sphere of economic produc-
tion). Not only the distances and means of tion. Frequently, such objects become fetishes
transportation, but also social and political intended to generate confusion between the
barriers will have an effect on the value of a actual exercise of power and its representa-
given product. tion. Analytically this implies, that the aes-
thetic or symbolic contribution to value can
From the point of view of consumption, use only be recognised as an a posteriori result of
value can be defined at least in the following the analysis of production and consumption
two parameters: processes in a specific historic context, but
not as an explicative device in its own right.
> The material and technical utility a product These two dimensions of use value (mater-
provides. This value results out of the human ial/technical and aesthetic) would respect the
ability to use the properties or the quality of distinction underlined by Graeber (2001)
a product to accomplish certain tasks or to between objects with power to act directly
satisfy certain needs or desires. At a social, on persons (and things, we would add) and
rather than individual level, the use value objects with power to inspire actions in oth-
becomes expressed through the relative ers.
importance a product has in a specific soci-
ety. Contrary to what marginalist thinking In the particular case of the production and dis-
might suggest, the most useful goods in a tribution of axes of different raw materials,
society are the most frequent rather than the these multiple dimensions of social value can
scarce or rare ones (e.g. water, food, dress, be addressed through different analytical pro-
cedures:
102 Stone Axe Studies III> The question of the accessibility to the rock of secondary clast deposits. Geo-archaeolog-
deposits requires provenience studies as well ical studies, combining petrographic, geo-
as a consideration of the implications of the morphological, sedimentological and paleo-
exploitation of different resources and envi- technological analyses, are necessary in order
ronments. Crucial differences exist between to gain a better understanding of the pro-
primary and secondary deposits in the way curement strategies and the organisation of
rocks are exploited and social access can be the production of stone axes in the different
restricted. regions.
> The dependency of society with respect to raw > Petrographic characterisation is frequently
materials suitable for producing axes not combined with a morphological analysis
depends on the material and technical of axes. This limits the possibilities to estab-
choices available. It is particularly important lish the relation between two parameters
to determine the variety of rocks available in that reveal the production value of the
each region or territory. objects, such as the size of the artefacts and
the distance of circulation from the source.
> Experimental and ethnographic data show
that polishing is the most labour intensive > There is a general absence of functional
part of axe production and varies according analyses of the cutting edges of the tools in
to the size of the tools. In general, it can be order to determine their symbolic or utility
said that larger axes are more difficult to flake value. For the purpose of this study it is
and require more time and effort to polish. assumed that all axes were used for felling
Size has therefore a similar importance as trees and working wood, which coincides at
the provenience of the raw material in the least with the observations made on the col-
formation of the production value. lections analysed in southeast and northeast
Iberia.
> The extension, direction and barriers of cir-
culation of raw materials can be recon- > Finally, no study of the mechanical properties
structed through characterisation studies of of different rocks employed as axes in the
the artefacts and the geo-archaeological western Mediterranean has been undertaken
identification of the areas of rock extraction. so far. Specific tests are needed to compare
these rocks in terms of their robustness
> Functional analysis would be required in (Delgado et al. 2009).
order to determine the utility of the axes. The
observation of residues as well as traces due Consequently, the following discussion of axe
to use and maintenance allows distinguish- production and distribution in the western
ing between a more utilitarian or a more Mediterranean will necessarily centre on pro-
symbolic charged artefacts. duction value through the criteria of the accessi-
bility to raw materials, the dependency from
> The quality of the raw material, resulting from particular sources, and the extension of the dis-
such variables as mineral composition, tex- tribution network in both spatial and temporal
ture and fabric of the rocks, has a direct effect terms. Wherever possible the dimension and
on the functional properties and hence on possible aesthetic utility of the axes will also be
the use value of the artefacts. taken into account as a means to approach their
use value.
> The symbolic use of the axes can be derived
from the relation observed between distance
of circulation of the rock types, their resist- Petrographic information
ance (or lack of it), their size and colour, and
their patterns of use wear. One methodological difficulty when comparing
the main petrographic studies carried out in the
This analytical framework already points to sev- western Mediterranean (Table 1), concerns the
eral deficiencies in the current research on axe use of varied terminologies and classificatory
production and distribution. criteria, partly due to different research tradi-
tions. In the case of the Iberian Peninsula, it has
> The identification of the areas and proce- been necessary to revise and organise the nearly
dures of raw material extraction has received 500 available identifications into new litholog-
insufficient attention, particularly in the case ical groups. In publications that provide no
Social and economic organisation of stone axe production and distribution in the western Mediterranean 103detailed description of the mineral content and restricted to the most deformed and metamor-
the rock structure, groupings can be based only phosed parts of the domains of the Nevado-
on general rock classification.2 This revision of Filabride Formation of the Betic Range.
previous groupings has identified six main lith-
ilogical groups in the Mediterranean regions of Iberian Group 4
the Iberian Peninsula. Sillimanitic gneisses and schists. These high tem-
perature metamorphic rocks are characterised
Iberian Group 1 by the presence of sillimanite needles. These
Micro-gabbros or meta-basites. These are basic rocks appear occasionally in the Alpujarride
rocks (low silica content) which have frequently Formation of the Betic Mountains, as well as in
been metamorphosed. Although the degree of the Central Spanish range.
metamorphism, which becomes evident in the
formation of secondary amphibole, can be vari- Iberian Group 5
able, the rock retains its original igneous char- Olivine basalts. These are mainly volcanic rocks
acteristics, at least in a residual form. Litho- rich in plagioclase, clinopyroxenes and olivine.
logically, rocks in this Group include: dolerites, Their most probable sources are the volcanic
meta-gabbros, epi-diorites, actinolitic hornfels formations of the Campo de Calatrava (Ciudad
and ophites. They may occur as plutonic intru- Real), although certain exposures around
sions in some coastal areas and pre-litoral Cartagena and Mazarón in Southeast Iberia,
mountain chains of the western Mediterranean, should also be considered.
especially in those of Alpine formation, such as
the Betic range, the Rif and the Pyrenees. Iberian Group 6
Hornfels. These are rocks produced by contact
Iberian Group 2 metamorphism, and are normally rich in
Amphibolites. Metamorphic rocks formed cordierite and/or andalusite. The eastern
mainly from amphiboles and plagioclase. They Pyrenees and the coastal and pre-litoral moun-
are transitional with regards to Group 1 rocks tains of Catalonia contain abundant exposures
but with a higher degree of metamorphic alter- of hornfels.
ation. Such rocks outcrop in the Betic Table 1.
Mountains and the Pyrenees, as well as in the Besides these six principal lithological groups, Importance
west of the Iberian Peninsula. other rocks, such as serpentinite and metamor- (expressed in %) of the
phosed micro-conglomerate, have been used principal lithological
Iberian Group 3 in the production of axes in Iberia, but less com- categories used for the
Eclogites. These are unusually dense rocks. In monly. production of polished
general terms, this group consists manly of Two lithological groups of stone axes and stone axes in different
highly metamorphosed gabbros and basalts. adzes occur beyond the Iberian Peninsula. The regions of the western
The mineral composition of these rocks nor- first group, calcitic amphibolite, consists mainly Mediterranean
mally contains garnet and sodic pyroxene, of hornblende, actinolite and plagioclase, and (N = number of
which can be associated to amphibole, quartz outcrop on the northern side of the Pyrenees. petrographic
and rutile. On the Iberian Peninsula they are The second comprises the well-known eclog- identifications).
Region Gr. 1 Gr. 2 Gr. 3 Gr. 4 Gr. 5 Gr. 6 Other N Bibliography
Granada 39 29 17 5 5 0 5 41 Carrión & Gómez 1983
Almería & Murcia (coast) 67 22 3 6 1 0 1 73 Gusi & Olaria 1991; Risch 1995;
Martínez & Risch 1999; García et al. 2005
Murcia (interior) 62 22 0 14 2 0 0 63 Barrera et al. 1987
Southern Levante 58 18 2 14ites and jadeites from sources in the western extensively from the 6th to the 3rd millennium
Alps and northern Apennines. Of less impor- BCE. Such rocks crop out in the western Alps
tance in terms of their limited distribution, is a and the northern Appenines. However, they
group of glaucophane-rich rocks ,which were can also be found in the glacial and fluvial
mainly used around Durance and the Rhone deposits of Liguria, Piamonte, Val d’Aosta and
valley. the upper Rhone Valley (D’Amico 2005; Thirault
In order to allow a quantitative analysis of 2005). Moreover, in recent years, several pre-
the petrographic data the information has been historic quarries have been discovered in the
organised into regional units, instead of single area around Monte Viso (Pétrequin et al. 2006).
archaeological sites (Table 1). In this way, the From their location between 1800 and 2450
sample size becomes larger and sample bias meter O.D., and the relatively small sizes of the
resulting from discard patterns, recovery primary outcrops and boulders, it seems clear
processes (ranging from systematic excavation that the access to the outcrop of this raw mate-
to private collections) and different petro- rial was highly restricted. Although the
graphic samplig strategies, is reduced. exploitation of clast deposits cannot be ruled
out, until a detailed analysis of the work traces
on the worn surfaces of the axes is carried out,
Spatial and temporal patterns the relative importance of other rock types in
this region, such as amphibolites or serpen-
In general, the available petrographic data sug- tinites, suggests that society was dependent to
gests three main geographical areas along the a large extent on the rocks obtained from these
northern coast of the Mediterranean basin high mountain quarries.
where axe production was dominated by a par- From here, eclogite and jadeite axes were
Fig. 1: ticular type of rock. At the margins of these distributed in all directions, although more
Principal supply areas areas, some rock types seem to have a more often towards the west and the north, reaching
and circulation of stone local distribution (Fig. 1). areas as far away as Scotland and Ireland some
axes in the western The most important and extensive geo- 1600 km distant (Petrequin et al. 2002). Along
Mediterranean. graphical area embraces the western part of the the Mediteranean coast these axes even
(? = no systematic Alps and the adjacent regions, mainly the Po reached Catalunya. In this direction, their cir-
petrographic studies valley and Provence (Fig. 1). In this area, meta- culation follows a typical fall off pattern (Fig. 2).
available; - = absence morphic meta-basites, such as eclogites and, Although the main phase of production of
of Neolithic axes). more occasionally, jadeites were employed Alpine axes took place between 5200–3500 cal
Social and economic organisation of stone axe production and distribution in the western Mediterranean 105Fig. 2:
Eclogitas / Jadeitas Alpes; R^2 = ,97 Importance of the
circulation of eclogite
100
and jadeite axes in the
western Mediterranean
(values according
80 to Table 1).
The proportion (%)
60 has been calculated in
relation to the totality
% of axes analysed,
while the distance (km)
40
corresponds to a straight
line best fit between the
probable supply areas and
20 the central geographical
point of the established
regions.
0
0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700
Km
BCE (Petrequin et al. 2002, 2006; Thirault 2005), restricted in scale and they rarely represented
in the Mediterranean regions, such as the lower more than 50% of the used stone axes used in
Rhone Valley and the Languedoc, they were still any area. During the Middle Neolithic (c. 4600–
important until the final Neolithic or Chalco- 3300 cal BCE), when the distribution of Alpine
lithic (Ricq-de Bouard 1996:221). axes was at its height, the importance of such
Eclogite and jadeite are extremely resistant local resources decreased (Ricq-de Bouard
rocks formed by high grade metamorphism. 1996; Thirault 2005). Generally, these rocks
Therefore, they are particularly well suited to were not, or could not, be made into axes
the production of axes of more than 14 cm in greater than 14 cm in length. Their low metrical
length, and require a considerable amount of standardisation compared to axes manufac-
effort. The difficulty of the procurement of the tured from rock of an Alpine origin (Ricq-de
raw material, the skilled preparation of the Bouard 1996:151, 215) is often explained by the
blanks, and the intensity of the polishing use of suitable clasts.
processes contributed to the high production The second large geographical area is located
value of Alpine axes; their circulation network around the Pyrenees, and is dominated by
extended throughout most of western Europe. hornfels axes (Iberian Group 6). A combined
Although such axes were well suited for felling petrographic and geomorphological study of
trees or working wood, this in itself does not the Catalan hornfels has shown that only cer-
explain their occurrence in areas with raw tain secondary deposits, most of them located
materials of similar quality. Consequently, the along the river Segre (Inner Catalonia), were
use value of the Alpine axes may have included exploited periodically by small communities
a high symbolic component. (Risch & Martínez 2008). According to the geo-
Moving westwards from the Alpine produc- logical and archaeological evidence, hornfels
tion sites towards the lower Rhone valley, the was not exploited systematically on the north-
use of rocks from local sources for the produc- ern side of the Pyrenees, probably due to the
tion of polished axes, increases (Fig. 1). These lack of contact metamorphism and the lower
include glaucophane schist, tremolite schist and quality of rocks suitable for tool manufacture
basalts (Lazard 1993; Ricq-de Bouard 1996; in this area. Here, calcitic amphibolite, which
Ricq-de Bouard et al. 1998). The morphology of provides a suitable alternative for axe produc-
some artefacts as well as the location of some tion, is found in the stone tool record alongside
workshops strongly suggests that the raw honfels along the lower Rhone Valley. The dis-
materials for stone tool manufacture were tribution curves of both raw materials are very
obtained mainly from secondary deposits along similar, (Fig. 3).
local rivers. Their distribution was regionally Whilst the use of hornfels seems to have
106 Stone Axe Studies IIIFig. 3:
Grupo VI-España; R^2 = ,949
Importance of the
Grupo VI-Francia; R^2 = ,999 Anfibolitas Francia; R^2 = ,99
circulation of hornfels
100
axes (Iberian Group VI)
and Ca-amphibolite from Grupo VI-España
the Pyrenees in southeast Grupo VI-Francia
France and eastern Iberia. 80
Anfibolitas Francia
The graphic
representation follows 60
the same criteria as Fig. 2
(values according %
to Table 1).
40
20
0
0 100 200 300 400 500
Km
extended beyond the Pyrenees into southeast- de Prades, where this material was collected
ern France, a similar pattern did not occur with from secondary deposits, these rocks only rep-
the amphibolite in the opposite direction. Also, resent 25% of the polished axes.
the Alpine eclogite axes, which make up 22– The distribution of hornfels axes, coming
27% of the raw materials used in the from the workshops of the rivers Cinca, Ter and
Languedoc between 4500–2200 cal BCE, rarely especially the Segre, seem to have reached its
represent more than 1% of the axes analysed height in Iberia between c. 3750 and 2850 cal
from Catalonia (Ricq-de Bouard 1996; Clop BCE, at the same time as it diminished in the
2004). This comparative lack of axes coming Languedoc (Risch & Martínez 2008). These axes
from the north does not seem to be the result were distributed to central Spain as well as
of qualitative differences between the raw along the Spanish Levantine coast (Table 1). So
materials. Rather, social factors may explain far, no petrographic studies are available, for the
such spatial patterns. Somehow, the commu- geographical area between the rivers Ebro and
nities in the valleys south of the Pyrenees were Júcar in Valencia, that could provide a better
not only in control of the secondary deposits, explanation for the fall-off curve of the hornfels
which included hornfels, but they also man- and the meta-basites coming from southeast
aged to limit the circulation of equivalent mate- Iberia (Fig. 1). However, at a distance of over
rials from the north. Direct access to the 200 km from the source, hornfels tends to rep-
important rock salt deposits of Cardona in resent less than 10% of the artefacts (Fig. 3).
Inner Catalonia may have resulted in the exer- Although hornfels clasts could be manufac-
cise of stronger control within the exchange tured in the Catalan workshops into axes meas-
network which linked to the valleys and plains uring over 15 cm length, the few complete
located south of the Pyrenees (Weller & Fíguls artefacts found in central Spain and the south-
2007). As a result, 90% of all the prehistoric ern Levante usually only measure 4.5–7 cm
stone axes in the northeast of the Iberian (Barrera & Martínez 1980:75; Orozco 2002:
Peninsula were manufactured from hornfels 200ff.; Rojo et al. 2005:119).
(Clop 2004). Alternative local raw materials, The third geographical area covers the whole
such as diorite, was of only minor importance. of southeast Iberia (Fig. 1). In this area, more
Elsewhere, for example in the south of than 70% of all the axes were manufactured
Catalonia, at a distance of more than 50 km from metamorphosed intrusive igneous rocks
from the workshops of the Segre, metamorphic (Iberian groups 1 and 2). Fine grained gabbros,
conglomerates from the lower Carboniferous dolerites, epi-diorites or amphibolites were
were utilised for tool making (Risch & Martínez obtained from secondary deposits. This has
2008). However, even in the area of the Sierra been shown convincingly by the study of axe
Social and economic organisation of stone axe production and distribution in the western Mediterranean 107Fig. 4:
Grupo I; R^2 = ,689 Grupo II; R^2 = ,18 Importance of the
circulation of micro-
100
gabbro (Iberian Group I)
and amphibolite axes
Grupo I (Iberian Group II)
80 from the Betic area
Grupo II
in eastern Iberia.
60 The graphic
representation follows
% the same criteria as Fig. 2
(values according
40
to Table 1).
20
0
0 100 200 300 400 500
Km
morphology (Risch 1995:252–330). Many river observed that the former seem to have a greater
deposits containing fine-grained and resistant importance at the local level, while the latter
clasts, were probably exploited for axe making; are more likely to be distributed over greater
some direct evidence of axe production occurs distances (Fig. 4). Amphibolite from sources in
in form of blanks or polishing slabs recorded in the Southeast was the dominant raw material
settlements close to the river Almanzora, used in the area of Cuenca, which is located in
Almería (Siret & Siret 1890:30; Risch 1995:343) the eastern part of the central Spanish plateau,
and in Ereta del Pedregal, Valencia (Orozco and where no suitable raw materials for axe
2002:115–117). In these settlements, low scale making was readily available (Barrera &
production took place in a household context, Martínez Navarrete 1980). Elsewhere, in the
suggesting that many communities in south- settlement of Ereta del Pedregal (Valencia) 20%
east Iberia seem to have had direct access to of the complete axes have been identified as
these raw materials. So far, there is very little to amphibolite, although a local manufacture of
suggest that large scale quarries, such as those dolerite axes is also a feature of this site (Orozco
documented in the western Alps, or specialised 2000:115–117). Apparently, in the Southeast a
workshops along the rivers, as seen in twofold value system emerged in relation to the
Catalonia, existed in the Levante and the different raw materials available. Although
Southeast of Iberia. medium to fine-grained igneous rocks were
As one approaches Sierra Nevada, the abundant and easily accessible, the less com-
importance of eclogites increases (Iberian mon metamorphic amphibolite was more
Group 3), which seems to correlate with the highly valued for exchange, perhaps due to its
higher degree of metamorphism of this oro- superior technical or aesthetic value. In terms
genic formation. West of Sierra Nevada serpen- of chronology, the use and distribution of
tinite axes appear occasionally (e.g. Gómez in Iberian Groups 1, 2 and 3 axes started in the
Pellicer & Acosta 1997:177f.), and a local Neolithic, but reached its climax during the 3rd
exploitation of sillimanite schist nodules has millennium cal BCE. At this time, around 70%
recently be reported from the Sierra de Ronda, of the material analysed from the southern
Malaga (Aguayo et al. 2007). However, all these Levante had come from the Southeast (Orozco
rocks are of only minor importance, and they 2002:181ff.).
rarely represent more than 20% of the axes So far, no significant dimensional differences
found in the different sites. can be observed between axes based only on
Regarding the use and distribution of micro- the raw material used in their manufacture.. The
gabbros and amphibolites originating from the mean length of the axes with a symmetrical
fluvial deposits of Southeastern area, it can be cutting edge is 9.3±2.6 cm in southeast Iberia,
108 Stone Axe Studies IIIFig. 5:
Importance of the Grupo IV; R^2 = ,938
circulation of sillimanite
100
probably coming from the
Central Spanish range Grupo IV
(Iberian Group IV).
80
The graphic
representation follows
the same criteria as Fig. 2 60
(values according
to Table 1). %
40
20
0
0 100 200 300 400 500
Km
while the asymmetrical adzes measure about from other materials because of their light
7.0±1.3 cm (Risch 1995:200f.). Although a small colouring (white-yellowish to pale brown),
number of axes measure over 15 cm in length, thinness and small size. In this case, particularly
these artefacts are not distributed differently small tools, rather than large ones, were valued
than smaller artefacts. In general, neither the as exchange objects. Whereas in central Spain,
contexts of deposition, nor the raw material where axes of more than 7 cm in length were
suggests that longer axes were valued more produced, the western regions, adzes with a
highly to the south of Catalonia or towards cen- mean length of 3.9±1.1 cm. seem to predomi-
tral Spain. nate. No statistically significant differences have
The overall distribution pattern for small- been observed between the material from
size sillimanite adzes is unlike those for other Cuenca, the southern Levante and the
geographical areas or petrographic groups. Southeast. This could be interpreted as an indi-
Nodules of pure sillimanite (Iberian Group 4) cation of a simple distribution from the produc-
occur in secondary deposits around Somo- tion areas to the distant communities (Hodder
sierra, in the central Spanish mountain ranges & Lane 1982).
(Barrera & Navarrete 1980:76).3 These nodules, Given this overview, it is worth considering
which occur in surface deposits, seem to have the geological and archaeological aspects of the
been the dominant raw material used for stone western Mediterranean islands. The societies of
tool making in north-central Iberia, probably the major islands – Sicily, Sardinia & Corsica –
forming another geographical area of axe pro- manufactured axes from basalt, gabbro, amphi-
duction and distribution (Delibes 1975; Orozco bolite, serpentinite, schist and other local
2005). The fall-off curve for sillimanite in the igneous and metamorphic rocks (Leighton
western and southern parts of Iberia would be 1989; Lugliè 2000; Costa 2007; Colonna 2007).
consistent with such an origin in central Spain A recent petrographic study carried out on
(Fig. 5). Petrographic analysis confirms that axes Corsica reveals that at least 18 different local
of pure sillimanite reached at least the rock types were made into axes on the island
provinces of Alicante an Murcia, nearly 400 km (Colonna 2007:249). This again illustrates the
away from the proposed source (Barrera et al. gathering of river clasts rather than the quar-
1987; Orozco 2000). The distribution of these rying of rock from primary outcrops. However,
axes into the Levante and the Southeast was all these islands also received some artefacts
particularly important during the Copper Age, made from Alpine rocks. On Corsica, imported
c. 3000–2200 cal BCE, but ceased abruptly early material represented around 10% of the axes
in the Bronze Age. (idem). The smaller islands of the Tyrrenean Sea
The sillimanite axes can be distinguished were either supplied from the mainland and
Social and economic organisation of stone axe production and distribution in the western Mediterranean 109the larger islands, or used local material strategy, high mountain quarrying must have
(Leighton 1989:142). been perceived as an exceptional activity of
The situation on the Balearic Islands is quite a special social and political character.
different. The Balearics are formed mainly of
sedimentary rocks. Even the Palaeozoic schists 3. Apart from the Alpine rocks, hornfels and a
and basalts of the northern coast of Mallorca variety of gabbros/amphibolites were the
and Menorca are intensely altered and do not principal raw materials used in the
display suitable working properties for axe production of adzes and axes. They were used
manufacture (Gómez-Gras 1993; Fornós 1998). extensively across an area of c. 100 km
So far, only two prehistoric stone axes have around the areas of extraction or the
been recorded, both coming from Mallorca. The production workshops. Factors such as the
first is a small adze of unknown provenience accessibility and variability of rock types in
and raw material; it is kept in the Museum of the local Quaternary deposits, their different
Lluc, Mallorca (Veny 1968:367). The other is an working properties, and social preferences
unpublished hornfels axe stored in the explain some of the differences in the ways
Archaeological Museum of Catalunya.4 The in which different rock types were exploited.
hornfels must have reached the island from the This system of dispersal would have ensured
Catalan coast, which implies a sea voyage of at access to a highly sophisticated distribution
least 180 km. This “negative evidence” of axe of labour and technology between the 6th
production and use on the Balearic has partic- and the 3rd millennia BCE.
ular significance for our understanding of the
organisation of the prehistoric stone axe distri- 4. In the case of the Alpine rocks, the main
bution (see below). geographical area of supply (where alpine
stone accounts for more than 50%of axes)
extends up to a radius of 200 km (Fig. 2; also
Comparing axe distribution Thirault 2005). Moreover, this raw material
patterns circulated over greater distances than any
other rock type, reaching Catalonia in the
If we compare the different production and dis- West or Sicily in the South.
tribution patterns of the western Mediter-
ranean, leaving aside for the moment their 5. At the fringes of these three main ‘supply
temporal dimension, a series of general trends territories’, organised respectively around the
seem to be valid for the majority of regions and Alpine eclogite/jadeite, the hornfels from the
lithologies: Pyrenees and the Betic micro-gabbros/
amphibolites, one notes the search for local
1. Most of the raw materials used for axe resources (Fig. 1). The use of material from
production in the Western Mediterranean local secondary sources was restricted to local
were obtained from secondary deposits. or regional needs, apparently due to the
Small temporary workshops on river terraces lower quality of stone tools manufactured
and along the riverbeds, rather than large from these rocks.
scale extraction sites, seem to have been the
most usual places where axe blanks were 6. About 200 km from its source – 300 km in
flaked. The few polishing sites documented the case of the Alpine materials – a rock type
so far suggest that this activity was carried rarely represents more than 20% of the
out at a low production scale in the domestic circulating axes (Fig. 6). Only in areas lacking
context. an adequate supply of suitable raw materials,
such as the south-eastern part of the Spanish
2. A very different form of organisation was Meseta or the eastern Languedoc, do
associated with the extraction of jadeite and particular rock types occupy a dominant
eclogite around Monte Viso in the Piedmont. position among the used raw materials. On
Although clasts of the same materials occur the one hand, this suggests, that diversity of
in fluvial deposits, the stone quarries raw materials and, hence, of proveniences,
discovered in the Alpine mountains suggest was favoured above specialization on, and
a specialised production of axe blanks dependency for, one particular source and
between 5200–4000 cal BCE (Petrequin et al. circulation network. On the other hand, this
2006). In the context of the western pattern points to a general difficulty to
Mediterranean, where the exploitation of guarantee a regular supply of rocks and axes
river deposits was the main procurement over large distances. Formulated differently,
110 Stone Axe Studies IIIFig. 6:
Importance of the 100
circulation axes of Grupo I
different rock types on Grupo II
the northern side of the
Grupo III
western Mediterranean. 80
The proportions (%) are
Grupo IV
calculated in relation to Grupo V
the total numbers of Grupo VI-España
identifications available Grupo VI-Francia
60
for each region (Table 1).
Anfibolitas Francia
% Eclogitas / Jadeitas Alpes
The graphic
representation follows
the same criteria as 40
used in Fig. 2.
20
0
0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700
Km
this could mean that long-distance each region with periods of economic
distribution further than 200 km, or 300 km intensification and social dynamism, such as
in the case of Alpine materials was in most the Atlantic Megalithism, which attracted
cases, not an economic necessity but rather considerable quantities of Alpine material;
a social or political event. the Catalan Fosa Culture, in the case of the
hornfels axes; and the Los Millares
7. From a chronological perspective, it can be phenomenon in southeast Iberia in relation
concluded that the territorial supply strategy to micro-gabbro and amphibolite tools. The
based on the exploitation of secondary clast observed patterns can thus indicate very
deposits seems to have been followed different causes; they need to be interpreted
throughout the Neolithic and Chalcolithic. and explained in their respective regional and
However, the distribution networks of the temporal contexts, as discussed below.
different western Mediterranean rock types
went through cycles of expansion and
contraction. Starting in the northeast, the Further implications
known eclogite/jadeite quarries are dated to
the first half of the 5th millennium cal BCE, The general conclusions derived from the
while the maximum circulation of these axes analysis of the axe and adze distributions
occurred between 4500–3500 cal BCE between northern Italy and southern Spain
(Pétrequin et al. 2002, 2006). The exchange have important implications for one of the
of Catalan hornfels axes reached its peak in unresolved archaeological questions in this
Iberia at a slightly later date (c. 3750–2850 area, which concerns the surprisingly late
cal BCE). Finally, the most important colonisation of the Balearic Islands in compar-
exchange network between c. 3000–2200 cal ison to other Mediterranean islands (e.g. Vigne
BCE developed in central and southeast 2000:Fig. 2). Although the possibility of “acci-
Iberia, when axes of micro-gabbro, dental visits” in earlier times cannot be ruled
amphibolite, sillimanite and olivine basalt out (Lull et al. 1999:20), the available informa-
were widely distributed. This gradual tion suggests that the first stable occupation of
displacement of the long distance axe the four major Islands occurred during the sec-
exchange networks from the Alps towards ond half of the third millennium (Ramis &
the Betic Mountains seems to coincide in Alcover 2001; Lull et al. 2004; Micó 2005). The
Social and economic organisation of stone axe production and distribution in the western Mediterranean 111central geographical position of Mallorca and 2008). For the first time, the smelting of these Menorca in the western Mediterranean and, ores could have allowed local (metal) axe pro- hence, their relative remoteness from the main- duction which did not depend on the supply of land, definitely limited accessibility to the raw materials shipped from the mainland. A islands (Cherry 1984). However, geographical further advantage of the use of metal in com- factors alone cannot explain such social isola- parison to stone in a situation of limited supply, tion (Lull et al. 2002), especially if one takes into is the possibility of the recycling of the former account that Ibiza is visible from Alicante, and through melting and forging, irrespective of the that, under optimal conditions, Mallorca can be provenience of the original raw material. seen from the coastal mountain chain of On the other hand, it is generally accepted Catalonia. Moreover, the Balearic Islands would that the second half of the 3rd millennium and, have had a high agricultural potential, given the specially, the Bell Beaker period, was a phase necessary means for clearing the land from its of intense movement of social groups, materials middle Holocene vegetation cover. and information in western Europe. Rather In the Neolithic, the absence on the islands than unknown islands, because of their bio- of fine grained and resistant raw materials, nec- geographical conditions, the Balearic archipel- essary for the production of stone axes, would ago could have been seen during the Neolithic have been a much more critical problem for as remote and inhospitable islands. The permanent occupants, than the straight-line moment the technical possibilities and the distance from the mainland alone. Difficulties social organization led to an intensification of in providing a massive supply of stone axes fur- production and to a widening of the exchange ther away than 200–300 km would have dis- networks, their colonization was no longer suaded early colonization by agricultural delayed. It was favoured moreover by a situa- communities, which depended on these tools tion of social conflict and violence which in order to clear the Mediterranean evergreen occurred across the continent (Lull et al. 2004). oak forests and the dense maquia dominated by wild olive and mastic (Piqué & Noguera 2002; Pérez-Obiol & Sadori 2006). Fire alone is Discussion not sufficient to remove this type of hard wood. The rarity of stone axes on the Balearic Islands Patterns of axe production and distribution in confirms that permanent settlement, especially the Western Mediterranean regions raise ques- of Mallorca and Menorca, could only develop tions about the value of the exchanged prod- when either exchange networks were suffi- ucts, that is, about their significance in the social ciently in place to provide a regular supply of contexts in which they circulated. With the tools, or when axes could be manufactured exception of Alpine jadeite production during from other materials, e.g. metal. the fifth millennium, the dominant form of stone Both conditions seem to have been fulfilled axe production in prehistoric western Mediter- in the western Mediterranean for the first time ranean did not involve a marked technical special- during the 3rd millennium BCE. The earliest ization, nor a centralised social control. The evidence of metallurgy close to the Balearic production value of axes, defined in terms of the islands occurred in the region of Cabrières accessibility to raw materials, the dependency (Languedoc), where an important copper pro- from particular sources and the extension of the duction centre developed between c. 3200–2400 distribution network, was limited by means of cal BCE (Ambert et al. 1998, 2005). It might be a particular economic organisation. Crucial to no coincidence that the end of the metallurgical this organisation was the exploitation of clasts activities around Cabriers coincided approxi- from local fluvial deposits and the limited mately with the beginning of permanent occu- importance of the circulation of these axes pation on Mallorca, taking into account that beyond c. 200 km from their sources. This strat- several archaeological elements point to the egy considerably limited the efforts required Languedoc and northern Catalonia as the both by the production and distribution probable origin of the first settlers (Lull et al. process, and the possibilities to restrict access 2004; Micó 2005). It is also clear that these com- to the raw materials. Moreover, communities munities were engaged in copper production, seem to have avoided dependency on single as confirmed by the discovery of crucibles with raw material sources when these occurred at Beaker-style decoration in a rock shelter at Son distances outside the local area, in order to have Matge on Mallorca (Waldren 1979), and appar- a reliable supply of stone tools. This led to the ently mined small copper ore deposits along notable diversification of the rock types and the northern coast (Ramis et al. 2005; Alcover provenances for axes from regions located more 112 Stone Axe Studies III
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