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The Negotiation of Belonging in San Francisco’s Public Space:
Discursive Constructions of Sanctuary Cities
by Catharina Peeck-Ho (University of Oldenburg)
Abstract
Since the mid-1980s, San Francisco has been among the so-called ‘sanctuary cities’ in the
United States and allows undocumented migrants to make use of public services without
any fear of deportation. The policy is an outcome of discourses concerning how to deal with
social diversity, especially in regard to citizenship status in the context of the movements of
refugees from Central America in the 1970s and 1980s. Due to the current political climate
in the U.S. and some measures taken by its federal government, sanctuary cities are under
pressure. Against this backdrop, the San Francisco Arts Commission launched a campaign
with the aim to reflect the status of San Francisco as a sanctuary city; the campaign includes
a variety of events and exhibitions, among them a poster series by artist Rodney Ewing.
This article analyses San Francisco as an example for how cities represent themselves in the
field of culture. It addresses questions of belonging, the dialectics of homogenization and
heterogenization and the role of social inequalities in discourses on sanctuary cities.
Keywords: Sanctuary Cities, United States, Citizenship, Migration, Belonging, Politics of
Belonging, Social Inequalities, Intersectionality, Cultural Representation
Introduction
Cities use cultural production to represent them- cities which refuse control the residency status
selves and support strategies of urban market- of its inhabitants, do not enforce national immi-
ing against the backdrop of globalisation. In the gration law and do not cooperate with immigra-
United States, for example, beginning in the tion authorities on the national level (Kaufmann
20th century, multicultural festivals served to cel- 2019). Research often focuses on legal dimen-
ebrate the multi-ethnic population of immigrants sions, crime and security (Villazor 2010, Gonza-
as an enrichment to society (e.g.: Welz 2007). lez, Collingwood et al. 2017, Wong 2017) or the
Although the inclusive ideal of a country that is development of sanctuary cities and the actors
generally open towards migrants was always up involved (Mancina 2016, Sarmiento 2017). This
against often racist discourses and practices, as paper provides a different approach and analy-
many studies have shown (in regard to migrants ses cultural representation. Hall notes that “rep-
from Asia, e.g., Chang 1991; generally: Portes resentation connects meaning and language to
and Rumbaut 1996), current developments culture” (Hall 1997: 15), which is an important
reveal fundamental differences in the discur- factor of the politics of belonging (Yuval-Davis
sive framing of migration. Belonging becomes a 2011). To investigate the political projects of
highly controversial subject and this is reflected belonging associated with current debates on
in cultural production. One example that has sanctuary cities in the United States, this paper
gained increasing attention within media and analyses discursive representations in San Fran-
political debates are so called sanctuary cities: cisco’s public sphere in 2018, especially a cam-
NEW DIVERSITIES Vol. 23, No. 1, 2021
ISSN-Print 2199-8108 ▪ ISSN-Internet 2199-8116NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Catharina Peeck-Ho paign launched by San Francisco Arts Commis- to discourse analysis (SKAD) (Keller 2005). It con- sion (SFAC) on the topic. It focuses on a poster cludes with an outline of the main results which series named ‘Human Beings: A Sanctuary City’ will be related to questions of power within U.S. by artist Rodney Ewing as an example for how society. immigration is narrated in cultural production. Debates on the topic in the United States are The Context: Sanctuary Cities in the United polarized: The Trump administration and its sup- States porters framed sanctuary policies as a threat to The history of sanctuary cities in the United States national security and public safety. Therefore, dates back to the 1980s when national debates in January of 2017, federal order 13768 was arose in solidarity with refugees fleeing from released to limit federal funding for sanctu- the civil wars and dictatorships in El Salvador ary cities (White House 2017). On the contrary, and Guatemala. U.S. authorities did not approve human rights activists, civil society organiza- refugee status for over 90% of these cases, caus- tions and representatives of local administration ing social movements in the United States to rise regard the inclusion of migrants as a basis for a up and form public protests. The actors were safety in the urban space. Supported by research mainly members of churches who placed the which states that crime rates are lower in coun- refugees in so-called „public sanctuaries“: some ties with sanctuary legislation (e.g. Wong 2017) supported migrant women crossing the U.S. bor- or that there is no correlation between crime der into Mexico, and others published stories of and sanctuary policies (Gonzalez, Collingwood migrant women in an effort to put pressure on et al. 2017) they argue that sanctuary cities posi- the authorities. The main aims of this activism tively impact all residents. The differences with were to stop U.S. participation in the civil wars regard to the debate on security and migration in Central America and of deportations to these are linked to different policies of belonging. This countries. In San Francisco this movement was article focuses on San Francisco as an example of strong, not least because it succeeded in involv- a city that introduced sanctuary legislation rela- ing local authorities and winning allies in the tively early. It opposed federal policies in regard city administration. In the mid-1980s, “sanctu- to sanctuary legislation and gained wider atten- ary” was institutionalized, reflecting a discourse tion within current political debates. The paper within the municipal government that acknowl- elucidates how San Francisco represents itself as edged the diversity of inhabitants in regard to a sanctuary city in order to identify the discur- citizenship status (Mancina 2016). Central docu- sive framework to negotiate current questions of ments that are considered authoritative for San belonging, migration and the politics of belong- Francisco are the ‘City of Refuge Resolution’ of ing in the United States. 1985 and the ‘City of Refuge Order’ of 1989. The argument begins with a short overview on Today the principles represented therein can be the history of sanctuary cities in the United States, found in the city‘s administrative code. Among and follows with a discussion of Americanness as other things, it stipulates that the city and dis- a result of what Nira Yuval-Davis (2011) calls ‘the trict of San Francisco are a ‘City and County of politics of belonging’. Ethnoheterogenesis (EHG) Refuge’ and that city employees are not permit- (Tiesler 2017, 2018) is a helpful concept to anal- ted to inquire about the residence status of indi- yse Americanness, as it points towards processes viduals or refer them to the federal authorities of homogenization and heterogenization in nar- without special reasons (City and County of San ratives of migration, diversity and citizenship. Francisco 2019). The paper analyses the empirical example, draw- Although the political debate and documents ing on methods from image analyses (Bohnsack such as order 13768 indicate that sanctuary cit- 2014) and the sociology of knowledge approach ies can easily be identified, literature shows that 60
The Negotiation of Belonging in San Francisco’s Public Space NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
definitions have their own set of problems: While were aiming to respond to ‘what it means to
in some cases sanctuary legislation is adopted in be a Sanctuary City in today’s political climate’
the administrative code in other cities, practices (SFAC 2018a) – a sentence which alludes to the
like e.g. a lack of enforcement are established social conflicts on immigration within the United
without a formalized policy or resolution. Fur- States. In 2018, SFAC organised and funded an
thermore, the content and the ideological back- exhibition, public discussions and two poster
ground of sanctuary policies varies (Gonzalez, series shown on Market Street in the city centre.
Collingwood et al. 2017: 6). In order to compare The following section analyses the poster series
different cities, the authors suggest the following ‘Human Beings: A Sanctuary City’ as an example
working definition of sanctuary cities: of a specific subject position within discourses
on immigration in the United States. These dis-
“(…) a city or police department that has passed a
resolution or ordinance expressly forbidding city courses refer to constructions of Americanness
or law enforcement officials from inquiring into as something that is rooted in universalist values
immigration status and/or cooperation with Immi- of equality, thereby legitimizing sanctuary legis-
gration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)” (Gonzalez, lation as an answer to strict immigration legisla-
Collingwood et al. 2017: 2).
tion.
Although the definition is broad, it points to a
central aspect of sanctuary policies: The refusal Americanness and the Politics of Belonging
of cooperating with federal authorities that Americanness is an outcome of ‘the politics of
sanctuary policies often involve, which can be belonging’ (Yuval-Davis 2011), which is con-
regarded as an area of conflict between local nected to what Anderson has called ‘imagined
administrations and the federal state. The discur- communities’ (Anderson 1996). Studies on the
sive connection between immigration and secu- negotiation of belonging in the United States, for
rity is therefore strong: Opponents of sanctuary example, point to its links to social constructions
cities define migrants without legal documents of place and power relations within society (Nel-
as a threat to public security and sometimes son and Hiemstra 2008), the conceptualization
associate them with criminal actions. Advocates, of American national identity as a social identity
on the other hand, argue that trust between that involves the construction and valuation of
public authorities and the inhabitants of a city membership (Schildkraut 2011: 5) and to the use
forms the foundation for creating security, as it of symbols to negotiate meanings of citizenship
enhances cooperation, such as with the police and the nation (Wood 2014). These aspects of
force. According to these accounts, people who constructing Americanness play a role in current
fear deportation are less likely to collaborate debates on how to deal with immigration. Yuval-
with the police or report a crime. Examples of Davis differentiates between belonging as a con-
these different points of view can be found in cept connected to ‘an emotional (or even onto-
the lawsuit between the city and county of San logical) attachment, about feeling “at home”’
Francisco and the federal government on order which entails a positive perception of the future
13768 that followed the order by the White and the feeling of being safe (Yuval-Davis 2011:
House, as documents show (Walsh 2017; White 10) and political projects of belonging:
House 2017). It is one example of the nationwide
“The politics of belonging comprise specific political
discourse on the legitimacy of sanctuary legisla- projects aimed at constructing belonging to par-
tion on the local level. ticular collectivity/ies which are themselves being
Forms of articulating a position within these constructed in these projects in very specific ways
conflicts can be identified in a range of projects and in very specific boundaries” (Yuval-Davis 2011:
10).
implemented by the San Francisco Arts Com-
mission (SFAC) that is funded by the city. They
61NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Catharina Peeck-Ho
From this point of view, the ways of negotiating cesses of constructing otherness and internal dif-
Americanness within society are a result and a ferentiation. The contradiction between hetero-
manifestation of current political projects of genization and homogenization and especially
belonging that are connected to different visions the assumption that there are ‘unsafe forms of
of national membership. The discourses evolv- Americanness’ refers to different groups of the
ing around sanctuary cities comprise important population1 – one of them being undocumented
parts of the politics of belonging as they serve migrants (e.g. Weber 2013, Gonzalez, Colling-
to construct a certain (and sometimes opposing) wood et al. 2017). It shows that the reference
knowledge about undocumented immigrants, to Americanness as a nation of immigrants is
thereby legitimizing measures to either integrate contradicted by processes of securitization and
them or to legitimize deportation and refugee serves to understand how this is used within
detention. In the United States this process has struggles about citizenship rights (Weber 2013).
its own set of difficulties, as direct or mediated The concept of ethnohetergenesis (EHG) ges-
experiences of migration are deeply embedded tures to processes of homogenization and heter-
in constructions of Americanness, as Friedman ogenization within the negotiation of belonging
(1991) points out. In his account the concept (Tiesler 2017, 2018), which is useful when con-
refers to a different set of beliefs about what it sidering Americanness as an outcome of current
means to be American, about normative values, politics of belonging. EHG refers to the study of
history and multiculturalism. Migration histories migrants and their descendants ‘wherein con-
are used by politicians, such as the 1988 presi- ceptual debates on self-perception, modes of
dential campaign when both candidates identi- belonging, group formation and collective sub-
fied themselves as descendants of immigrants jectivities continue to be at the core of theo-
who were ultimately successful in climbing the retical considerations’ (Tiesler 2018). The author
social ladder (Friedman 1991). This strategy can frames inclusion and exclusion as dialectical pro-
be interpreted as a way to respond to an assump- cesses and argues that in order to avoid – what
tion that is shared by many Americans who think she calls – the “identity-jargon” (Tiesler 2018:
of immigrants as a hardworking group (Schild- 215):
kraut 2011: 160ff) and maintain a generally social
“[…] the EHG concept suggests perceiving individu-
positive social valuation of work. Friedmann als and their subjective experiences, preferences
describes Americanness mainly as a category and unique webs of group affiliations (Simmel) as
of self-ascription that involves a certain type of non-identical with others despite possible com-
value orientation and is constructed within pro- mon ethnic affiliation and ascriptions to macro
groups. Above all, as an analytical framework, EHG
cesses of cultural production (Friedman 1991).
considers ethnic membership as one among many
Beyond this definition, there is another impor- membership roles.” (Tiesler 2018: 215)
tant aspect of Americanness in this context, as
it is closely connected to debates on sanctuary Tiesler emphasises the diversity of group affili-
cities. For the period after 9/11 Weber observes ations at the micro level, especially in the con-
a tendency to link Americanness to questions of text of migration and the connection to both the
security: an idealized image of unity is confronted homogenizing and heterogenizing tendencies
with dichotomous distinctions between “safe” or in constructing belonging. The representations
“unsafe” citizens or “safe” and “unsafe” forms of analysed in this article reflect this contradiction.
Americanness (Weber 2013). To be marked as They can be regarded as a means to negotiate
‘safe’ or ‘unsafe’ in this regard becomes an aspect
1 The author refers e.g. to a deserter who now lives
of belonging and Americanness itself proves to
in Canada and a member of a group of native Ameri-
be a form of belonging that oscillates between cans who regularly cross the border to Mexico to visit
the ideal of homogenization and constant pro- relatives. (Weber 2013)
62The Negotiation of Belonging in San Francisco’s Public Space NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
what it means to be American today, thereby tors of economic inequality (Welz 2007: 229-231).
homogenizing the group of people that is rep- In light of the current political debates in the
resented in the images. On the other hand, the United States, another aspect is emphasized by
reference to individual narratives involves the the city administration (e.g. SFAC 2018a) and by
effect of heterogenization as it shows that affili- the artist (Ewing 2019): As sanctuary cities were
ations are diverse. To grasp this variety and the threatened by the Trump administration and
multilevel character of these social processes it became a symbol for competing political projects
is useful to take up an intersectional perspective, of belonging in the U.S., a need has arisen to pro-
as ethnic ascriptions are often closely linked to duce a specific kind of legitimate knowledge on
other categories, among them class, gender and the topic. In this way, the SFAC campaign is not
citizenship. only a form of city marketing that seeks to repre-
sent an image of an inclusive and diverse city, but
Negotiating Belonging Within Narratives on a way of producing knowledge to challenge nar-
Migration: The SFAC Campaign ratives that, for example, connect immigration to
The empirical basis for this paper is a series of crime. The art analyzed here cannot, therefore,
events and exhibitions by SFAC in cooperation be regarded as a kind of authentic experience of
with the Office of Community Engagement and immigrants. This does count for the statements
Immigrant Affairs (OCEIA) in 2017 and 2018. on the posters, too, as they are up part of the
Among the events in the context of the SFAC artwork.
campaign was an exhibition called “With Liberty The poster series ‘Human Beings: A Sanctuary
and Justice for Some” (SFAC 2017), a documen- City’ reflects the interplay and politics of belong-
tary on the topic followed by a public discus- ing and exclusion in the experiences of undocu-
sion with representatives of refugees, activists mented immigrants. The images’ symbolic lan-
and public officials (SFAC 2018b) and different guage and the different layers of meaning repre-
smaller actions in public space: the “Sanctuary sent the complexity of experiences and the con-
Print Shop” (SFAC 2018d) by Sergio de la Torre tradictions undocumented individuals face. The
and Chris Treggiari which has been shown in series includes six motifs by Rodney Ewing, a San
different art museums in the country and two Francisco-based artist whose work addresses
“Market Street Poster Series” on the topic: the current debates on issues such as race rela-
first by Miguel Arzabe (SFAC 2018a) and the sec- tions, religion and politics. He identifies himself
ond by Rodney Ewing. The latter will build up as someone who aims to ‘create a platform that
the empirical focus of the paper and serve as moves us past alliances, and begins a dialogue
an example for how diversity and belonging are that informs, questions, and in some cases even
framed within these discourses. satires our divisive issues’ (Ewing 2019). In this
According to Tom DeCaigny, San Francisco’s way, he positions himself as a someone who is
director of cultural affairs, the campaign aimed willing to participate in public debates. Therefore,
to ‘reflect the complexity and diversity of experi- these posters are analysed not solely as pieces of
ence of those impacted by our countries immigra- art but as representations within the discourses
tion policies’ (SFAC 2018b). Against the backdrop on immigration outlined above. Furthermore,
of new forms of representing urbanity in the con- this particular poster series differs from other
text of globalization, the intent to reflect cultural events within the campaign; the artist connected
diversity within the campaign can be regarded as personal accounts of migrants (represented in
a strategy of cultural policies that makes use of short citations) with a symbolic language that
cultural symbols as a form of city marketing. This refers to Americanness, nationality in general,
is often in connection to processes of gentrifica- experiences of and during migration and life
tion which are regularly criticized as driving fac- in America, as well as in the sending countries
63NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Catharina Peeck-Ho of migrants. It thus provides an example for a many bus lines and other forms of public trans- subject position within discourses on sanctu- portation cross it, transporting high numbers of ary cities which stresses migrants’ experiences people – locals, tourists and business travellers on the micro level in order to connect them to – to different places in the city. The central loca- structural inequalities within American society. tion underlines that the perspectives presented This strategy is not unusual, as it can be seen in in the Market Street Poster Series is promoted the exhibition “Sanctuary City: With Liberty and by the administration. One level of meaning lies Justice for Some” (SFAC 2018c), which was also in the visual representation of the images, which displayed in 2018, as well as the exhibition on will be depicted in the following paragraph. the history of Angel Island (which was used as a detention centre for immigrants between 1910 Narrating Immigration as Visual Image: Images and 1940). These exhibitions utilize similar tech- as Representations of Sanctuary Cities niques to address immigration. For example, the Images build up one level of the social construc- Angel Island exhibit focused on the history of a tion of reality: They refer to incorporated knowl- place as a starting point to reflect on the topic edge and follow their own logic. To acknowledge of immigration. Its emphasis differs from what is this ‘inherent logic of the image’ (Bohnsack outlined above, yet the aims are comparable: the 2014), the section deals with the formal design goal is to encourage reflection on immigration of the posters. Although this paper will not anal- and diversity as it applies to the present (Angel yse the images comprehensively, it will provide a Island Immigration Station Foundation 2020). short overview and interpretation of the posters’ The motifs of Ewings’ posters vary in colour composition. These images form one important and composition but their use of symbolic lan- part of this specific discourse on sanctuary cit- guage renders them a cohesive body of work. ies, as they are the first and sometimes the only The posters contain four layers: grey and white thing the spectator looks at before eventually clouds are in the background (1) covered by reading the written text. Therefore an analysis transparent colour fields (2), administrative of the contents of the texts will demonstrate the forms of the U.S. Department of Homeland similarities and contradictions between a visual Security or fingerprint cards used when entering representation of ‘responding to the theme of the border of the United States, and the image San Francisco as a Sanctuary City’, as stated in a of a person’s eyes (3), and a citation in the front short text at the bottom of the posters. (4). Due to blackened parts in the forms at the Since the pictures are collages, their composi- centre level, the citations are not always entirely tion and the relation between the different visual readable, though the majority can be identified. elements differ from other forms of images. The different layers of the images create a rep- They can be broadly divided into four different resentation that cannot be grasped immediately. layers of analysis, starting with the background Texts which include up to 316 words (such as one and then moving towards the text in the front. poster, Indentured) assist the viewer to interpret Every picture involves a pattern of dark and light the body of work. fields that can be interpreted as clouds in the As part of the “Market Street Posters Series” background. The second layer offers the most by SFAC which regularly displays art to the variation, as it contains a different allocation of public, the posters are located at places where coloured fields and colours for each poster. They people are waiting, especially at bus stops. Mar- use up to three colours; among them are shades ket Street builds one of the central axes of San of blue, red and white (A Gracious Man, ½ Immi- Francisco leading from the northeast to the grant) or dark green, red and white (Home for southwest of the city centre. Its importance as the Brave), blue and white (Sombra), yellow and a central location is emphasised by the fact that blue (The Outsider), and green and white with a 64
The Negotiation of Belonging in San Francisco’s Public Space NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
metallic band in the upper section of the image shaped by different identifications and ascrip-
(Indentured). The colour fields allow associations tions that are only partly by choice. The complex-
to flags, e.g., in the cases of the blue and white ity of the structure evokes a diversity of possible
flag from Nicaragua (Sombra), the blue and yel- associations: For example, the facial features
low flag from Ukraine (The Outsider) and the use can be interpreted as representing the people
of the colours blue, white and red that can be who are speaking in the written texts. They can
associated with the U.S. flag and indicate that thus be interpreted as either individualizing or
the persons are born in the United States. The de-individualizing, depending on the connec-
third level contains written words and finger- tion to other symbols like governmental forms
prints that can easily be identified as govern- or written statements. If the images are inter-
mental immigration documents. In the front the preted as representations for immigration, the
audience can identify written text and observe a process appears as complex and in many ways
person’s gaze. guided by regulating practices, symbolized by
Combining different levels of depiction, the the governmental forms that are used at border
posters form a collage that connects various and checkpoints and other places that serve to regis-
sometimes contradictious meanings. While the ter migrants. This narrative is underlined in the
grey and white clouds in the back of the image written passages in the front of the pictures. The
mainly create common ground for the whole next paragraph analyses the posters’ contents
representation and can arouse various, mostly and aims to broaden the picture on homog-
homogenizing associations, the colours of flags enization and heterogenization. It raises the
in connection to the immigration documents on question of how far belonging is connected to
the third level can be interpreted as indicating Americanness.
immigration as a process that is strongly shaped
by national governments. The flags, however, Narratives of Immigration and the Negotiation
are abstract and require a closer look to identify of Belonging
them. Belonging, in this regard, mainly refers to In the last paragraph it was stated that the visual
national symbols: America is represented as an representation creates forms of belonging by ref-
administrative regulative body that identifies erencing flags as national symbols and America
and categorizes people. The gaze of the indi- as an administrative body that identifies and cat-
viduals in the front of each poster indicates that egorizes people at its borders. The relative homo-
the accounts are connected to real people. It is geneity of immigration forms and documents is
apparent that every picture shows a different contradicted by the diversity of narratives that
person though their identities, yet they remain are presented in the written texts on the front of
largely unknown and unrecognizable. Interest- the images. They build up the central focus point
ingly, this opens up spaces for contradictory and are – compared to the abstract symbolic lan-
interpretations: on the one hand, it is a form of guage of the visual representation – immediately
de-individualization – as only a small part of the approachable for the reader. The statements
face is visible – or conversely, it is a means to refer to what it means to migrate and live in the
individualize the accounts of people whose eyes United States. They include reflections on poli-
are made visible to the audience. In dependency tics as well as current discourses in society. Fur-
to the connection to other symbols – namely thermore, they indicate what kinds of conflicts
the written passages (stressing the individual) migrants have to deal with in terms of belonging.
or the governmental forms (stressing the shared As references to current political debates remain
experience), this form of pictures involves both implicit, knowledge about the political context of
– heterogenizing and homogenizing tendencies: the art is crucial for the process of interpretation
Generally the negotiation of belonging is visually and is expected from the audience.
65NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Catharina Peeck-Ho
The written passages present very differ- huge impact on the ways people relate to living
ent stories about immigration and belonging, in America. This narrative is supported by the lit-
although some motifs are repeated in the differ- erature on the topic: In his study on the coming-
ent statements. They draw a very diverse image of-age of young undocumented persons in Los
of migrants in the United States. The text con- Angeles (also a sanctuary city) Roberto Gonzalez
sists of a heading and a quote formulated in first shows how especially those who enter the United
person. A look at the headings themselves gives States as young children are forced to navigate a
a first impression on the content of the passages. complex terrain of belonging and exclusion: they
The posters are titled ‘Sombra’, ‘Indentured’, grow up as Americans but the older they get the
‘A Gracious Man’, ‘The Outsider’, ‘½ Immigrant’ more important becomes their undocumented
and ‘Home for the Brave’. The texts themselves status as e.g. job opportunities are restricted.
remain relatively short but include references The author concludes that the experience of
to countries of origin (The Outsider), affections being undocumented cannot be regarded as a
towards American society (1/2 Immigrant) or lan- process that starts with crossing the border, but
guage (A Gracious Man). In the cases that refer “continues as they navigate life in the shadows”
to the experience of migration, it is narrated as and (at least for the next generation) eventually
difficult and not necessarily chosen: leads to assimilation and a citizenship status but
as a condition that shapes the life of migrants
“[…] Going to school was becoming difficult, so one
day my Mom called and said it was time to go. […] substantially (Gonzalez 2016: xix-xxi).
I did not want to leave my great grandmother, but Another dimension which is stressed in the
sometimes you have to do something you don’t poster series focuses on the expectations which
want for your own good. I eventually ended up in a are connected to migration and can include the
refugee center trying to come to the United States.
pursuit of economic opportunities:
It took me 53 days to get out that place and arrive
in San Francisco. In that place, I forgot that men “I came to the United States with the plan to make
don’t cry; in that place I cried almost every day in and save money faster than I could at home. I’m
private” (Sombra). still with this dream. But here, my dreams changed
As the audience does not know what happened for other things: like to build a restaurant back
during the stay in a refugee centre, the citation home for my mother. I want to have money in my
is a good example of how the statements in the savings for old age. To be here, my dream is to re-
turn to my country, and see my people, my family.
poster series leave room for interpretation. What
I have not seen my mother since I was 9 years old”
can be safely deduced is that migration and the (Home for the Brave).
ways of regulating it by the government can be
a negative experience. In the poster series this It is not mentioned which country is called
does not only count for the process of moving ‘home’, but this short passage shows that migra-
to the United States but for the cases in which tion can be a strategy to support the family. It
people try to obtain permanent residency, a pro- points to global inequalities and transnational
cess that is described by one person as ‘doing family ties and their role in the ways belonging
time, and waiting to become legal’ (Indentured). is constructed. Families are often described as a
The experience of being undocumented and vul- key factor for migration, as either relatives made
nerable appears here as something that affects or influenced the decision to immigrate (Som-
the everyday life of migrants and their feeling bra), going back to the family is described as the
of belonging in many ways, as it limits the life ultimate aim (Home for the Brave) or parent-
chances of people, who have to fear deporta- hood involves expectations of ‘rais(ing) a good
tion: ‘My family was constantly […] worried that person out of my kid’ (A Gracious Man). Raising a
any misstep would send us back’ (The Outsider). child can be challenging, as demonstrated in the
This daily situation, the audience learns, has following citation:
66The Negotiation of Belonging in San Francisco’s Public Space NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
“Since I have been here I have always held a sepa- ties of being accepted as an American. The third
rate account with enough money in it for a one- mention of language in the poster series indi-
way ticket home if I felt that the tide is turning cates this assessment:
against immigrants. I would leave if democracy
were starting to fail, or saw signs that groups were “I feel like a ½ American because I acknowledge
being targeted. These are the things I worry about. that I will always be seen as Chinese first and not
But at the same time I am excited about registering ‘American’ no matter how I speak or where I work”
to vote and getting involved in local and national (½ Immigrant).
politics. I am concerned about how my daughter This reference does not describe family ties or
will navigate her existence here because of her be- migration history as the deciding reason for feel-
ing 1st generation, mixed-race, and mixed religion.
ing only partly American, but points to ascrip-
I worry that I will not be equipped to help her with
these things” (Intendured). tions by others. Although there are references
to patriotism and democracy (see below), being
What is presented here is interesting on different raised in the United States (as the colours of the
levels. The reference to democratic involvement image indicate), committing to general values
points to the narrative that immigrants are will- and being able to speak English do not automati-
ing to contribute (Schildkraut 2011: 160 ff.). The cally create belonging. As these citations show,
feeling that society does not accept immigrants is the subject positions taken up within discourses
underlined by the reference to the daughter who, on Americanness stand in relation to language
in many ways, corresponds to ideals of assimila- skills but are not limited to them.
tion to American society. The worry of not being Homogenizing tendencies on the process of
accepted as belonging to American society can migration involve both the framing as a difficult
be found repeatedly in the passages (e.g., Inden- process accompanied by fears of deportation,
tured, ½ Immigrant, The Outsider). long periods of waiting and concrete encoun-
Language constitutes another crucial aspect ters with authorities and as an individual chance
of heterogenization. The next passage shows it to earn money, support the family or to realize
can be connected to differences in the treatment one’s dreams. Although the persons live, study or
of migrants. Three of six passages mention lan- work in the United States, and two of them men-
guage skills as something that opens up opportu- tion raising children there, the process does not
nities r narrows them down. seem entirely completed in some cases because
of the lack of permanent residence status. In
“I was lucky, because I studied English as a first lan-
guage when I was in Pakistan, so my treatment was regard to questions of belonging, the accounts
much different from my husband’s, who did not reflect a feeling of alienation towards U.S.-soci-
speak English when he arrived. His experience was ety although some articulate a wish to overcome
much more raw. So, within the immigrant commu- this. Belonging is related to language, although
nity immigration is not a monolithic experience”
language skills do not automatically create a feel-
(Indentured).
ing of being perceived as American for everybody.
Social inequalities can play a role when it comes Heterogenization, on the other hand, occurs in
to negotiating belonging, as the citation high- the individual accounts of people that are speak-
lights. They are in a relation to subject positions ing in the passages. They build up a basis for what
e.g. when someone acts as a mediator. In one can be regarded as diversity within the city and
statement the person is described as “the con- reflect tendencies of social inequality between
duct between Spanish-only speakers and those different migrants and migrant groups as well
who don’t speak Spanish” (A Gracious Man). In as between migrants and non-migrants. Being
these ways, language builds up an important a sanctuary city in the accounts means to stress
factor in the process of negotiating subject posi- and accept the existence of diversity. Criticism
tions, but does not create unlimited opportuni- of official politics of migration and belonging
67NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Catharina Peeck-Ho
are only indicated in the accounts of individual ’[…] it’s funny because you come here to the land
people. of the free for the opportunities, but after a cer-
tain amount of time it feels more like bondage or
indentured servitude’ (Indentured).
Americanness, Belonging and Sanctuary Cities
The statements draw a contradictious image of Other statements cite variations of referring
Americanness: while democracy is presented as to the United States but transform the mean-
something valued by immigrants, other state- ing: One of the poster titles e.g. is ‘Home for
ments raise questions in patriotism and citizen- the Brave’ referring to the phrase ‘Home of the
ship: Brave’ in the national anthem. In effect this refor-
mulation underlines how profoundly belonging
“With the current administration, I have had to re-
evaluate what it means to be American and a pa- is something that people strive for but cannot
triot. It has occurred to me that even as a ½ immi- access. What it means to be a sanctuary city is
grant, I fully believe in the basic tenets of Democ- not explicitly thematised. The intention of this
racy, and I feel responsibility to uphold the values approach is described by the artist Rodney Ewing
this country represents. It’s frustrating to me that
who comments on the series:
people are twisting these ideals to promote their
own agenda.” (½ Immigrant) “My goal for this project is to move this discussion
of immigration from being monolithic, to one that
The commitment to value orientation confirms is as complex and nuanced as the people reflected
what Friedman noted in his analysis of Holly- in this art work” (Ewing 2019).
wood movies – the idea of transcending of eth-
nic boundaries in the light of values that are con- The complexity of the collages as well as the indi-
structed as ‘American’. On the other hand, the vidual accounts of people reflect his attempt to
audience learns that the current situation results individualize narratives on migration and belong-
in a reassessment of belonging. The questions ing. On the other hand, it can be stated that this
of Americanness presented here go beyond the focus on individuality is not entirely realized: The
topic of migration and point to current political homogenizing tendencies within the pictures and
developments and the ways people deal with the texts transport another message as they refer
them on the individual level. In this way, the to the United States and claim belonging despite
section creates a narrative that opens up spaces current political tendencies against migration.
for identification for immigrants and everyone Being a sanctuary city is represented as a city
perceived as such by others but also for groups that actively acknowledges diversity indepen-
that are critical towards the current government. dent of the citizenship status of persons. The
Belonging and citizenship are closely connected, hardships of migration are repeatedly stressed
not only because a lack of citizenship status in the accounts and there are different examples
affects perceptions of belonging (see above) but of criticism towards U.S. authorities. While the
also because the group that identifies with the need for opposition against current discourses
position of ‘re-evaluating what it means to be that claim Americanness only for non-immigrants
American’ is not restricted to migrants. Connect- or ‘good immigrants’ is explicitly stressed mainly
ing self-perception to the ascriptions by others by the artist himself, the accounts in the poster
shows how belonging fundamentally series are mainly articulating worries about cur-
The emphasis on democracy and patriotism is rent social developments. Although the collages
contradicted by the use of symbolic language in draw on the same set of symbolic language, the
the written passages. Symbols of Americanness focus lies on the heterogeneity of experiences
are often associated with a different meaning and their limitations.
and seem to symbolize the hardships of migra-
tion:
68The Negotiation of Belonging in San Francisco’s Public Space NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021
Conclusion can be interpreted as flags. The relation to the
For undocumented migrants, living in a sanctuary United States, though, remains full of contradic-
city is connected to experiences of inclusion and tions: while democracy is presented as valued
exclusion, which are parts of political projects by immigrants and economic opportunities as a
of belonging. In many ways, these experiences driving factor for migration, the political conflicts
are linked to power relations within the United manifested in immigration legislation and the
States. The poster series by Rodney Ewing devel- social climate appear as a threat to immigrants.
ops this topic and conveys that experiences of Overall the posters convey that many regard
migration are diverse and full of contradictions. America as a land which opens up opportuni-
The campaign can be regarded as an example for ties, but that these ideals are under threat. Other
how the city of San Francisco presents itself in membership roles are emphasised, too: the fam-
the cultural sphere. As shown in the literature, ily is especially represented as a driving factor of
connections between city marketing and culture immigration and living without legal status. The
can serve to add symbolic value to city space narratives of families that need to be supported
(Welz 2007). Ewing’s art is presented as a direct or the challenges of raising children in the cur-
response to political and social conflicts on immi- rent situation point to social inequalities both
gration and sanctuary cities. This paper therefore within the United States and globally. Immigra-
argues that, in this case, the body of work is fur- tion in these accounts is narrated as motivated
thermore a strategy to represent certain forms of e.g. by the responsibility to provide for others
knowledge on migration to legitimize the city’s and not as individual choice.
political position as a sanctuary city. Because the What is not addressed are the problems sanc-
posters include different semiotic levels, they tuary cities involve and this may be due to the
are able to convey a more nuanced rendering of function of the campaign in terms of taking up
the issue than a written text could. In fact, they and legitimate a certain position in the discourse
create different layers of meaning and connect on immigration. While undocumented migrants
tendencies of homogenization to heterogeniza- gain new possibilities to participate in the social
tion; they thereby frame not only migration but life of a sanctuary city, they remain in a highly
– what is more important here – repeatedly refer insecure legal status that restricts many aspects
to belonging and representations of American- of their life, e.g. education and work opportuni-
ness. ties. For immigrants without a legal status, citi-
To analyse these processes, this article ref- zenship rights are not fully accessible and this
erenced the analytical framework provided affects their sense of belonging as studies show
by Yuval-Davis on belonging and the politics of (Gonzalez 2016) and the posters indicate. Sanctu-
belonging (2011) and connected it to Tieslers ary cities – one can conclude – are not a solution
concept of EHG (2017, 2018) as it serves to but, at best, are a way to deal with problems that
identify tendencies of homogenization and het- actually need to be dealt with more substantial
erogenization within processes of negotiating reforms of the current legislation. Another aspect
belonging and points to the interplay of differ- which could not be discussed here are the ongo-
ent membership roles that constitute belonging ing debates on gentrification and the increase of
and can be contradictory. The analysis showed population groups which cannot afford living in
how homogenization and heterogenzitation are the city anymore (Zuk and Chapple 2015). Given
proceeding simultaneously while referring to that immigrants are affected disproportionately
different modes of belonging. Nationality is rep- by these developments (Sarmiento 2017) the
resented mainly in respect to the United States, representation as an inclusive city seems to build
and the sending countries of immigrants are indi- up a contradiction to these developments. But as
cated by the use of certain colour schemes that literature indicates that representations of mul-
69NEW DIVERSITIES 23 (1), 2021 Catharina Peeck-Ho
ticulturalism in the cultural production of cities EWING, R. “Rodney Ewing.” https://www.rod-
often serve as a means to increase the symbolic neyewing.com/ (accessed October 25, 2019).
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ity and the American Cinema. Urbana & Chicago:
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Note on the Author
Catharina Peeck-Ho is a postdoctoral researcher and lecturer at the University of Oldenburg
and was previously also at the University of Kiel. She is member of the Centre for Inclusive
Citizenship at Leibniz University in Hanover. She received her Ph.D. in Sociology from Goethe
University in Frankfurt (Main). Her research areas include citizenship and activism, especially in
the contexts of migration, social diversity and processes of securitization, feminist standpoint
theory and sociological theory. Publications deal e.g. with the British counter terrorism
strategy and its implications for Muslim women’s organizations, methodological aspects
of doing research from a feminist perspective and more recently the discursive framework
around sanctuary cities in the United States.
Email: catharina.peeck-ho@uni-oldenburg.de
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