The socio-cultural benefits and costs of the traditional hunting of dugongs Dugong dugon and green turtles Chelonia mydas in Torres Strait, Australia
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The socio-cultural benefits and costs of the
traditional hunting of dugongs Dugong dugon
and green turtles Chelonia mydas in
Torres Strait, Australia
AURÉLIE DELISLE, MILENA KIATKOSKI KIM, NATALIE STOECKL
F E L E C I A W A T K I N L U I and H E L E N E M A R S H
Abstract Signatory states of the Convention on Biological monetary compensation for the loss of provisioning services
Diversity must ‘protect and encourage the customary use only.
of biological resources in accordance with traditional
Keywords Chelonia mydas, cognitive mapping, cultural
cultural practices that are compatible with conservation or
values, dugong, Dugong dugon, green turtle, Torres Strait,
sustainable use requirements’. Thus the management of
traditional hunting
traditional hunting of wildlife must balance the sustainabil-
ity of target species with the benefits of hunting to traditional Supplementary material for this article is available at
communities. Conservation policies usually define the values https://doi.org/./S
associated with wild meats in terms of income and nutrition,
neglecting a wide range of social and cultural values that are
important to traditional hunting communities. We elicited
the community-defined benefits and costs associated with Introduction
the traditional hunting of dugongs Dugong dugon and
green turtles Chelonia mydas from communities on two is-
lands in Torres Strait, Australia. We then used cognitive T he hunting of terrestrial and marine wildlife is typi-
cally considered to be a matter of conservation concern,
even though it can be an important source of livelihood to
mapping and multidimensional scaling to identify separable
groups of benefits (cultural services, provisioning services, local communities (Nasi et al., ), particularly indigen-
and individual benefits) and demonstrate that traditional ous communities. Scientific studies have described the nega-
owners consider the cultural services associated with trad- tive impacts of hunting on wildlife, particularly on the native
itional hunting to be significantly more important than the biota in Africa (e.g. Bowen-Jones & Pendry, ; Brashares
provisioning services. Understanding these cultural values et al., ). Research on the hunting of marine mammals
can inform management actions in accordance with the and turtles is somewhat less common (Sohou et al., )
Convention on Biological Diversity. If communities are un- despite the fact that, since , people in at least
able to hunt, important cultural benefits are foregone. Based countries have consumed one or more of at least marine
on our results, we question the appropriateness of conserva- mammal species (Robards & Reeves, ). Green turtles
tion actions focused on prohibiting hunting and providing Chelonia mydas are still harvested legally for food in several
range states despite being categorized as Endangered at a
global scale (Seminoff, ).
Historically, the development of species management
AURÉLIE DELISLE*† (Corresponding author) James Cook University, College of tools has generally been guided by knowledge of the species’
Business Law and Governance, Douglas, Queensland, Australia
E-mail adelisle@uow.edu.au biology, with limited attention to the broader context of
MILENA KIATKOSKI KIM‡ and HELENE MARSH James Cook University, College of
management and the impacts of actions on the users of
Science and Engineering, Douglas, Queensland, Australia wildlife. However, the impacts of conservation actions
NATALIE STOECKL James Cook University, Division of Tropical Environments and such as hunting regulations on local communities, and their
Societies, Douglas, Queensland, Australia rights to be involved in management, are now being
FELECIA WATKIN LUI James Cook University, Aboriginal and Torres Strait acknowledged. Hence, wildlife managers and conservation
Islander Centre, Cairns, Queensland, Australia, and James Cook University, organizations face the challenge of minimizing the negative
The Cairns Institute, Cairns, Queensland, Australia
impacts of hunting on the long-term sustainability of wild-
*Also at: James Cook University, College of Science and Engineering, Douglas,
Queensland, Australia life while enhancing the positive impacts (Nasi et al., ;
†Also at: University of Wollongong, Australian National Centre for Ocean Nyaki et al., ; Duffy et al., ).
Resources & Security, Wollongong, New South Wales, Australia In the s, as wildlife managers and conservation prac-
‡Also at: James Cook University, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Centre,
Cairns, Queensland, Australia titioners began to recognize the important links between
Received March . Revision requested May . biodiversity and people, there was a concurrent movement
Accepted September . First published online December . to recognize the rights of indigenous peoples. These
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466Traditional hunting in Torres Strait 251
processes led to the explicit international recognition of the calories and purchasing power rather than the holistic
role of indigenous peoples in the conservation and sustain- nature of food security held by indigenous people such as
able use of biodiversity. Two articles (article (j) on trad- the Alaskan Inuit, who consider food security to encompass
itional knowledge, innovations and practices, and article both cultural and environmental systems (Inuit Circumpolar
(c) on customary sustainable uses of biodiversity) were in- Council-Alaska, ).
cluded in the Convention on Biological Diversity. Article The difficulties of incorporating the social dimensions of
(c) requires signatory states (Parties) to ‘protect and encour- indigenous hunting into contemporary management are
age the customary use of biological resources in accordance compounded when the target species (marine and terres-
with traditional cultural practices that are compatible with trial) are of conservation concern (e.g. dugongs Dugong
conservation or sustainable use requirements’. Both articles dugon and green turtles Chelonia mydas in Australia; beluga
thus bind Parties to the Convention to respect, protect and Delphinapterus leucas and bowhead whales Balaena mysti-
promote traditional knowledge, innovations and practices. cetus in the Arctic). Policies are usually defined according to
These articles also oblige Parties to protect and encourage the predominant discourse based on a value system that nar-
customary uses of biological resources in accordance with rowly defines hunting values and does not reflect the spec-
traditional cultural practices. The articles can be adapted trum of values identified by direct resource user groups
at the national and local levels to strengthen indigenous (Turner et al., ). Moreover, the costs and benefits asso-
involvement in decision making in the sustainable use of ciated with hunting (or the conservation policies regulating
biodiversity (Sutherland, ). such activity) are generally more salient to the members of
indigenous communities than to the outside organizations
Cultural dimensions of hunting that typically develop conservation policies (Nyaki et al.,
). Thus, clarifying the range of benefits and costs asso-
The most obvious positive outcomes of hunting are its con- ciated with hunting, and their relative importance from the
tributions to nutrition, food security, income generation perspective of indigenous hunting communities, can help
and livelihoods in rural and remote areas (Bassett, ; the development of understanding about the potential im-
Nasi et al., ). These outcomes apply not only to the pacts of conservation policies on these communities. The
hunters themselves but also to others along the supply risks of not considering the range of impacts resulting
chain (Crookes & Milner-Gulland, ; Allebone-Webb from policies may have severe negative consequences for
et al., ). Nevertheless, the range of motivations, benefits indigenous peoples (Turner et al., ); for example, re-
and costs associated with hunting can be more comprehen- searchers have highlighted eight invisible losses experienced
sive than these values, especially for indigenous and trad- by First Nation communities in western North America as a
itional groups. Indigenous communities have particularly result of a lack of recognition of cultural values during the
strong connections with nature, as their way of life often de- development of environmental policies that affected their
pends on their access to natural resources (United Nations access to traditional lands and resources (Turner et al.,
Environment Programme, ), and traditional cultures ). Losses included lifestyle losses, loss of identity, health
can help maintain the diversity and resilience of natural sys- losses, loss of self-determination, emotional losses, loss of
tems (Bélair et al., ). order in the world, knowledge losses, and indirect economic
Anthropologists and ethnoecologists have studied the losses (Turner et al., ).
cultural values of hunting (Cocks et al., ; Peterson, Such social impacts are not confined to indigenous
), emphasizing the important cultural role that the groups. In the development of marine national parks, man-
hunting and sharing of wild meats (which may include ter- agers in New South Wales, Australia, did not fully recognize
restrial and marine species of conservation interest) plays in social impacts on commercial fishers of banning commer-
the transmission of traditional ecological knowledge, cul- cial fishing in some areas. Fishers reported that the man-
tural identity, and medicinal and spiritual values, and in agers considered only economic impacts when making
the maintenance of community cohesion (van Vliet et al., their decision, and ignored the loss of well-being and com-
; Kalland, ; Reo & Whyte, ; Baggio et al., ; munity cohesion (Momtaz & Gladstone, ). As a result,
BurnSilver et al., ; Watkin Lui et al., a). However, fishers became distrustful of the local management author-
the incorporation of the social and cultural dimensions of ity (Voyer et al., ).
hunting is still relatively undeveloped in contemporary A potential explanation for the lack of recognition or legit-
management practices (Nasi et al., ), and conservation imacy of cultural values in the policy arena may stem from the
policies based on Western concepts usually define the values types of assessments used to describe non-market values.
of wild meats solely in terms of income and protein (Nyaki Policy makers and managers may respond better to market
et al., ). Even a widely discussed concept such as food values such as income because they are quantifiable for com-
security, often regarded as a direct benefit of hunting, is parison with other values. Moreover, research indicates that
often based on a Western definition focusing on nutrition, decision makers are more inclined to use ecological indicators
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466252 A. Delisle et al.
and market studies rather than non-market valuation studies, their relationships. The variables can represent physical or
at least partially because of the complexity of the methods abstract ideas (Özesmi & Özesmi, ). The person making
(Rogers et al., ). Non-market valuation studies such as the cognitive map decides on the important variables that af-
contingent valuation have also been criticized as being unsuit- fect a system and then either draws causal relationships
able for research in indigenous communities (Adamowicz among these variables (i.e. causal mapping), with the possi-
et al., ; Venn & Quiggin, ). bility of indicating the relative strength of the relationships
The sharing of food (BurnSilver et al., ) is a corner- with a number between − and (i.e. fuzzy causal mapping),
stone of whaling by indigenous communities in the or decides how the variables are interrelated (i.e. concept map-
Alaskan Arctic and is integral to maintaining community co- ping). Such techniques are used to study decision making and
hesion. Nonetheless, the system has been described mostly in people’s perceptions of complex social systems (Axelrod, ;
a qualitative rather than a quantitative manner (BurnSilver Brown, ; Carley & Palmquist, ) and have been applied
et al., ). Baggio et al. () and BurnSilver et al. () successfully in natural resource management to improve deci-
analysed social networks, harvest and household economic sion making, define management objectives and analyse sta-
data to quantify the importance of indigenous whaling in keholders’ perceptions of ecosystems (Radomski & Goeman,
the Alaskan Arctic. This quantitative assessment combined ; Özesmi & Özesmi, ; Hobbs et al., ; Mendoza &
with more descriptive studies of the complex values asso- Prabhu, ). Cognitive mapping and other mental model
ciated with indigenous hunting can assist in formulating a techniques have been particularly useful in describing how
narrative and policies looking at the future of indigenous various stakeholder groups perceive a similar natural resource
communities in the face of global environmental change management issue. In cases of human–wildlife conflict, the
(Baggio et al., ; BurnSilver et al., ). reasons and potential solutions can vary between policy ma-
kers and other stakeholder groups (Mosimane et al., ). A
A participatory approach to understanding costs and better understanding of how various people interpret a similar
benefits of indigenous hunting problem can identify areas of agreement and disagreement,
and can be the precursor in establishing a closer working re-
The ecosystem services concept has been used widely to lationship towards effective environmental policy and deci-
identify the values people derive from ecosystems, including sion making (Mosimane et al., ). All cognitive mapping
through extractive activities such as hunting and fishing techniques try to understand how an individual interprets
(Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, ; Chan et al., concepts, and describe those concepts and their relationships
a). Most users of the Ecosystem Services Framework in a graphical layout (Fiol & Huff, ).
emphasize the economic valuation of tangible services We used cognitive mapping to address the following
over the identification of intangible benefits associated questions: What are the social–cultural costs and benefits
with social and cultural values (Chan et al., b). Using associated with traditional hunting of marine megafauna
economic valuations to inform decision making can be from the perspective of an indigenous community? How
problematic, as the intangible benefits associated with are the costs and benefits linked/grouped, and what is
Ecosystem Services can matter more to people than the their relative importance? The cultural significance of the
monetary benefits (Chan et al., b). Accordingly, the species and the fact that the meat cannot be sold helps to
effective identification and prioritization of the values de- emphasize the social and cultural rather than the monetary
rived from ecosystems requires the use of qualitative and values of hunting.
participatory methods that include the perspectives of com-
munities that are more closely linked with such ecosystems Case study: traditional fisheries in Torres Strait, Australia
and are therefore potentially affected by management
actions (Chan et al., a). Most of the people living in the Torres Strait region between
We used a participatory modelling approach known as Australia and Papua New Guinea are indigenous (ABS,
cognitive mapping to investigate the costs and benefits of ) (Fig. ). Dugongs and green turtles (hereafter turtles)
the traditional hunting of two culturally significant species have significant cultural importance for Torres Strait
in an area inhabited by indigenous, natural resource Islanders and have been hunted for millennia. The turtle
dependent communities. Our approach avoids the use of harvest originated at least , years ago (Wright, ),
contingent valuation but still defines costs and benefits, as and the dugong harvest at least , years ago (Crouch
non-market valuation estimates are generally part of a et al., ). The remains of thousands of dugong bones
cost–benefit analysis (Supplementary Material ). Cognitive in middens indicate that the harvest has been substantial
mapping is an umbrella term that encompasses such techni- for at least – years (McNiven, ), pre-dating
ques as causal, semantic and concept mapping. A cognitive European settlement in the th century.
map is a qualitative model describing the elements of a Torres Strait currently supports the largest population of
given system. The map uses defined variables and describes dugongs globally (Marsh et al., b). A population decline
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 250–261 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605317001466
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466Traditional hunting in Torres Strait 253
to hunt dugongs and turtles in their Sea Country (an
Australian indigenous term that relates to the ‘authority
held and responsibilities of particular groups of traditional
owners to particular areas of sea, and is based on cultural
relationships with these areas’; Plagányi et al., ). This
right is upheld under the Australian Native Title (e.g.
Native Title Act ) and environment laws in accordance
with the Torres Strait Fisheries Act , which facilitate the
Torres Strait Treaty between Australia and Papua New
Guinea (Havemann & Smith, ). Operationally, these
fisheries are managed at the community level through
non-statutory community-based turtle and dugong man-
agement plans (Marsh et al., a).
Our research was conducted in two remote indigenous is-
land communities in the Australian waters of Torres Strait
(Fig. ). In there were close to , Torres Strait
Islanders and/or Aboriginal people living in the region
(OESR, ), including c. and residents in our
study communities of Mabuiag and St Paul’s, respectively
(Fig. ).
Dugongs and green turtles are cultural keystone species
in Torres Strait (Butler et al., ), defining Torres Strait
Islanders wherever they reside (Watkin Lui et al., b).
FIG. 1 Locations of the study communities of Mabuiag and St The hunting and distribution of dugong and turtle meat
Paul’s (circled) in Torres Strait, Australia.
are part of Ailan Kastom (island custom). The Cambridge
Expedition (Haddon, ) reported that green turtles and
dugongs were an essential part of the diet of Mabuiag
has not been detected by aerial surveys of dugongs conducted Islanders, a fact confirmed by subsequent studies in
during – (Marsh et al., ; Hagihara et al., ), Torres Strait (Nietschmann, ; Bliege Bird & Bird, ;
probably because dugongs are harvested in only % of the Bliege Bird et al., ; Kwan et al., ). Both species are
, km of very high dugong density habitat as the result also important for ceremonies (Fitzpatrick-Nietschmann,
of cultural and government controls on the harvest, and ), and hunting confers prestige and recognition within
socio-economic factors. Contemporary evidence thus sug- the community on the hunters of eastern Torres Strait
gests that the dugong harvest in Torres Strait is sustainable (Bliege Bird et al., ).
(Marsh et al., ; Hagihara et al., ; Urwin et al., ). In common with other indigenous peoples, the residents
Torres Strait also provides foraging grounds for abundant of the two study communities are at a significant socio-
stocks of juvenile and adult turtles (Limpus, ; Fuentes economic disadvantage compared with the wider commu-
et al., ; Hagihara et al., ) and is an important corridor nity. Almost % of jobs in Mabuiag and St Paul’s are avail-
for populations migrating between eastern Indonesia, the able only to residents who participate in an employment
Arufura Sea, the Gulf of Carpentaria and the northern benefit scheme (Delisle, ). Residents earn c. % of
Great Barrier Reef (Limpus & Parmenter, ). The level what their Australian counterparts earn. Each community
of hunting of green turtles in Torres Strait is likely to be sus- has only one general store at which to purchase food, and
tainable (Hagihara et al., ). However, there are concerns the mean price of commodities is c. % higher than on
about the long-term future of the turtle stock, largely because the mainland. Community residents thus face the double
of mounting evidence of environmentally caused recruitment burden of low income and high prices, with real incomes
failure at Raine Island in the northern Great Barrier Reef, the substantially below those of their non-indigenous mainland
largest green turtle rookery (Limpus, ). counterparts.
As a signatory to CITES and the Convention on The spending pattern of residents is also different from
Biological Diversity, Australia has multiple responsibilities that of the average Queensland household (Delisle, ).
associated with the conservation and management of du- For example, in St Paul’s c. % of all expenditure is on
gongs and turtles. For example, commercial trade in these food and beverages, compared to % for the average
species (both of which are listed in Appendix I of CITES, Queensland household (ABS, ), which is an indicator
) is prohibited. Traditional owners in northern of the financial pressures on the residents of these remote
Australian coastal indigenous communities have the right communities.
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 250–261 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605317001466
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466254 A. Delisle et al.
Methods Paul’s, even though saturation occurred with fewer partici-
pants there.
Data collection The wording used during free listing sometimes varied
between individuals. The content of the list and the various
After obtaining ethical approval from local institutions themes elicited were analysed qualitatively for similarity. A
(Torres Strait Regional Authority and each island’s trad- final list was generated, accounting for the similarities be-
itional owner institution, called a prescribed body corpor- tween the ideas of participants and discarding redundan-
ate), AD travelled to each of the study communities, cies. The final lists of benefits and costs were reviewed
meeting with leaders to describe the project and discuss collectively by the interviewees of each island to check for
appropriate research methods and associated community accuracy and to develop an agreed set of definitions for
consultation. The communities requested that we hold regu- each item.
lar community meetings to keep them informed of progress,
and conduct interviews with a cross-section of individuals
from each community. Identifying groups of benefits and costs
During May –December AD undertook eight We then used cognitive mapping to test for the separability
field trips, each of – weeks duration, to the two study com- (or lack thereof) of the costs and benefits elicited in the
munities to () elicit the community members’ perceived previous step.
benefits and costs associated with hunting, () understand The people from each island who had participated in
how those benefits and costs were related (using cognitive the free-listing activities were invited to take part in the cog-
mapping exercises), and () determine the perceived im- nitive mapping exercises, as were additional members of
portance of each benefit and cost (by asking individuals to each community, who were recruited using snowball sam-
rate them). pling, with the goal of speaking to a broad cross-section of
Information from () and () was used to identify separ- the population.
able groups of benefits and costs associated with hunting. Each participant was invited to view and categorize indi-
Information from () and () was used to estimate the aver- vidual values (Rosenberg & Kim, ; Coxon, ) via a
age importance of groups of separable benefits and costs, sorting activity using two sets of cards (benefits and
and mean values were compared. Statistical tests were costs). Each card had a description of one of the items iden-
used to determine if the differences were significant, so we tified from the free-listing exercises. Respondents were
could determine the relative importance of groups of bene- asked to place the cards into groups that ‘went well together’
fits and costs. (ideally, not a single group), and provide a name or label for
each group of cards. The exercise was performed twice, once
Eliciting the benefits and costs of traditional hunting using cards that related to benefits, and once with cards
relating to costs.
We used free listing to identify, via interview, a broad range The groups of benefits and costs were coded into separ-
of benefits and costs associated with hunting. Interviewees ate binary matrices. The name of each benefit or cost ap-
were selected from a list, provided by community represen- peared as a header on both the columns and the rows of
tatives, of people who were deemed knowledgeable (in that each matrix. If a respondent had placed two items in a
they had sufficient knowledge of hunting and of the com- group together, then the entry in the cell of the matrix cor-
munity to provide sound information) and included males responding to those two items was ; otherwise it was . We
and females, young and old. Each interviewee was asked two then constructed a single aggregate matrix for each com-
focal questions: () What are the benefits of traditional munity (Mabuiag and St Paul’s); simplistically, the sum of
dugong and turtle hunting? () What are the costs of all individual matrices. These aggregate matrices were then
traditional dugong and turtle hunting? analysed using multidimensional scaling. We used both
Responses were recorded in writing, and audio-recorded metric (which deals with interval or ratio-level data) and
if permitted by the participant. At the beginning of each non-metric multidimensional scaling (which deals with or-
interview the participant was shown the list developed in dinal data) to obtain visual representations of the relation-
previous interviews and encouraged to contribute any ships between the numerous benefits and costs identified in
items that he/she believed should be on it. We stopped con- the free-listing exercises, using normalized raw stress scores
ducting these interviews once saturation was reached (i.e. to determine the optimal number of dimensions. With
no new elements were identified by new interviewees; these visual representations we were able to identify separ-
Stark & Torrance, ). Saturation occurred after inter- able groups of benefits and costs. Following Blake et al.
viewing participants (six men and four women) on () we calculated the Euclidean distance between all va-
Mabuiag Island, and AD decided to interview the same lues in the matrices, for each community, and then calcu-
number of participants (five women and five men) in St lated Pearson’s R to determine if the observed differences
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 250–261 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605317001466
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466Traditional hunting in Torres Strait 255
between communities were statistically significant (Blake cluster means and cluster relative values were statistically
et al., ). significant.
Results
Representativeness of participants
On Mabuiag Island residents were asked to participate in The benefits and costs of traditional hunting
the cognitive mapping and agreed ( men and nine
Eighteen benefits and costs were identified through the
women; % of the permanent adult population of the
free-listing exercises (Table ). The graphical representa-
island). In St Paul’s, residents were asked to participate
tions of the results of the multidimensional scaling analyses
and agreed ( men and women; % of the permanent
(Fig. ) helped identify three clusters each of benefits (com-
adult population). Hunting is a male-only activity in Torres
munity, family, individual) and costs (community, family,
Strait. Our sample included male hunters and non-hunters,
environmental; Table ).
including elders who no longer hunt but teach the younger
The typology of the benefit clusters was identical for the
generation about hunting, and women, who do not hunt but
two study communities. The two representations of the ben-
prepare the food products of the hunt. Based on discussion
efits of hunting were highly correlated (R = ., P = .
with community members who defined an age cut-off of
level); thus we present the combined cognitive map of ben-
years between younger and older men, our sample included
efits. All stress values for the multidimensional scaling out-
a total of older men (. years) and younger men
puts were acceptable (Kruskal & Wish, ) and indicated
(# years). Twenty households ( people) on Mabuiag
that a three-dimensional solution produced the best fit at
and ( people) in St Paul’s ( and % of the total popu-
both the aggregated and individual levels.
lation, respectively) were asked to provide information on
The analyses also identified three distinct clusters for
hunting patterns. Using this approach we were able to inter-
costs associated with hunting for Mabuiag respondents,
view % of all active hunters.
and four distinct clusters for St Paul’s. The two aggregated
The demographic composition of the surveyed house-
representations based on the island of residence were per-
holds was analysed and compared with the secondary socio-
fectly correlated (R = ., P = .). As a result, we ana-
demographic data available from the census (ABS,
lysed the cognitive maps of respondents from Mabuiag
a,b). There were no statistically significant differences
and St Paul’s combined. When data from all respondents
(ascertained using one-sample z-tests for population pro-
were combined, the analyses identified the same three dis-
portions) between the household composition of the
tinct clusters defined by the Mabuiag respondents.
sampled population and the socio-demographic data from
There were no statistical differences between Mabuiag
the census (ABS, a,b). Thus we have no reason to be-
and St Paul’s regarding the relative importance of commu-
lieve that our sample was not representative of the general
nity and family benefits (community benefits, P = .;
population of these communities.
family benefits, P = .; Mann–Whitney test). The mean
importance of the community benefits cluster was signifi-
Estimating the relative value of each group of benefits cantly greater than that of family benefits, which in turn
and costs was greater than that of individual benefits, and these differ-
ences were statistically significant (Fig. a).
We used the sets of cards that had been provided for the There were no statistically significant differences in the
sorting session, and asked interviewees to score each item importance of cost clusters between communities. The im-
on a scale from = not important to = very important. portance of community costs was significantly greater than
To account for individual differences, scores were normal- that of both family and environmental costs. There was no
ized, so the sum of all the scores given by any single individ- significant difference in the importance of family and envir-
ual equalled . onmental costs (Fig. b).
We then calculated the mean value of each of the separ- The age of male residents was a statistically significant
able groups of costs and benefits identified in the multidi- determinant of the relative importance of a cluster.
mensional scaling (hereafter clusters, k), and their mean Younger men placed more importance on family benefits
value relative to the other clusters. For each participant: (P = .; Mann–Whitney test), whereas older men placed
mean value of k = sum of individual item values/number more importance on community benefits (P = .;
of items, and relative value of k = mean value of k/sum of Mann–Whitney test). Age had no significant effect on the
value of all clusters. relative importance of individual benefits (P = .;
For each participant the relative value thus represents the Mann–Whitney test). Older men considered community
proportion of total value captured by each cluster k. A costs to be more important than the younger men did
Wilcoxon test was used to determine if differences between (P = .; Mann–Whitney test), whereas younger men
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 250–261 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605317001466
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466256 A. Delisle et al.
TABLE 1 Benefits and costs of hunting perceived by Torres Strait Islanders from the communities of Mabuiag and St Paul’s (Fig. ), elicited
during free-listing exercises, grouped into clusters identified through multidimensional scaling. The numbers in parentheses are mean ±
SD of raw rating scores (range –).
Benefits Costs
Community Community
Keeps tradition (9.12 ± 0.98) No respect for cultural protocols (7.94 ± 1.64)
Keeps culture (9.09 ± 1.17) Bad hunting (8.42 ± 1.22)
Sharing (7.95 ± 1.40) Less sharing (7.80 ± 1.54)
Unity of community (8.24 ± 1.24) Injuries; i.e. an injured hunter cannot provide to the
community (4.06 ± 1.69)
Islan Pasin; i.e.traditional island way of life (7.81 ± 2.01)
Teaching the children (8.13 ± 1.45)
Spiritual connection to the sea (6.66 ± 1.72)
Food for ceremonies (7.60 ± 1.37)
Shows knowledge of the hunter (6.26 ± 1.54)
Essence of being an Islander (5.94 ± 2.03)
Family Family
Food for home consumption (6.60 ± 1.70) Fuel (8.08 ± 2.06)
Fresh food (4.45 ± 1.33) Time (7.08 ± 1.74)
Tasty food (4.02 ± 1.55) Pressure for results when in need of food (4.13 ± 1.74)
Cost-effective practice (6.00 ± 1.80) Pressure for results when asked to go hunting (3.47 ± 1.82)
Individual Environmental
Shows skills of the hunter (4.05 ± 1.55) Few animals (6.01 ± 1.66)
Shows strength of the hunter (3.96 ± 1.55) Cleaning animal waste on the beach (4.72 ± 1.88)
Prestige (2.90 ± 1.46) Disturbance of animals from noise (4.83 ± 1.90)
Health (3.90 ± 1.16)
considered family costs to be more important than the older & Vitousek, ), and the provision of food for ceremonial
men did (P = .; Mann–Whitney test). The relative im- purposes (Nietschmann, , ; Kwan, ).
portance of environmental costs was independent of age Our cognitive mapping exercises did not separate clearly
(P = .; Mann–Whitney test). market and non-market costs. Fuel and time costs (both
linked to the market) grouped together with ‘pressure for
Discussion results when in need of food and/or when asked to go hunt-
ing’ (in a group termed family costs). However, community
The free-listing exercises confirmed the multidimensional costs were deemed to be significantly greater than family
nature of the benefits and costs of traditional hunting of costs, confirming previous observations that socio-cultural
marine megafauna for two communities in Torres Strait. (community) values (be they costs or benefits) are more im-
The cognitive mapping exercises demonstrated that trad- portant than market values. People are motivated by both ex-
itional hunting provides bundles of benefits and costs to trinsic and intrinsic factors (Gneezy et al., ), and these
these communities. Community-defined benefits associated findings suggest that intrinsic motivations are likely to be
with traditional hunting in this region are clearly separable strongly associated with culture. The important policy impli-
into one market and two non-market-based clusters (in cation of this finding is that policy makers need to be careful
terms of benefits to family, community and individuals). that extrinsic incentives designed to alter hunting behaviours
Family benefits were all related to meat/market values do not negatively affect these intrinsic (cultural) motivations.
and were thus closely associated with provisioning services, The valuation of such services (formally, indigenous cul-
highlighting the importance of food for sustenance and to tural services, as defined in the Common International
indirectly supplement incomes by foregoing the need to Classification of Ecosystem Services; BISE, ) is particu-
purchase other types of protein (Penny & Moriarty, ; larly challenging for three reasons. Not only is the idea of
Altman, ). Individual benefits encapsulated health ben- ‘valuing’ indigenous cultural services contentious and prob-
efits (Rose, ; Burgess et al., ), but also acknowl- ably inappropriate in many contexts (Venn & Quiggin,
edged that hunting gives men an opportunity to ), but many of these services are inherently inseparable
demonstrate their skills (Bliege Bird et al., ), which is from each other and from other ecosystem services.
important to their sense of identity. Community benefits in- Consequently, one cannot simply estimate the value of
cluded a broad range of cultural benefits, including, but not individual services and sum them (de Groot et al., ;
limited to, sharing (Wenzel, ; Bliege Bird & Bird, ), Carbone & Kerry Smith, ). There are also tenuous or
the maintenance of culture (Severance et al., ; Vaughan non-existent links between most indigenous cultural
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466Traditional hunting in Torres Strait 257
FIG. 2 Multidimensional
scaling representations of the
clusters of benefits (a & b) and
costs (c & d) of hunting, at the
aggregated and individual
levels, for the respondents of
Mabuiag and St Paul’s (Fig. )
combined (N = ). The
clusters of benefits include
community benefits (tr, keeps
tradition; cu, keeps culture; un,
unity of the community; sh,
sharing; pa, Islan Pasin; te,
teaching the children; sp,
spiritual connection to the sea;
ce, food for ceremonies; kn,
shows knowledge of the
hunter; is, essence of being an
Islander), family benefits (co,
food for home consumption;
fr, fresh food; ta, tasty food; ef,
cost-effective), and individual
benefits (sk, shows skills of the
hunter; st, shows strength of
the hunter; pr, prestige; he,
health). The clusters of costs
include community costs
(resp, no respect for cultural
protocols; bhu, bad hunting;
lsh, less sharing; inj, injuries),
family costs (fu, fuel; ti, time;
prne, pressure for results when
in need of food; pras, pressure
for results when asked to go
hunting), and environmental
costs (la, few animals; cl,
cleaning animal waste on the
beach; no, disturbance of
animals from noise).
services and market prices (Daniel et al., ), requiring the population status of dugongs and turtles and the hunting pat-
use of sophisticated valuation approaches by which infer- terns and values of Torres Strait Islanders have not changed
ences may be drawn about those values. There is a substan- (Fuentes et al., ; Marsh et al., ; Cleguer et al., ;
tive and rapidly growing body of literature on methods for Hagihara et al., ; Urwin et al., ; Watkin Lui et al.,
doing so (Bateman & Great Britain Department for a,b). We have also conducted research on the values of
Transport, ; Day et al., ) but not all of these meth- hunting with the Torres Strait Islander diaspora (Watkin
ods can be validly applied in all settings. Although simpler Lui et al., a,b) with whom c. % of the meat is shared,
than more accepted approaches to cost–benefit analysis an important cultural practice (Supplementary Material ).
such as contingent valuation, our methodological approach Nonetheless, the debate over traditional hunting of du-
facilitates quantification of the cost-effectiveness of various gongs and turtles has intensified (Watkin Lui et al.,
management approaches (Supplementary Material ), using b). The Australian government is under increasing
culturally appropriate participatory methods to address the pressure to ban the practice and to offer monetary compen-
problems outlined above. sation to the Islanders based on the replacement value of the
meat. Yielding to these demands would reflect a limited un-
Further developments derstanding of the multidimensional benefits gained by the
Torres Strait communities involved in traditional hunting.
Our research group continues to work with the communities Not considering the full spectrum of values as assessed by
and agencies involved and we are confident that the an affected community group can have negative
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 250–261 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605317001466
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466258 A. Delisle et al.
established by Australian Native Title and environmental
laws, and the Torres Strait Treaty between Australia and
Papua New Guinea (Havemann & Smith, ). Thus our
results contribute to the debate by providing policy makers
and interested stakeholder groups with a comprehensive un-
derstanding of the hunting values of Torres Strait Islanders,
which could be used as a foundation for co-management
processes for the management of dugong and turtle hunt-
ing. We have made an initial attempt at estimating a lower
bound for the monetary value of these values in
Supplementary Material .
Conclusion
The methodology we developed provides insights into types
of benefits and costs associated with traditional hunting,
and their relative importance from a community perspec-
tive. Our approach could be used to develop a typology of
costs and benefits of related activities in other communities
that hunt for terrestrial and marine wild meats. The tech-
nique also made it possible to make various kinds of benefits
and costs more visible, and to use a quantitative assess-
ment. Our findings reinforce the call of previous researchers
(e.g. Gregory et al., ; Turner et al., ) to consider
FIG. 3 Relative importance scores for clusters of (a) benefits and socio-cultural issues when devising natural resource man-
(b) costs of hunting as perceived by respondents from Mabuiag agement strategies. Various groups interested in the sustain-
and St Paul’s in Torres Strait, Australia (Fig. ). The median is able management of wildlife inevitably hold diverse images,
represented by a horizontal line, the box represents the values and worldviews. A comprehensive understanding of
inter-quartile range, and the whiskers represent the data range.
the values held by those primarily affected by a manage-
Box plots that do not share the same letter are derived from
distributions that are significantly different from each other at ment decision can assist stakeholders to work together to
P , . (Wilcoxon test). achieve a common goal, and fulfil the requirements of
co-management promoted by management agencies. The
approach outlined here is relatively straightforward to im-
consequences for resource users (invisible losses; Turner plement in remote communities and cross-cultural situa-
et al., ) as well as decision makers, who risk angering tions, and could have wide application with indigenous
people with whom they want to work (Voyer et al., ), communities.
which can lead to regulatory non-compliance, especially
in remote areas such as Torres Strait.
The recognition and integration of cultural values of indi- Acknowledgements
genous hunting into the environmental decision making and
political discourse is politically difficult but could help foster This work was supported by grants from the Marine and
co-management processes based on institutional fit, from Tropical Sciences Research Facility, the Australian Marine
local to global (Robards & Lovecraft, ). However, a Mammal Centre and James Cook University stipend and
more open dialogue about indigenous hunting risks making fee-offset scholarships to AD. We thank the people of
way for interest groups that disagree with indigenous per- Mabuiag and St Paul’s, who welcomed AD into their com-
spectives (Robards & Lovecraft, ). Indigenous groups munity and their homes and made this research possible.
must prepare for possible conflicts with non-indigenous at- The Torres Strait Regional Authority provided valuable
titudes about wildlife conservation, sustainability and envir- logistical support and advice. We also thank two anonym-
onmental management, while being ready to confront ous reviewers for their valuable comments.
decisions made at the global or national level by global pol-
itical environment groups ignorant of the cultural impacts of Author contributions
their decisions (Wenzel, ).
Banning the hunting of dugongs and green turtles in The study was conceived and conducted as a PhD project by
Torres Strait would also contravene the hunting rights AD under the supervision of NS and HM. FWL provided
Oryx, 2018, 52(2), 250–261 © 2017 Fauna & Flora International doi:10.1017/S0030605317001466
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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0030605317001466Traditional hunting in Torres Strait 259
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