Urban geography in the era of globalization: the cities of the future Emerging knowledge and urban regulations

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Urban geography in the era of globalization Antonio Da Cunha et al.                                                  67

Urban geography in the era of globalization: the cities of the future
Emerging knowledge and urban regulations

Antonio Da Cunha, Christophe Mager, Laurent                  The era of globalization is one of a «metropolitan
Matthey, Giuseppe Pini, Céline Rozenblat, René               urbanization regime». Globalization refers here to that
Véron, Lausanne                                              recent part of the process characterized by increasing
                                                             interdependencies between nations, ease of interna-
                                                             tional movement, and the network-based functioning
1 Introduction                                               of multilocalized systems of action and of economic,
                                                             cultural, and political transnational actors. It is further
Globalization, cities and their modes of regulation are      linked to the emergence of a megapolitan archipelago
part of the epistemic regime of the total social fact. The   as structural cornerstone of a world system that has
complexity of forms, structures, and transformations of      undergone major transformations (Dollfuss 1995).
contemporary cities thus requires an openness to and         Globalization therefore marks the passage from
implementation of several different methodologies as         modern cities to contemporary cities and the transi-
well as the integration of different perspectives and        tion towards a metropolitan regime characterized by
geographic approaches. The geographical approach             hierarchical and globalized urban systems, as well as
presented in this contribution rests on three analytical     urban sprawl.
steps to understanding urban spaces: first, the identi-
fication of a conceptual field suitable for working with     Today, world might is unquestionably being exerted
interferences between facts and scales, i.e. between the     within the geographic concentration of powers, a
concrete as well as the existential and temporal dimen-      concentration which combines the globalization of
sions of globalized urban spaces; second, the explora-       societies and their economies with the metropoli-
tion of their permanent reconfigurations in relation to      zation of the world. In City in History, Mumford
actors’ representations, strategies, balances of power,      (1964) described the city as the nerve center of our
usages and territorialized shaping practices (economic,      times. Lefebvre (1970) saw the general urbanization
socio-cultural and environmental); and third, the sug-       of the times as an expression of both the absence of
gestion of possible modes of regulation that can lead        boundaries/clear territorial limitations (thereby doing
to more sustainable and more livable cities.                 away with the urban-rural dichotomy), as well as the
                                                             preeminence of city networks that spread their influ-
                                                             ence over extensive areas. Several researchers today
2 Interferences: globalization and metropolization           see metropolitan growth intensified by the selectiv-
                                                             ity of functions and amplified by the connectivity of
Territory can be understood as the material form of          urban systems (Friedmann 1986; Rozenblat 2007,
flowing time. As such, it feeds on the continuity and dis-   2010; Rozenblat & Pumain 2007; Sassen 1991; Veltz
continuity of history. Its organization can be explored      1996). As put forward by Camagni (1994), this growth
through the ordering of time. The notion of «historical      is thus the articulation of (global) network effects with
regime», which Hartog (2003: 22) defines as a modality       (local) milieu effects
of self-consciousness proper to a given society, allow-
ing the articulation of «past, present, and future», can     Cities, all of which are integrated to varying degrees
be extended to identify successions of «urbanization         in globalization, develop as systems of multiple inter-
regimes». Following most notably the analyses by Mum-        actions that place them in direct competition to each
ford (1964), Benevolo (1983) and Ascher (2009), the          other so as to attract the most productive or prestig-
notion of «urbanization regimes» is seen here as the         ious activities. The complexity of these interactions
identification of those configurations – be they demo-       unfolds not only through financial activities but also,
graphic, economic, technical or political – that charac-     and above all, through industrial activities, most nota-
terize the organization, functioning and development         bly those based on knowledge economy, within global
phases, as well as the modes of regulation, of an urban      value chains that organize the spatial division of labor
system over a given period of time (Da Cunha 2005;           and the control of knowledge in certain privileged
Da Cunha & Both 2004). Based on this understand-             places (Porter 1986; Gereffi et al. 2005; Grabher
ing of urbanization regimes, we argue that present-day       2006).
cities are experiencing a novel mutation, of the order
of those that first gave birth to the «classical city» and   The major players of such networking remain multi-
later to the «industrial city».                              national firms that directly or indirectly influence the
68                                                                   Geographica Helvetica Jg. 67 2012/Heft 1-2

development of local business communities (Dicken            This approach allows identifying, measuring, and inte-
& Malmberg 2001). By deploying their activities at the       grating the processes that develop at different levels
greatest geographic scale within centralized organiza-       of urban organization (micro, meso, and macro). Com-
tions that are being managed more and more consist-          plimentary thereto, the multidimensional approach to
ently inside global value chains, firms bypass local and     networks that is currently being developed in commu-
international customary territorial scales of action,        nication sciences (Contractor et al. 2011) allows cities
and merge spatial strategies with organizational and         to be studied within their actors’ environment. The
economic strategies (Yeung 2002). Thus, globaliza-           simultaneous consideration of these two approaches
tion simultaneously questions the multidimensional           may provide a better understanding of urban develop-
dynamics of actors’ strategies and multilevel territo-       ment in relation to its permanent reorganization.
rial dynamics. This is far from the notion of the con-
stitution of a global scale severed from the local. On       The configurations of networks reveal the individual
the contrary, there are several levels of scales where       and collective strategies that drive them. Thus, their
space is only one dimension of the challenges posed by       forms interact with their functioning and the measure
world competition, the increasingly uneven distribu-         of such forms provides some insight into their action
tion of social resources and the ecological imperative.      within social space, through their properties of equity,
                                                             hierarchy, or fragmentation and exclusion. The two-
These transformations affect all countries – be they         fold – relational and structural – property of networks
developed, emerging, or less developed – and utterly         integrates some of the probabilities of their future
change the living conditions and habits of a great share     developments by using more extensively communica-
of humanity, both in big, global cities and in «ordinary     tion or transportation possibilities, as well as through
cities» (Robinson 2006). Even though the coupling            the collective memory that sustains historical net-
of globalization and metropolization is linked to the        works (Dicken & Malmberg 2001). These collective
emergence of a new accumulation regime combined              processes are partially formalized by the new graph
with the appearance of knowledge economies and               theory, which was developed as of the end of the 1990s
new technologies, it also leads to new social instabili-     and which shows the importance of small-world and
ties and increases pressure on ecosystems which then         scale-free networks in the organization of societies
require new urban regulations.                               and in their dynamics (Newman, Watts & Barabasi
                                                             2006). Two specific properties stand out by virtue of
                                                             their implications.
3 Reconfigurations: economic, social, and
  ecological implications                                    The first property is the redundancy of paths connect-
                                                             ing cities within a given network. This redundancy
The analysis of ongoing territorial reconfigurations at      contributes to strengthening direct and indirect inter-
different scales is thus an object of general analysis       actions as it allows for the development of clusters
most scholars could agree on. The insular metaphors of       within cities or between cities, an observation already
archipelago economics or metropolitan archipelagos           made by Granovetter (1973) in «The Strength of
describe a discontinuous spatialization, structured by       Weak Ties». It is within these clusters of economic
strategic places, receiving directional activities, global   ties of proximity that processes of agglomeration or
actors and the logistics of distant communication. The       network economies may develop. Thus, it is within the
Institute of Geography studies globalization in order        weak ties between clusters that the motor to diversity
to identify its implications at the national, regional, or   can be found that allows cities both to function and
local levels from the viewpoint of three major perspec-      to renew themselves (Csermely 2009; Guimerà et
tives: urban dynamics and firm networks, vulnerability       al. 2005; Uzzi 1997). Such types of clusters between
of groups and political ecology.                             cities were identified on the basis of the networks of
                                                             multinational firms, using individual measures at the
3.1 Urban transformations, firm networks and actors’         level of each city or collective measures at the level of
     strategies: centralities and resiliencies               each group of cities (Rozenblat & Mélançon 2009;
Cities and firm networks constitute a duality. To a great    Rozenblat et al. 2011).
extent, networks form cities, which in turn provide
the resources and markets that underpin firms. The           The second property is scale-free hierarchy, which also
multilevel methodology developed at the Institute of         follows a dynamic logic. It was made popular by Bara-
Geography integrates in the evaluation of the centrali-      basi & Albert (1999), who argued that the high level
ties of cities within globalization (macro level) their      of hierarchy of connections observed in scale-free net-
ability to create local networks (meso level) by link-       works stems from preferential attachment: new ties
ing both levels with the individual networks of major        emerge more easily around those nodes that already
multinational groups (micro level) (Rozenblat 2010).         have several ties, as potential benefits are higher there.
Urban geography in the era of globalization Antonio Da Cunha et al.                                                     69

This may be seen as a multilevel process, in that it uses        usages? What mechanisms define who can be where,
networks that grow both within and between cities.               when? What are the processes that assign a position
The intensity of this phenomenon was exemplified in              within the global space of a city? What mechanisms
the case of London, where 75% of the branches of the             drive away those deemed undesirable?
firms present in the city were to be found within its
urban area. This may be contrasted with a world aver-            Within this context, a major avenue of research in
age that stands at about 25%. Individuals or organ-              Lausanne is the study of conditions leading to weak-
isms acting as connectors between or within clusters             ening socio-spatial trajectories. Several projects have
strengthen the relational capital of the network, but            been conducted from this perspective, ranging from
first and foremost their own social capital. A city can          regional analyses of the difficulties experienced by
act as a bridge in a system of cities if it lies at the inter-   people in highly precarious situations to gain access to
face of several groups or clusters or between different          the primary job market (Da Cunha et al. 2001, 2004;
territorial entities (Rozenblat et al. 2011). Clusters           Mager 2002, 2003, 2006; Mager & Stofer 2009) to
and hierarchies beget dynamics that can either sustain           studies on the ways socially vulnerable populations
or sap the resilience, geographic orientation, and social        gain access to and keep housing (Da Cunha et al.
variety of urban systems. The Institute has developed            2009, 2010; Da Cunha & Schmid 2007a, 2007b; Mager
and empirically tested indexes of centrality, cohesion,          & Matthey 2010).
transitivity or hierarchy on European and other cities,
so as to assess the possible global and local levels of          From a Bourdieusian point of view, interactions and
resiliency of these networks (Rozenblat & Mélançon               multiplicative effects between the degree of social
2009, 2012). In dynamic terms, such urban positioning            affiliation, the residential situation, and the spatial
calls for networks that show a high level of flexibility.        practices within an imposed context, made of social,
It also calls for cities and their associated actors that        political, and economic relations, are important
show a strong ability to adapt. In fact, too strong a            aspects of research in this area (Da Cunha et al. 1994).
hierarchy between nodes can block the whole system               Consequently, a special focus has been given to the
and can also lead to the marginalization of individuals          contemporary modalities of production of an urban
who find themselves excluded from all networks.                  citizenship (Bonard & Matthey 2010; Matthey &
                                                                 Steiner 2009a) able to move beyond the usual frame-
3.2 Urban exclusions and vulnerabilities: social                 works of political action (e.g. the party, the union, the
    geography between flows and places                           association) to ensure equality of opportunity and of
The global economic transformations that affect the              place (Donzelot 2004).
urbanization regime inevitably act upon the social
structures and dynamics of cities. The interconnected-           This interest is part of a research focus that aims at a
ness of metropolises within a global network and the             prudent reception of what could be termed the capa-
action exerted by globalized networks and multiple               bilist turn in public policies of integration (Mager &
flows on these territorial and economic logics change            Matthey 2010), in that they mobilize a rhetoric of
the social space of cities. As was noted by Castells             empowerment that is expected to help those who are
(1996), metropolitan spaces interweave two logics –              most vulnerable to improve their living conditions.
albeit in an unequal and sometimes contradictory fash-           This notion of social justice enhances those tools that
ion: a logic of flows that organize distant exchanges,           stem from community action or from a third sector
and a logic of places which assumes that experiences             (Marengo, Racine & Blanc 2004), which includes
are grounded in territory. The tension between these             members who, at the same time, participate in solv-
two logics and the different types of actors they affect         ing «problems». Thus, neighborhoods now constitute a
constantly calls for reevaluation of opinions as to for          relevant scale of production of interpersonal or inter-
whom and how cities ought to be built.                           generational solidarity and immigrant associations
                                                                 are being summoned as community workers in cer-
Beyond the analysis of the causes and effects of urban           tain Swiss communes (Matthey & Steiner 2009b). A
sprawl (Da Cunha 2005), researchers in Lausanne                  marked leadership by the State characterizes the new
also study the ability of urban policies to promote              Swiss policy of integration. Within this context, Swiss
social integration, and most notably a right to the city         cities often play an innovative role in their search for
(Lefebvre 1970). According to this principle, authori-           new forms of governance as well as in their translation
ties must defend the social function of the city and             of identities in migration.
urban property, as well as promote a more democratic
urban management. Studying rights to the city thus               Thus, what lies at the heart of this approach is first and
requires that urban fabric and urban practices be ana-           foremost an exploration of the way in which social
lyzed. What are the logics and systems of actors that            groups fill objective space with subjective space – the
drive the modalities of urban governance and urban               former being spaces of control, power and institutions;
70                                                                Geographica Helvetica Jg. 67 2012/Heft 1-2

Fig. 1: Diverse forms of isolation: gated middle-class housing, Granada, Spain, 2011
Vielfalt der Isolationsformen: geschlossene Mittelklasse-Wohnanlage, Granada, Spanien, 2011
Diversité des formes de repli: logement de classe moyenne fermé, Grenade, Espagne, 2011
Photo: L. Matthey

the latter being ones of lived space-time sequences       management. The Institute of Geography seeks to
and representations – as well as the socio-spatial con-   determine what motivates public-private arbitration,
sequences of this territorialization (Da Cunha & Mat-     i.e. the contestation of the legitimacy of the regulation
they 2007). Results until now have brought to light the   of space by public authorities, and explores the under-
importance of claims by residents and possible reasons    lying forces of a growing movement for self-initiated
for diversions of urban order.                            and self-managed urban development (Le Goix 2006).
                                                          These research fields are tested in different environ-
One of these changes to urban order stands out in         ments, so as to highlight the multilevel implications of
particular, that of gated communities. Gated commu-       the privatization of space (Mager, Matthey & Zotova
nities introduce into urban territory the characteris-    2011; Schiffrin 2011).
tics of a postmodern society that allows the dream of
individualism to be combined with the desire of being     3.3 Socio-economic process and urban ecological
with one’s own kind (cf. fig. 1). Even though these           dynamics: a political ecology approach
residences are still few in number, they are a widely     Privatization of space and resources, socio-ecological
discussed component of the Swiss housing market           vulnerability, geographical scales and networks, urban
because, in their idealization of the notion of private   politics, movements and governance are also topics
city, they dispute the very relevance of public space     and concepts central to political ecology, an approach
Urban geography in the era of globalization Antonio Da Cunha et al.                                              71

used in different geographical contexts by a research       ery of Niamey, as well as its implication for democra-
group at the University of Lausanne. Urban Politi-          tization and citizenship. This study takes conceptual
cal Ecology regards cities as socially and politically      cues from previous research on decentralization, par-
produced «urban nature». The urban environment is           ticipation and the everyday state in rural eastern India
transformed into forms of social and economic power,        (Corbridge et al. 2005) (cf. fig. 2).
leading to contestations over urban amenities and
resources. Urban Political Ecology thus examines the        In the context of industrialized countries, we aim to
co-production of society and the environment and,           reinterpret the history of urban water management in
in particular, unequal access to natural resources in       Switzerland in a Foucauldian framework showing an
cities as an implication of power differentials at local,   uneven and incomplete coexistence of and transition
national and global scales (Swyngedouw 1997).               from forms of biopower to neoliberal governmental-
                                                            ity. Similar interpretations of shifting state control
Most of the urban-political-ecological studies follow a     and power that used the concepts of «technologies of
Marxist approach stressing the urban metabolic trans-       power» and «technologies of the self» have also been
formation under the current system of global capital-       attempted in the very different geographical context
ism and neoliberal ideology and practice. The «capture      of rural Madhya Pradesh (Véron & Fehr 2011).
of nature» for urban development in the contemporary
era of neoliberal globalization is generally regarded as    Furthermore, we are in the process of developing a
uneven, leading to both environmental problems and          research program on small and medium cities that
socio-ecological vulnerability and marginalization.         have generally been neglected in policy and in urban-
Furthermore, environmental discourses of scarcity are       political-ecological and globalization research. These
used to legitimize the commodification and privatiza-       cities are characterized by the simultaneous confron-
tion of urban resources and amenities (Swyngedouw           tation of two types of environmental problems: «green
et al. 2002).                                               agenda» problems related to development (e.g. pol-
                                                            lution or resource exhaustion) and «brown agenda»
Projects underway or recently completed include             problems related to under-development and poverty
empirical studies on different urban resources (includ-     (e.g. inadequate urban infrastructure and amenities).
ing air, water and land) in various geographical con-       Many of these small and medium cities face a «triple
texts (mostly India and more recently also Niger and        challenge» of environmental governance, as they have
Switzerland). Furthermore, an attempt is being made         limited financial and human resources to address these
to develop theoretical and conceptual alternatives to       problems. To complicate matters, public and private
mainstream Marxist approaches by drawing, in par-           investments in these cities have generally declined
ticular, upon Foucauldian views.                            over the last decade as the focus in the current era of
                                                            neoliberal globalization is on the metropolises (Véron
Thus, for example, research on the political ecology        2010). Research on small cities allows closer exami-
of air pollution in Delhi brought to light that recently    nation of rural-urban linkages that have remained of
introduced air-quality measures, including the conver-      great importance for many urban, periurban and sub-
sion of public transportation vehicles to compressed        urban dwellers despite the rise of global city networks.
natural gas, need to be interpreted in the wider context
of (middle-class) initiatives to beautify India’s capital
and so render it a global city (Véron 2006). Such ini-      4 From global implications to local regulations:
tiatives are often detrimental to poorer social groups,       urbanism and sustainable mobility
as also was shown by the recent slum relocations from
inner cities to the metropolitan peripheries (Dupont        In the face of multiple reconfigurations of urban
2008). Furthermore, political and judicial practice reaf-   spaces, innovative regulatory actions have been put
firmed clean air as a public good and demarcated an         forward at the transnational, national, and local levels
(artificially) clear-cut boundary between private and       so as to reflect and organize change. The city provides
public spaces, environments and resources (Véron            a viable platform for studying global change, as well as
2006). This practice of boundary-making facilitates         collective action, resistance and local political inten-
new forms of environmental governmentality whereby          tions. The metropolitan urbanization regime thus goes
the state refocuses its interventions on environments       hand in hand with novel urban thought and new public
demarcated as public while it can retreat from envi-        modes of action.
ronments defined as private.
                                                            What control systems and urban development strate-
A current project examines the effects of recent politi-    gies can speed up the transition towards a more sus-
cal decentralization on housing and land development        tainable regime? What alternatives are there to urban
and on the provision of urban amenities in the periph-      sprawl? How can complex urban projects be imple-
72                                                                Geographica Helvetica Jg. 67 2012/Heft 1-2

Fig. 2: Chilika Lake Bird Sanctuary, Orissa, India, 2011
Vogelschutzgebiet von Chilika Lake, Orissa, Indien, 2011
Réserve ornithologique de Chilika Lake, Orissa, Inde, 2011
Photo: P. Rattu

mented and led when conditions are uncertain? In          nomic, social, and environmental implications of these
view of exploring these general questions further, a      changes. Third, it analyzes the possibilities of a creative
network of researchers associated to the Institute of     alternative model of urban development (Da Cunha
Geography through the Observatoire Universitaire          & Ruegg 2003).
de la Ville et du Développement Durable (University
Observatory for the City and Sustainable Develop-         From this perspective, «rebuilding the city on the city»
ment) was initiated about ten years ago to coordinate     appears as a major strategic orientation. However,
research on alternatives to an unsustainable city, thus   action in favor of sustainable urban development
ensuring that geographers play a major part in defin-     should not limit itself to densification, and thereby risk
ing and designing future cities.                          ignoring issues of mobility and the rights of all social
                                                          groups to access urban infrastructure and amenities.
The research of this network addresses three issues.      Therefore, a further major challenge for sustainable
First, it aims to describe and understand the pro-        urban development lies in identifying urban forms
cesses by which the city is built and changed in the      linked to a regime of mobility. How should a given ter-
long term in order to identify more precisely the         ritory be organized so as to not generate useless mobil-
originality of recent changes within the urbanization     ity? How can people be encouraged to use transporta-
regime. Second, it seeks to diagnose the major eco-       tion means more sustainable than cars? How does a
Urban geography in the era of globalization Antonio Da Cunha et al.                                                    73

new transport infrastructure affect mobility? Ongoing         5 Concluding remarks: communicating our practices
research at the Institute of Geography provides some
insight into these issues.                                    This very brief overview clearly shows that our daily
                                                              research activities result in the researcher being as
The analysis of a micro census on mobility in Swit-           much – if not more than – a homo faber as a homo sapi-
zerland (Observatoire universitaire de la Mobilité            ens. In other words, we explore while constructing our
- OUM 2008) and different field surveys contributed           research fields and other experimental tools, but we
towards creating a clearer picture of mobility behav-         also drive to build our conceptual frameworks, in the
ior and general openness to trying out alternative            awareness that scientific thought highlights gaps and
means of transportation. It appears that car usage in         in-betweens which need to be filled as we become more
denser parts of big cities is declining, while walking        and more aware of our ignorance, within a context of
and cycling have become increasingly popular. None-           lability and intellectual nomadism that intrinsically
theless, propensity to change modal behavior is weak:         leads to emancipation and to the creation of objects.
individuals do recognize that their choice of mobility
results in negative externalities and yet they keep on        It is known that Paul Feyerabend (1975) pleaded in
using their car.                                              favor of methodological anarchism based on general-
                                                              ized skepticism and healthy agnosticism able to dis-
Mobility plans for public authorities (Observatoire           tinguish between science and political propaganda.
universitaire de la Mobilité - OUM & Observatoire             Indeed, this anarchism seems to apply to the logic of
universitaire de la Ville et du Développement                 emergence of new geographic products of knowledge.
durable - OUVDD�������������������������������
                       2010), private (Logitech, Hon-         This anarchism is no longer an anomy. What makes
eywell) and semi-private (OUM & OUVDD 2011)                   a researcher creative is the existence of interiorized
companies have been put together in recent years.             and metabolized schemata of thought – assimilated
While all these plans share the same goal, namely to          and transformed into the researcher’s flesh. Not only
reduce the use of individual cars, the motives behind         do these schemata build our knowledge, they also
them are very different. Thus, whereas public authori-        structure our heuristic imagination and make us fit for
ties are interested in showing the viability of a more        exploration.
sustainable mobility that leads to reduction of energy
consumption and carbon emissions, private and semi-           Therefore, the objectives of this contribution may not
private companies are more interested in optimizing           be only epistemological, but also pedagogical. Are not
parking space because of the lack of suitable space in        our efforts to clearly describe – i.e. to transmit realisti-
cities.                                                       cally – our research practices on a daily basis tanta-
                                                              mount to training potential young researchers, made
Thus, it appears that control of mobility by authorities      sensitive towards the outlines of our evolving knowl-
could be a prerequisite for any changes targeting sus-        edge rather than to the dogmatism of certain catego-
tainability (Boillat & Pini 2005). The most obvious           ries of professorial understanding?
example is the departmental coordination of urban
and mobility policies in view of reducing public need
for individual transportation. Similarly, an interdepart-     References
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Véron, R. (2006): Remaking urban environments: the         Schlüsselwörter: Metropolenregime, städtische Netz-
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conservation in Madhya Pradesh, India. – In: Political     de l’Université de Lausanne analyse la mutation des
Geography 30, 5: 282-293                                   régimes d’urbanisation sous l’influence de la globali-
Yeung, H.W.C. (2002): The limits to globalization          sation. Cette contribution collective rend compte des
theory: a geographic perspective on global economic        savoirs émergents mobilisés par les géographes lau-
change. – In: Economic Geography 78: 285-305.              sannois en matière d’analyse et de modélisation des
                                                           diverses formes de relation à l’espace que les indivi-
                                                           dus et les groupes sociaux ne cessent de produire et
Abstract: Urban geography in the era of globaliza-         de transformer.
tion: the cities of the future. Emerging knowledge
and urban regulations                                      Mots-clés: régime métropolitain, réseaux urbains,
Urban geography is the main focus of the research          exclusion urbaine, écologie politique, urbanisme
agenda of the Institute of Geography at the University     durable
of Lausanne. The emphasis is on globalization-driven
changes within urbanization regimes. This article
presents the emerging understanding of our various
research groups, understanding which has been formed
by the analysis and modeling of different expressions
of relations to space continuously produced and trans-
formed by individuals and social groups.
                                                           Prof. Dr. Antonio Da Cunha, Dr. Christophe Mager,
Keywords: metropolitan regime, urban networks,             Dr. Laurent Matthey, Prof. Dr. Giuseppe Pini, Prof.
urban exclusion, political ecology, sustainable urban      Dr. Céline Rozenblat, Prof. Dr. René Véron, Insti-
planning                                                   tute of Geography, University of Lausanne, Quartier
                                                           Dorigny, Bâtiment Anthropole, CH-1015 Lausanne,
Zusammenfassung: Stadtgeographie in der Ära                Switzerland.
der Globalisierung: die Städte der Zukunft. Neue           e-mail:
Erkenntnisse und städtische Regulation                     antonio.dacunha@unil.ch
Stadtgeographie ist ein wichtiger Teil des Forschungs-     christophe.mager@unil.ch
programms des Instituts für Geographie an der Uni-         laurent.matthey@unil.ch
versität Lausanne. Forscher/-innen des Instituts ana-      giuseppe.pini@unil.ch
lysieren von der Globalisierung mitgeprägte Prozesse       celine.rozenblat@unil.ch
innerhalb des Urbanisierungssystems. Dieser kollektiv      rene.veron@unil.ch
verfasste Beitrag berichtet über neue Erkenntnisse
der Lausanner Geographen/-innen bezüglich der
Analyse und Modellierung verschiedener Formen von          Manuskripteingang/received/manuscrit reçu le
räumlichen Beziehungen, welche von Individuen und          5.9.2011
sozialen Gruppen fortwährend produziert und verän-         Annahme zum Druck/accepted for publication/accepté
dert werden.                                               pour publication: 11.5.2012
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