Abandoned Places and Urban Marginalized Sites in Lugoj Municipality, Three Decades after Romania's State-Socialist Collapse - MDPI
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sustainability
Article
Abandoned Places and Urban Marginalized Sites in
Lugoj Municipality, Three Decades after Romania’s
State-Socialist Collapse
Ioan Sebastian Jucu * and Sorina Voiculescu
Department of Geography, Faculty of Chemistry, Biology, Geography, West University of Timis, oara,
300223 Timis, oara, Romania; sorina.voiculescu@e-uvt.ro
* Correspondence: ioan.jucu@e-uvt.ro
Received: 10 August 2020; Accepted: 4 September 2020; Published: 16 September 2020
Abstract: The postsocialist process of urban restructuring came with important spatial, social,
and economic consequences. This triggered important transformations that remain palpable in
the everyday texture of urban life, spatial patterns, and even the internal structures of the city.
Every urban settlement was bound to contribute to the state socialist industry so that postsocialist
urban transformations also included multiple aspects of dereliction and ruination of the socialist
industrial assets. Threatening postsocialist urban formations and sustainability, the most common
feature is collective neglect at national, regional, and local scales. The transition from state-socialist
forms of production to the current market-based system poses many difficulties. This article
specifically investigates the problems of urban industrial ruins in Lugoj—which are typical for
medium-sized postsocialist municipalities in Romania. The research draws on qualitative data
gathered by the authors through semi-structured interviews, personal communication, and oral
histories and continuous infield observation (2012–2019). The findings unveil the production and
the reproduction of abandoned spaces in Romanian urban settlements in the absence of specific
regeneration programs and policies on urban redevelopment and marginalized areas. The analysis
reveals that urban ruins harm the quality of life in local communities, damaging both the urban
landscape and local sustainability. Further actions for local urban regeneration are urgently needed.
Keywords: urban ruins; industrial ruins; local dereliction; postsocialism; Lugoj
1. Introduction
In the recent context of postsocialist geographies of de-/reindustrialization, ruin creation, and place
making, the present study deals with de-/reindustrialization, urban dereliction, and ruins, a family of
topics, both fascinating and omnipresent in cities throughout the world [1–3]. The article examines
the spatial results of local economic changes with urban ruined sites left in the wake of the transition
from the state-socialism to a market economy. Furthermore, the paper draws on the local variables
situated in the cities and to the “specific political, economic, social and cultural relations” [4] (p. 43),
associated to particular policies required at the local level [5]. The analysis focuses on the municipality
of Lugoj in Romania, a postsocialist country, which fills the gap in the present knowledge of the material
and institutional dynamics of ruin creation in Eastern European societies [2,6,7]. The purpose of this
contribution is to discuss the postsocialist urban ruins in Lugoj, and to explain their presence, 30 years
after the collapse of state-socialism. Against the general background of processes creating Romanian
urban ruins, this paper investigates the urban dereliction and production of urban ruins as exemplified
by a medium-sized city that is categorized as a nonmetropolitan town. This topic is not limited to
a singular type of ruin, but can take a myriad of forms. Outlining a variety of ruins in the cities,
Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627; doi:10.3390/su12187627 www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability
Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 2 of 26
the empirical data explains the local government’s indifference to the postsocialist ruins production,
their consequences in the urban landscapes, and the local impact on the local restructuring [4].
The study emphasizes the postsocialist economic transformations through which urban ruins intensely
mushroomed [8–16]. Despite a rich body of literature dealing with the postsocialist urban identity
formation as well as the social and economic consequences of the cities’ restructuring [17–31], the issues
of urban dereliction remain peripheral at the local level. Against such a background, “scholarly interest
in ruins and derelict spaces has intensified over the last decade”, the recent studies being disparate,
with no sustained investigation. Furthermore, “research into ruins can inform and energize critical
investigations of how expressions of power and resistance, relegation and recuperation, circulate and
inhere in all spaces” [6] (pp. 465, 480). Simultaneously, unused urban places are important in the
contemporary urbanization models [26] claiming attention in the present scholarly debates under the
new capitalist rules and more involvement of local governments in the local urban development in the
postsocialist economic contexts [27].
Ruins are products of postsocialist economic transformations that, fundamentally, dramatically,
and unevenly, changed the postsocialist communities [28–42]. In the process of postsocialist urban
regeneration, the cities from Central and Eastern European Countries went through different stages in
their readjustment to the new market-oriented economies. As a result of the postsocialist economic
restructuring, some decayed urban places of these cities were partly or completely (re)developed under
renewal policies, while other urban sites and industrial districts remained derelict, thus, portraying
different stages of urban regeneration [43,44]. Derelict areas expose the local authorities’ neglect or
the absence of restoration strategies and policies on the local political agendas in urban postsocialist
planning, and the tensions between centralized management and local decentralization, with the state
being a “product of antagonisms” [45] (p. 84), and a “sum of multiple divergent projects, rather than
a coherent actor” [46] (p. 281). However, urban ruins in the Romanian cities appear as places of
indifference during the transition from the centrally planned economy to a post-90 economic capitalism,
empowered by globalization, neoliberal rules, and private capitals [21,47–50]. The material existence of
the urban ruins shows the difficulties of economic transition, the spatial inequalities of capitalism [51],
controversial actions, and real estate speculation [52]. Furthermore, as Beesley [53] argued, corruption
as a feature of the present globalization with multiple and deeply rooted causes in post-90 economic
development, generated significant consequences in the local urban regeneration process. The absence
of vision in the national policies, with wrong interventions and mismanagement in the postsocialist
urban planning regulations, are important contributors in generating urban dereliction in the Romanian
postsocialist towns.
Considering postsocialist formation of the urban landscapes on specific cities and towns, and
their neoliberal landscapes of deception [50,54], this paper confirms the recent knowledge, focusing
on the Romanian urban dereliction, through a particular local case study on a former state-socialist,
nonmetropolitan industrial town: The municipality of Lugoj. The core argument of this sample evolves
from the little attention paid to the Romanian small and medium-sized municipalities, with 52.55%
of the urban population living in nonmetropolitan areas [55]. The analysis brings to the fore the fact
that Lugoj is a third-tier city with de-/reindustrialization and ruin production, generating particular
landscapes [56]. This is because nonmetropolitan areas and medium-sized municipalities very often
benefited from small interventions, small attention from governments, and little interest for researchers,
but generated big opportunities for controversial actions. This could lead to a particular understanding
of the understudied or misunderstood piece of knowledge on the topic, with the opportunity to
develop new local policies in urban regeneration.
Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 3 of 26
Lugoj was selected for this case study because of its old industrial traditions. Products made
in Lugoj’s emblematic factories and workshops were sold in Romania and across Europe. Now,
three decades after the breakdown of state-socialism, many of these former factories remain in ruins
with no further opportunities to be repurposed or redeveloped. Following trends across Europe for
capitalist development in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Lugoj’s industry included important
manufactures, which provided goods throughout the Austro-Hungarian Empire and acted as a
magnet for migration through ample job opportunities. During the state-socialist period, capitalist
factories were re-industrialized and nationalized, resulting in a massive surge in industrialization.
Lugoj was an emblematic town in the light industry sector, especially well known for its textiles that
concentrated female workers. With the socialist heavy industry, this largely female local labor force
would be balanced with male laborers brought in to work for the new industrial plants. Postsocialist
de-industrialization completely altered the industrial heritage of the town with changing trajectories of
its economic and urban geographies. In this process, all of Lugoj’s flagship factories failed. As their
production ended they began their decay into marginalized and abandoned places. Three decades
after state-socialism’s collapse, these ruins still remain in the local urban landscape as blights in need
of attention for regeneration. Although metropolitan and other larger cities tended to have a faster
pace of regeneration for their declined places, second-tier and third-tier towns lag behind in their local
renewal [56,57].
This study provides critical insight into the shifting landscapes of postsocialist local economic
changes tracing the transformation in the local urban patterns associated with the post-90 restructuring
and urban ruins, because ruins cannot be left alone to “simply exist in their mute materiality” [58] (p. 692).
Furthermore, it is important to understand the manner in which people live with ruins [59], the ways
which local governments manage or cope with urban dereliction and how the ruins alter the urban
functionality and broader landscapes. Our research raises the issues of recapitalizing these ruins as
parts of postsocialist dereliction. Since ruins are often symbolic sites, with important meanings, relating
the past with the present urban policies, they are important for our understanding of the circumstances
of their abandonment, demolishment, and regeneration, through national and local policies [52] and
their “potential directions for future forms of sociality” [13] (p. 1102).
While “transformation of unused urban space follows a global trend” of urban governance [26] (p. 49),
experiences of advanced societies, remain less applied in Romania, with ruins standing neglected by
the local development agendas. Why and how did the ruins appear in the Romanian cities? What types
of ruins appeared? What claim does the voice of the local community have towards ruins and urban
dereliction? To what extent do urban ruins alter the inner patterns of the cities and towns? All these
are the questions on which this study focuses. To analyze the topics of Romanian urban dereliction,
the study proceeds in a few sections. The first concerns the theoretical background of urban ruins,
setting the scene for the empirical research, while the second presents research methodology. In the
third section, the article focuses on the urban dereliction, including a general overview on the Romanian
cities, and the specific sampled case study; the section then explains the rising, the presence, and the
consequences of ruined places in the local community. The final part frames the conclusions, outlooks,
and some tailor-made recommendations, reflective and applicable for all Romanian nonmetropolitan
areas, since urban dereliction appeared as a common feature in the most Romanian urban settlements.
2. Setting Theoretical Background on Urban Dereliction and Ruins
The issue of urban ruins and derelict places is topical and complex within the recent uneven
geographies of postsocialism [6–9,60–62]. Oftentimes, studies approach ruins to understand their
formation, their sense and their (un)identity in the cities. As “debris of global capitalism” [12] (p. 1037),
ruins illustrate the nothingness of order [63] being residual and unproductive sites.
Considering ruins as “symbols of failure and abandonment” showing “municipal indifference and social
stagnation” [6,8] (p. 475, p. 165), they unveil the mirage of the current capitalism, and neoliberalism
as a way of progress, thus, influencing the urban political programs [47,64]. Between creative
Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 4 of 26
and brutal destruction [65,66], ruins are collapsed spaces “in a pool of dust, regrets and
corruption” [18,20,67] (p. 241), with the latter fuelled by the present globalization [53]. Against such a
background, the ruins provide tangible experiences of the past in the current material world and the
future [68,69]. Ruins are dead, awkward, loose, and derelict spaces [70,71], where nothing happens.
Conceptualized as null places, drosscapes, or urban interstices [72–74], urban derelict areas are
previously developed industrial or nonindustrial sites that are now vacant, abandoned, or under-used,
with opportunities for their further redevelopment [26,75,76]. In line with ruins production, urban
dereliction appears as “process” and “object” [77] (p. 6). The process of dereliction, which is fuelled
by political and economic changes [26], by the state-socialist industry decline, and by dismantled
state-socialist ideologies related to the economic development of the states [16,20,78]. As objects,
ruins are part of the ignorance of the local postsocialist governments, unveiling local mismanagement
in urban regeneration.
Consequently, derelict places appeared as ruined and abandoned factories. Related industrial
or nonindustrial facilities appeared also as ruined sites in the cities [2,76,79–81]. Urban dereliction
is obvious in vacant military sites, in urban wastelands places, in blank areas, in ruined rail places,
and in collapsed buildings in residential districts [79,82–85]. All these are connected to the historical,
social-economic, and political contexts that appeared in Romania, under the postsocialist umbrella of
transition from the state-socialist policies to a global market economy and neoliberal policies [49,86,87].
Dereliction reveals negative relations and tensions between de-/reindustrialization and the post-90
market reforms [48], and between centralized state power and local government decentralization.
These tensions in urban governance are responsible for the production of the local urban dereliction
of the medium-sized towns. They had to face multiple changes, consequences, and opportunities.
While some towns that relied on a particular heavy industry encountered massive declines, shrank,
and even collapsed after they closed, some small-sized towns with complementary industrial branches
closely related to old manufacturing traditions had the chance to survive urban dereliction and spark
local processes of de-/reindustrialization.
3. Data, Materials, and Methods
To explain the Romanian urban dereliction, multiple data sources and methods were used all
through this study. A mixed-method approach and a combination of data gathering, based on the
history of the sites and interviews with local residents, city planners, and stakeholders to propose
solutions to the city’s problems, were helpful in investigating the local urban dereliction. The starting
point of the research as Mah [1] suggests was an infield, participatory, and ethnographic observation
of ruins in different Romanian cities and in a sampled site investigated in-depth. Empirical sources
include: (1) Primary literature review, media analysis—press and documentaries, from national to
local [88] and old monographs of the former productive state-socialist factories; (2) The authors’ direct
experience [89] of ruins, and infield and participatory observation, with investigated sites repeatedly
visited, between 2012 and 2019, were useful in gaining important accounts on ruins’ reproduction
under post-90 economic changes at the local level; (3) Since statistical data on ruins are unavailable,
an ethnographic approach to ruins were used, together with first-person accounts of places analysis [12];
(4) Qualitative research was conducted based on interviews, personal conversations and talks with
local key actors in the local government, residents and ex-workers in ruined factories (fifteen in each
study area); (5) An in-depth analysis of a case study with specific investigated sites was considered;
(6) To assess the local urban dereliction, an inventory of the ruined sites was made, categorizing the
various urban derelict places; (7) Empirical data provided meaningful insights in understanding the
postsocialist reproduction of ruins and the local ways of life of residents in/with those derelict places.
Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 5 of 26
To investigate the general background of the processes that led to Romania’s urban ruins,
media analysis was used including newspapers, magazines, and three documentaries from Romanian
national television. Understanding the production of ruins was informed by participant observation in
large cities (Timişoara, Braşov, Craiova, and Bucharest) and medium- and small-sized towns (Făgăraş,
Buziaş, Făget, Ilia, Azuga etc.). The study builds on previous research on postsocialist derelict spaces
conducted by the co-authors in addition to a thorough literature review.
Against this general context, the municipality of Lugoj was selected as a case study to find out
the specificities of its urban dereliction, but also the similarities with other small- and medium-sized
municipalities. Regarding the selected case-study, the municipality of Lugoj (a nonmetropolitan area)
was sampled, because one of the authors live in this town, witnessing the local urban degradation
and the emergence of different derelict places and wondering how long these ruins will continue to
exist in their ‘mute materiality’ [58] (p. 692). These former productive state-socialist sites are ghosts of
a community’s heritage [9], confirming that 30 years after the state-socialism collapse, they are still
present and, as Schönle [58] observed, it is important to know how long from now on these ruins will
be ignored, with local authorities doing nothing. To understand the issues of local ruins and urban
regeneration programs, an in-depth interview was conducted with the director of Urban Planning
Directorate from the City Hall of Lugoj. Then, three interviews were conducted with three former
directors/managers of the local flagship factories to understand the local decline of the industrial
plants from the inside. These interviews represent valuable proof on the entire process of dereliction
from the standpoint of the actors involved in the process before and after the decline of the facilities.
In addition, discussions, personal conversations, and oral histories of local residents were useful to
capture the local residents’ perception of these ruined and abandoned sites. In this regard, two lines of
questioning were followed. On one hand, we were interested in how the former workers living in
the neighborhoods of the ruined sites perceived ruins and if they affectively identity themselves with
these abandoned places. On the other hand, we extended our inquiry to the pragmatic position of the
residents as persons who only live in the proximity of ruined sites without any emotional attachment.
To determine this, we addressed the question related to life quality in these areas. The types of data
collected in relation to the particular investigated places are detailed in Table 1.
Table 1. Details on the qualitative methods used in the sampled case study analysis.
No. of
Interviews and
Method Interviews Area Observations
Personal
Conversations
4 interviews 4
Semi-structured interviews with
City Hall
1 15 questions, duration of 60 min each.
representative
Interviews Not applicable The questions revolved around on the
Former directors production of derelict places and their
of ruined 3 further possibilities of regeneration.
factories
Former workers 5 Northern The subjects were randomly intercepted
Residents 10 Industrial Area and personal conversation were designed
Former workers 5 Southern as free conversation to capture the
Personal Residents 10 Industrial Area individuals (former workers and residents
conversations no-workers) perceptions on the local ruined
Former workers 5 Central sites and on related aspects regarding their
Residents 10 Industrial Area opinions concerning the quality of life and
Former workers 5 Western the urban landscape as well as their
Residents 10 Industrial area position towards further regeneration.
Inventory of Based on personal observation and field
All derelict
the local 1 trip-research. The inventory is summarized
areas
derelict sites in Table 2.Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 6 of 26
Table 2. Some basic data on local urban dereliction of the municipality of Lugoj (inventory made by the author, 2019).
Industrial
New Commentaries Causes of
Traditions Preserved Post-Socialist Types of
Area Plants Attested Cultural Identity Post-Socialist Dereliction or
and Lost Production Status Ruins
Economies Restructuring
Productions
Western textiles,
textiles completely industrial deindustrialization, plant
industrial ITL Unit A 1907 canvas and - -
production derelict ruins closure
area Damascus
bricks production,
the factory was
founded by J.
Southern new types of derelict plant
Bricks Muschong, one of industrial deindustrialization, plant
industrial 1888 bricks bricks to a to a large -
Factory the richest ruins closure to a large extent
areas small extent extent
business persons
in earlier
capitalism
textiles completely industrial deindustrialization, plant
ITL Unit C 1907 textiles - -
production derelict ruins closure
cultural tradition
The Milk completely industrial deindustrialization, plant
1942 in casein and milk food industry - -
Factory derelict ruins closure
Central products
industrial The lasts lasts and shoes lasts and completely industrial deindustrialization, plant
area 1910 - -
Factory production shoes derelict ruins closure
deindustrialization, the
The rail connection rail
failure of rail infrastructure
transport 1970 between industry - - partly derelict - transport
connected to the local
area and rail transport ruins
industry;Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 7 of 26
Table 2. Cont.
Industrial
New Commentaries Causes of
Traditions Preserved Post-Socialist Types of
Area Plants Attested Cultural Identity Post-Socialist Dereliction or
and Lost Production Status Ruins
Economies Restructuring
Productions
cultural tradition
deindustrialization and
The in completely industrial
1912 food - - reindustrialization but
Slaughter-house food—patri-mony derelict ruins
derelict
building
cultural tradition
in natural silk
deindustrialization,
production restructured industry,
Natural Silk industrial privatization,
1907 (unique in natural silk textiles but partly tertiary
Mill (FMN) ruins mismanagement plant
Romania with derelict activities
closure, fragmentation,
international
markets)
reindustrialization,
tertiarization a part of it was
restructured
state-socialist machinery, industrial privatized through
IURT Plant 1970 machinery machinery and partly
Northern plant shoes ruins Romanian capital, while
derelict
Industrial other part was purchased by
Area Rieker, reindustrialization.
restructured in the beginning, the plant
state-socialist machines industrial
IUPS Plant 1974 spare parts spare parts and partly was privatized through
plant spare parts ruins
derelict Romanian capital
cultural tradition
The brick completely industrial deindustrialization, plant
1888 under earlier bricks and tills - -
factory derelict ruins closure
capitalism
reindustrialization,
cultural tradition privatized through FDIs,
Mondial sanitary sanitary
1900 in materials for - functioning - completely purchased by the
Plant products production
constructions German Company Villeroy
and Boch
important
cities’ demilitarization, since
Military military site sanitary to a large military
1960 - - the Romania access to NATO
Area under products extent derelict ruins
and professional army.
state-socialismSustainability 2020, 12, 7627 8 of 26
Useful photographs, repeatedly taken [90] in the ruin research, related to the results of qualitative
research in urban areas, triangulate the findings of the study. In all, the recommended methodology on
urban ruin research [1,2,6,8] was followed to understand the (re)production of urban derelict places,
their main consequences as well as their social and cultural implications in the local community.
4. Results and Discussion—Urban Dereliction as Part of the Romanian Postsocialist Urban Formation
The Romanian postsocialist urban formation is controversial and unequal, having both positive
and negative consequences in the spatial patterns of the cities and community life. The national
de-/reindustrialization and the relocation of industry [56,81], through privatization of the former
socialist industry and its related sectors, reshaped the urban patterns, thereby generating urban
dereliction with evident ruins in all Romanian cities [30,46]. This dereliction, which is related to the
national, regional, and local identity, altered the domestic, industrial culture [52,91], and the local
communities’ welfare and identities [18,56,62,92–94].
4.1. Ruins of Postsocialist Romanian Cities
A review of the postsocialist transformations in Romania shows that transition to a new post-90
capitalist order largely ceased the previous industries. The industrial collapse and deindustrialization
profoundly affected Romania, just like other different postsocialist EECs [28,36]. Consequently, many
national, famous brands and domestic production, and some of the largest Romanian plants in Europe,
disappeared in the face of globalization, as a matter of wrong privatization and in the absence of
sustainable visions in the postsocialist policies in economic restructuring. The national privatization
also faltered because of the fragile background of the new economic transition with no suitable industrial
policies in the national economic restructuring. The absence of a suitable legislative background as
well as of appropriate visions and regulation regarding the integration of local goods into international
markets contributed to a faulty privatization, massive unemployment in the face of international
requirements towards national industrial restructuring [95], unstable and conflicting political decisions,
faltering economic reforms, speculative actions in privatization, corruption [53,96], new real-estate
developers’ interests, and the absence of national policies for domestic, industrial production and
industrial, cultural heritage preservation [26,36,97]. A wide range of media channels unveiled these
issues [98,99].
These factors are related to the post-90 flows of globalization constraints on the states’ power, by
improving different tools in industrial policies [100,101]. The postsocialist changes in the former socialist
inherited industries had negative impacts on the local communities, generating differentiated patterns
and landscapes [28,102,103]. Due to national deindustrialization, Romania now has huge areas of
industrial ruins and derelict places—appreciatively, one billion m2 , with contaminated areas. Of these,
more than 1800 ruined sites are critically polluted with chemicals used in the former state-socialist
production. They appear in the inner-core of the cities and in the peripheries, threatening the local
communities with no knowledge of these potential risks. For more than twenty years, the issues of
industrial derelict places shifted from one government to another, portraying ignorance and allowing
ruins to simply exist in their apocalyptic landscapes [104], real neoliberal landscapes of deception [105].
Industrial ruins of the former state-socialist industry decline, appeared throughout Europe and
Romania from Bucharest, the capital of Romania [30–32,39], to the second-tier cities [40,62,93,106–108]
and to mono-industrial or small- and medium-sized towns [18,41,56]. Currently, from 14 steel plants,
only one operates and it greatly reduced its capacity [109]. While in other former European communist
countries, the state-socialist industrial sites were reused, in Romania, through improper policies in urban
planning, they remain largely abandoned, unveiling the governments’ ignorance from the national
scale to a local level [110,111]. According to an interview with a former engineer in a large industrial
plant in Brasov, Romania, this reality is grounded in the unproductiveness of the former industries
in the conditions of the new capitalist order, unfitting to the new postsocialist markets [112,113].
This is, however, paradoxical as long as many Romanian products had large markets all over theSustainability 2020, 12, 7627 9 of 26
world in the past, with Romania being an important industrial country in Europe. While totally
blaming the former state-socialism, the interest of the national governments was to bankrupt the
Romanian industry, by providing certain sources of enrichment of involved actors in the so called
“privatization”—politicians, foreign and domestic investors, developers, and others. Twenty-five years
after the state-socialism collapse, between mismanagement, ignorance, theft, and personal interests,
none of the national governments took responsibility for what was done, regarding the current
dereliction [109]. At the same time, Romanian postsocialist governments have not sold only industries
(plants, factories, and mills), through controversial privatization, but they destroyed the national
markets, according to an interview with a former Director of a trading company in Lugoj. In Romania,
as in all Central Eastern Europe, appeared transnational companies, with industrial relocation being a
crucial action in the postsocialist reindustrialization [6,56,86,87,113], favoring Greenfield investments
in new industrial sites. Consequently, the former state-socialist areas remained derelict and redundant,
but are real sources for new owners’ enrichment (through the scrap selling for money), or for poor
scavengers, saving their daily subsistence by scrap theft [109,114] Furthermore, industrial ruins remain
unsafe sites, threatening local communities and altering the material culture of the Romanian industry.
In conclusion, the algorithm of the former state-socialist industries’ ruination are as follows:
The state-owned factories and plants after the year of 1990 accumulated significant debts to their
suppliers at the beginning of the 1990s. As a result, they were sold, divided, and re-sold. The new
owners were unable to make them competitive and, consequently, the firms became insolvent and
eventually became bankrupted. Then, industrial plants and factories were dismantled and sold as scrap
metal by domestic or foreign owners. This was the tragic destiny of hundreds of Romanian factories,
unveiling the helplessness of the Romanian government to manage proper policies for economic and
urban restructuring, as well as their indifference towards emerging ruins and the cultural traditions
in Romanian industry. In other words, the Romanian liberalism promoters destroyed the national
industry, which translated into bad living conditions for local residents in industrial neighboring
districts. Related to deindustrialization, ruins appear in rail transport sites due to the industrial decline
and to the close connection between industry and rail transport system [85]. Privatization of the
transport sector was another factor in the production of the rail-ruined places. Derelict places arose
in the residential districts and in their related facilities, because of social and economic restructuring.
Considering the political and military changes in international cooperation and cities’ demilitarization,
ruins appeared in the former military sites, since Romania had access to NATO. This national scene
of urban dereliction translates to lower levels, with particular consequences and specific social and
economic implications [19]. The next section unveils the urban dereliction in the nonmetropolitan areas,
with the municipality of Lugoj sampled as a case study. It explains the urban ruins (re)production and
their impact on the local community.
4.2. Investigating Local Urban Dereliction in the Romanian Small-Sized Towns: The Case of Lugoj Municipality
The municipality of Lugoj is located in the western part of Romania (Figure 1) and it is known for
its industrial traditions. In 1992, it had a population of 51,827 inhabitants. This number continuously
decreased during the postsocialist period; in 2002 it was 47,027 and 46,858 in 2019, respectively.
In 1992, Lugoj had 20,659 employees of which 11,407 (55.46%) were employed in the industrial
sector. The process of the local industrial restructuring strongly influenced the labor in industry to
7107 employees (51.12%) in 2002. By 2011, there had been a minor increase to 9424. The unemployment
rate was 6.43% in 2002 and 3.43% in 2011 [115,116]. These industrial employment trends, as well as
the total unemployment rate, illustrate the local adjustment of the industrial restructuring process
to the new market oriented conditions of the local economy. In cases where new investments did
occur they tended to develop industries in new areas, marginalizing the old industrial areas of the
town. They remained unused, abandoned, and turned into ruined and derelict sites. Consequently,
under postsocialism, the Lugoj municipality was faced with important derelict areas [56]. They were
symbolic places in the city’s local industrial culture and local history. Urban ruins are the results ofSustainability 2020, 12, 7627 10 of 26
postsocialist urban restructuring fueled by the former state-socialist industrial decline and by the new
post-90 capitalist
Sustainability 2020, 12,order.
x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 26
Figure 1.
Figure The location
1. The location of
of Lugoj
Lugoj municipality
municipality in
in Romania
Romania and
and Timiș
Timis, County.
County.
Industrial ruins. The narrative concerned with industrial ruins (Figure 2), highlights two important
Industrial ruins. The narrative concerned with industrial ruins (Figure 2), highlights two
accounts: completely derelict industrial areas and partly derelict industrial places, in functioning
important accounts: completely derelict industrial areas and partly derelict industrial places, in
industrial areas. Major derelict industrial areas appeared in the southern, western, and central parts
functioning industrial areas. Major derelict industrial areas appeared in the southern, western, and
of the town, while partly derelict spaces are found in the northern industrial area [56]. These cases
central parts of the town, while partly derelict spaces are found in the northern industrial area. [56]
illustrate fewer opportunities that abound in the local urban regeneration, through new capitalist urban
These cases illustrate fewer opportunities that abound in the local urban regeneration, through new
interventions and local urban regeneration programs. With the postsocialist industrial restructuring,
capitalist urban interventions and local urban regeneration programs. With the postsocialist
the residential districts and neighboring industrial areas underwent important social decline, currently
industrial restructuring, the residential districts and neighboring industrial areas underwent
prevalent in residential areas [117]. To assess local dereliction, an inventory of the ruined sites has been
important social decline, currently prevalent in residential areas [117]. To assess local dereliction, an
made, with the main findings illustrated in Table 2. The results unveiled that all factories with old
inventory of the ruined sites has been made, with the main findings illustrated in Table 2. The results
cultural traditions were bankrupted, closed, and finally ruined. Against such a background, important
unveiled that all factories with old cultural traditions were bankrupted, closed, and finally ruined.
traditional industries passed away, altering the local cultural economies, with industrial ruins left
Against such a background, important traditional industries passed away, altering the local cultural
behind [56]. Data included in Table 2 emphasize important features, actions, and outcomes in local
economies, with industrial ruins left behind. [56] Data included in Table 2 emphasize important
industrial restructuring, under the post-90 umbrella of market economy, with ruins standing as proofs
features, actions, and outcomes in local industrial restructuring, under the post-90 umbrella of market
of the postsocialist industrial restructuring at the local scale.
economy, with ruins standing as proofs of the postsocialist industrial restructuring at the local scale.
On the one hand, it is important to note that all industrial plants and their related facilities
On the one hand, it is important to note that all industrial plants and their related facilities
appeared under the earliest capitalism were bankrupted during postsocialist privatization, reminding
appeared under the earliest capitalism were bankrupted during postsocialist privatization,
the local traditional industries only through their ruins. On the other hand, under the post-90 economic
reminding the local traditional industries only through their ruins. On the other hand, under the post-
restructuring umbrella, some of the former state-socialist plants were partly restored through domestic
90 economic restructuring umbrella, some of the former state-socialist plants were partly restored
and Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs). Furthermore, through fragmentation due to the multiple
through domestic and Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs). Furthermore, through fragmentation due
interested stakeholders, sections of those plants were partly renewed while others turned to dereliction.
to the multiple interested stakeholders, sections of those plants were partly renewed while others
A reason for these actions is grounded in the competitiveness of both machinery and automotive
turned to dereliction. A reason for these actions is grounded in the competitiveness of both machinery
industry in Romania [118]. This industrial field was of interest as long as it could make use of the
and automotive industry in Romania [118]. This industrial field was of interest as long as it could
local cheaper labor force. In the same vein, another successful industrial field in state-socialist plants
make use of the local cheaper labor force. In the same vein, another successful industrial field in state-
restructuring was sanitary ceramics manufacturing, with a continuous tradition in inner-housing
socialist plants restructuring was sanitary ceramics manufacturing, with a continuous tradition in
environments, as it was the light industries focused on textiles and shoes production. These industries
inner-housing environments, as it was the light industries focused on textiles and shoes production.
reframed to a smaller and larger extent the former state-socialist plants with few interventions in the
These industries reframed to a smaller and larger extent the former state-socialist plants with few
regeneration of local, traditional industrial plants.
interventions in the regeneration of local, traditional industrial plants.
Although post-90 industrial investments in local economy were from areas of local tradition,
most of them were designed in new industrial sites, with new plants and factories opened. Therefore,
the regeneration of the former industrial estates was a neglected process. Against such a background,
an uneven spatial development in the local industry arose with different types of interventions.
Firstly, the restructuring and regeneration of the old, local, and traditional factories were ignored.
Secondly, only a part of the former state-socialist factories were of interest to the new post-90
investors, with uneven actions in their refurbishment—while others were entirely refurbished, other
plants were partly restored, with important ruined sites left behind.[56]Thirdly, new industrial investments in local industry, generated new industrial sites with no
interest in the previous factory’s restoration, although, their profile measured up with the failed
traditional factories [56]. Thus, the local (re)production of urban dereliction remains a postsocialist
process, fueled
Sustainability by12,the
2020, 7627transition to a market economy, and by different stakeholders’ indifference
11 of 26
towards the local, traditional, and industrial estates.
Figure 2. Derelict
Figure industrial
2. Derelict places
industrial in the
places municipality
in the of Lugoj:
municipality (a) Textila
of Lugoj: factory,
(a) Textila (b)(b)
factory, Milk processing
Milk processing
factory, (c) Shoes and lasts factory, (d) Natural silk mill, (e) The Slaughterhouse, (f) Clara
factory, (c) Shoes and lasts factory, (d) Natural silk mill, (e) The Slaughterhouse, (f) Clara mill mill (photos
(photos
taken by the authors 2015–2019)
taken by the authors 2015–2019)
Particularizing
Although post-90 the local ruins’ discourse,
industrial investments the in
narrative of the local
local economy wereurban
fromdereliction, introduces
areas of local tradition,
some
most typical
of them and emblematic
were designedsamples. For instance,
in new industrial sites,the case
with new of plants
the former textile industry
and factories opened.plants is
Therefore,
relevant. At a time, they were emblematic buildings with related facilities
the regeneration of the former industrial estates was a neglected process. Against such a background, for their hundreds of
employees,
an uneven working
spatial in three shifts in
development pertheday.
localBased on cotton
industry arosefromwithAfrica, it produced
different types of appreciated
interventions.
canvases
Firstly, that were produced
the restructuring andand sold in many
regeneration of the parts
old,of the and
local, world, because factories
traditional of their quality and
were ignored.
convenient prices. Until the year of 1990, everyone searching for work found not only
Secondly, only a part of the former state-socialist factories were of interest to the new post-90 investors, a job here, but
also other
with socialactions
uneven and cultural
in theirfacilities. The workers received
refurbishment—while an apartment
others were in the neighboring
entirely refurbished, district.
other plants were
This plant
partly encountered
restored, a massiveruined
with important declinesites
afterleftthe year 1990,
behind [56]. being rapidly bankrupted. For more
than 15Thirdly,
years, the newplant has been
industrial in ruin (Figure
investments in local2a). The former
industry, workers
generated newstill living in
industrial thiswith
sites areano
advocate
interestforin its
thebad and speculative
previous privatization.
factory’s restoration, “For as long
although, theirasprofile
there are large interests
measured up withintheselling
failed
thetraditional
former factory and its equipment for reasonable amounts of money, who
factories [56]. Thus, the local (re)production of urban dereliction remains a postsocialistcares about this old
factory or local
process, fueledtextile culture?”
by the (Interviewee:
transition to a market D. economy,
A./female/56.)
and by different stakeholders’ indifference
Other the
towards talkslocal,
withtraditional,
former workers reveal thatestates.
and industrial the privatized factory was dismantled, sold as scrap,
remaining only the current
Particularizing ruined
the local walls.
ruins’ The postsocialist
discourse, the narrativeinterests were urban
of the local to selldereliction,
the former introduces
socialist
industry. In all, and
some typical privatization
emblematic destroyed
samples.the Forlocal culturethe
instance, of case
industry.
of theThis
formerfactory could
textile be reborn
industry plants
under the newAt
is relevant. capitalist
a time, rules
they or
wereit could host a textile
emblematic museum
buildings with [119],
relatedbut, “who cares,
facilities for hundreds
for their as long as of
it employees,
can still be working
ignored, in remaining an per
three shifts abandoned
day. Based place,
on subject
cotton from to indifference. From a successful
Africa, it produced appreciated
factory,
canvasesthis that
placewere
became repulsive,
produced andas it isinanmany
sold isolated place
parts neighboring
of the a slum.”
world, because of(Interviewee:
their qualityA. and
M./male/62.)
convenient prices. Until the year of 1990, everyone searching for work found not only a job here,
but also other social and cultural facilities. The workers received an apartment in the neighboring
district. This plant encountered a massive decline after the year 1990, being rapidly bankrupted.
Sustainability
For more2020, 12,15
than x; doi: FORthe
years, PEER REVIEW
plant www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability
has been in ruin (Figure 2a). The former workers still living in this
area advocate for its bad and speculative privatization. “For as long as there are large interests in
selling the former factory and its equipment for reasonable amounts of money, who cares about this
old factory or local textile culture?” (Interviewee: D. A./female/56.)Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 12 of 26
Other talks with former workers reveal that the privatized factory was dismantled, sold as scrap,
remaining only the current ruined walls. The postsocialist interests were to sell the former socialist
industry. In all, privatization destroyed the local culture of industry. This factory could be reborn under
the new capitalist rules or it could host a textile museum [119], but, “who cares, for as long as it can
still be ignored, remaining an abandoned place, subject to indifference. From a successful factory, this
Sustainability 2020, 12, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 26
place became repulsive, as it is an isolated place neighboring a slum.” (Interviewee: A. M./male/62.)
An appropriate story
An appropriate story fits
fits to
tothe
thesouthern
southernindustrial
industrialarea,
area,hosted
hostedthetheBrick
Brick Factory,founded
Factory, founded bybyJ.
J. Muschong, one of the richest capitalist businesspersons in Lugoj, under the early
Muschong, one of the richest capitalist businesspersons in Lugoj, under the early stages of capitalism. stages of capitalism.
Compared
Compared with with J.J.Ford
Fordfrom
fromAmerica,
America,and andthe
theowner
ownerofofa alarge
largeindustrial
industrialempire
empire in in
thethe
western
westernpart of
part
Romania Muschong built the factory in the year 1888 {56], producing high quality
of Romania Muschong built the factory in the year 1888 {56], producing high quality bricks and tills, bricks and tills,
sold
sold inin all
all of
of the
the Austro-Hungarian
Austro-Hungarian Empire Empire and
and Romania. Under the
Romania. Under the state-socialism,
state-socialism, the the factory
factory was
was
nationalized
nationalized in 1948. Its production targeted the massive real estate development in the Romanian
in 1948. Its production targeted the massive real estate development in the Romanian
cities
cities hosting
hosting thethe migrant
migrant rural
rural population. Privatized after
population. Privatized after 1990,
1990, out
out of
of hundreds
hundreds of of employees
employees few few
workers
workers werewere retained
retained to to aa small
small extent;
extent; the
the factory
factory uses
uses the
the former
former industrial
industrial facilities.
facilities. Large
Large parts
parts
of
of the factory turned to ruins. This emblematic factory remains largely ruined, destroying the
the factory turned to ruins. This emblematic factory remains largely ruined, destroying the local
local
industrial
industrial traditions, altering the landscape, and entailing its neighborhood decline. The residents in
traditions, altering the landscape, and entailing its neighborhood decline. The residents in
this
this area
area live
live at
at aa subsistence
subsistence level
level inin old
old and
and derelict
derelict houses
houses (Figure
(Figure 3)3) with
with low
low incomes
incomes and and social
social
support
support [116,120].
[116,120].
Figure 3. Poor
Poor houses
houses in the proximity of derelict and ruined sites of Lugoj:
Lugoj: an example from the
the authors,
southern industrial area (photo taken by the authors, 2019).
2019).
According to the conversations conducted with the Social Assistance representatives, the local
authorities support more than 80% of the families living in this this district.
district. Evidences of other samples
are from various old industrial plants. The The milk-processing
milk-processing factory,
factory, built in the year 1942, was an
important manufacturing company company in the national food industry. It was the sole producer of casein
sold in
in Italy,
Italy, processing
processingmilk milkinina avariety
variety of of products
products forfor a large
a large Romanian
Romanian market.
market. Had Had it been
it only only
been
for theforlocal
the and
localregional
and regional demandsdemands
duringduring the post-90
the post-90 periodperiod the factory
the factory wouldwould
have been haveworth
been
worth operating.
operating. Privatized
Privatized between between
1990 1990
and and 2001,
2001, it encountered
it encountered importantdebts,
important debts,being
being further
bankrupted and ruined (Figure 2b). In In 2005,
2005, AVAS
AVAS (The(The Romanian
Romanian Authority of Administration the
State Assets) sold this plant for only USD 230,000 to RomInox SA Romania, (further HandInox HandInox SA, SA,
Romania).
Romania). Closed
Closedin in2013, it was
2013, it purchased by the Energy
was purchased by the Company
Energy USA&RO
Company Romania
USA&RO administrated
Romania
by the daughter
administrated byofthe
a former
daughter director of Thedirector
of a former Romanian of TheRailway Company
Romanian Timişoara,
Railway Company a controversial
Timişoara, a
person in both person
controversial politics and
in both business. Theand
politics pricebusiness.
of this transaction
The price is, however, interesting; is,
of this transaction although
however,the
plant occupied
interesting; 5000 mthe
although 2 , itplant of only €75,000.
was occupied 5000 mThe2 new of
, it was owner
only intended to restore
€75,000. The it for commercial
new owner intended to
services
restore it[121] but up to now,
for commercial the place
services [121]isbut
stillup
derelict.
to now,This the evolution points
place is still to private
derelict. interests inpoints
This evolution local
to private interests in local privatization. About all these, there is a prevailing regret of the
neighboring residents, regret about what once used to be there, blaming the bad postsocialist
industrial restructuring.
“Since the year of 1972, I have lived and worked here. The factory operated properly before and
after 1990, but its survival chances are considered compared to the new national and internationalSustainability 2020, 12, 7627 13 of 26
privatization. About all these, there is a prevailing regret of the neighboring residents, regret about
what once used to be there, blaming the bad postsocialist industrial restructuring.
“Since the year of 1972, I have lived and worked here. The factory operated properly before and after
1990, but its survival chances are considered compared to the new national and international milk
producers. It could function with a good management. I think its failure was deliberate. All equipment
was removed. The scrap-selling center is just around the corner. Since the year 2000, the factory
has turned to ruins as its neighboring rail area. This part of the town is desolate with repulsive
landscapes. Looking around, we could find: ruins hosting waste, stray dogs, homelessness and high
weeds, everywhere . . . Does someone in our government care about this ruined place? I don’t think so.
Yet, these ruins are a part of our everyday life.” (Personal conversation: P.I./male/66.)
However, in this area, nothing happened. The factory is still in ruin without any intervention for
its restoration. On the same platform next to the milk processing plant, there is the last factory, with old
national tradition in shoes production. Its post-90 bankruptcy is due to the local authorities’ lack of
preparedness, in the face of the new postsocialist market economy. From a successful manufacture,
the plant is in now in ruins (Figure 2c). In the early postsocialism, the factory operated properly. In 1998,
it was privatized and its decline began in 1995. Four years later, a company from Timişoara purchased
it. With the new market economy demands, it was difficult to manage a large socialist plant. It lost its
markets and it could not adjust its production to the new competitive requirements. Because of uncertain
political circumstances and lack of transparency in the business sector, the foreign investors were
skeptic to invest in Romania. In the situation they decided to invest, they did so basically in Greenfield
rather than restoring Brownfields. It was Rieker—the transnational company that took over the old shoe
factory assets. To conclude with the words of a former engineer, the shoe factory “privatization was a
huge mistake for the former state-socialist factories.” (Interviewee/former engineer/B. D./52/male.)
On the industrial platform between these factories, a large derelict railway area speaks for the
past importance of rail infrastructure in the local industrial functionality. Most of the ruins emerged
after 1997. The post-2000 maturity in local and national economy [118] partly revives the former
state-socialist, industrial areas. In Lugoj it is the case of the northern industrial platform that triggered
the interest of important transnational companies, such as Villeroy and Boch, Rieker, MPV Gmbh,
and located themselves in some of the former state-socialist plants that were restored to different extents.
Thus, some parts of the industrial platform were also ruined. Of these, FMN (The Natural Silk Mill)
(Figure 2d), and the Slaughterhouse (Figure 2e) are relevant. The latter, declared monument, with an
important cultural tradition that prevented its transformation [122] remains derelict. FMN), which was
unique in Romania and with a large worldwide market, ended its natural silk production in 1990.
Concerning its post-90 privatization, a former engineer stated:
“In 1995, some Japanese investors intended to purchase and modernize the factory in order to continue
the natural silk production, but the deal with Romanian authorities failed. Nobody knows the reason
for this. Furthermore, a Romanian investor purchased it at a low price. It was then, divided;
some parts were sold, put on let or turned to services. However, its most backward part is ruined.”
(Interviewee/formerly engineer/L. D./62/female.)
Thus, the natural silk production failed, and so one of the traditional industries in Lugoj
passed away. In addition, all its assets—the machinery—disappeared. A former worker remembers:Sustainability 2020, 12, 7627 14 of 26
“I remembered in the 90s, that the natural silk section has been dismantled. All the stainless steel
equipment has been loaded into huge trucks. I think it was sold as scrap, making the new owners
richer. Since I was 18 years old, my life has been connected to this plant. Then, I lost my job, as the
town lost one of the most prominent factories. Sometimes, I still watch the ruins, regretting what was
once there. As a dismissed worker after 25 years of work, my husband and I had to commute 60 km
away, in Timişoara for new jobs, because at that time, no one hired us in Lugoj. We still regret the
failure of the plant.” (Interviewee: I.J./female/62.)
Considering un-participatory actions and the helplessness of the dismissed workers, a former
employee in the plant stated that: “There was nothing to do, as we could not decide the future of
the factory. Even as workers for three decades in the plant, we could not protest. This is the new
capitalism . . . For some individuals, a godsend for enriching, for ex-workers, remain only regrets
towards these ruins.” (Interviewee: E. P./female/67). In the same vein, the ruins of Clara Mill (Figure 2f),
also reflects the mismanagement in local privatization, delays in local regeneration, unknown owners
and heirs, complex processes in the Romanian redistribution of land and nationalized estate [123,124],
and lengthy lawsuits for the ownership of the ruined factories. This led to the loss of the local industrial
tradition. An old guardsman looking at the ruined building said: “I used to work here all my life.
This mill was once the granary for Western Romania, as Romania was the granary of Europe. Now,
all that you can see are ruins, as all old Romanian industry is ruined.” (Interviewee: P.V./male/68.).
Meanwhile it was partly restored. The voices of the local residents frame the judicial context of urban
dereliction. This context is rife with legal uncertainties, for instance, with regard to ownership titles and
investments, which explains why the urban regeneration can often times not be a kick-started process.
On the other hand, dubious processes of privatization are responsible for the present ruins. In addition,
the lack of action by local authorities is explained, and is based on ignorance and indifference relating
to intimate connections between local (corrupt), political, and (predatory and speculative) business
elites (usually members of the same families and former communist cliques), who have only their own
private interests in mind [18]. The blame for the present urban dereliction and industrial ruins falls
equally on both the local government and the local and foreign capital, infused in the creative and brutal
destruction. Processes such as industrial delocalization, plant closing, foreign direct investment [118],
and free trade agreements are responsible for the locally ruined sites. Furthermore, mismanagement,
and ignorance led to the ruins production. Wrong interventions and bad strategies in postsocialist urban
planning are also responsible for the industrial urban dereliction in nonmetropolitan Romanian areas.
Ruins of rail transport decline. Ruins of railway network relates to the industrial decline. Both under
capitalism and later under state-socialism, the industry was connected to the rail transport network
because it was the main facility used in raw materials supply and in the distribution of local production.
Consequently, disused railway networks [125], are currently neighboring derelict’s industrial places and
their related facilities [85]. Such is the case of Lugoj, where all the former state-socialist industrial areas
now include rail transport ruins (Figure 4a,b). At the same time, with the postsocialist restructuring of
the national railway transport system, associated with the local decline in the state-socialist industry,
the rail freight registered important regresses and large ruined areas of rail facilities, which neighbored
the railway station and industrial areas. They are now abandoned places close to the city center, and to
residential districts, thus, threatening the local community. With respect to urban regeneration, they
captured the local authorities’ attention. When drawing the recent master plan of the town, the local
government decided to remove disused and abandoned rail infrastructure. It was a local proposal to
the Ministry of Transport in Bucharest. In this regard, the interview conducted with a representative of
the Urban Planning Service of the town unveiled that, “we followed the legal procedures with the
Ministry of Transport to restore the ruined rail sites, but we did not receive any consent regarding
our proposal. The national government considered local rail infrastructure as sites of national interest.
What is the interest about them, as long as these sites are still abandoned and ruined, and are still subject
to continuous degradation?” Against such a background, it seems that local decentralization is ratherYou can also read
