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                  CANADIAN CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVES
                                               MANITOBA

Why Protecting
Public Housing
is Important
By Sarah Cooper

                                                      JANUARY
                                                         2018
Why Protecting Public Housing is Important               About the Author:
isbn 978-1-77125-383-3                                   Sarah Cooper is a CCPA-MB research associate. She
                                                         is currently completing her PhD in Urban Planning
january 2018                                             and Policy at the University of Illinois at Chicago.

This report is available free of charge from the CCPA    Acknowledgements
website at www.policyalternatives.ca. Printed
copies may be ordered through the Manitoba Office          Thank you to Christina Maes Nino, Kirsten Bernas,
for a $10 fee.                                           and the Right to Housing coalition for the question
                                                         that started this research paper. Thanks also to
                                                         Christina Maes Nino, Josh Brandon, and the two
Help us continue to offer our publications free online.
                                                         anonymous reviewers for their insightful and helpful
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Introduction

Public housing plays an essential role in Manito-     Manitoba recommends moving away from pub-
ba’s housing system. It provides a specific form of   licly-provided housing to a mix of housing vouch-
housing: decommodified housing that is afford-        ers for the private market and housing provided
able to low-income households. This means that        by private and nonprofit organizations through
it has been removed from the market by focusing       a contract with the province. At the same time,
on its use as a home, rather than on its poten-       the Province of Manitoba is negotiating the sale
tial for financial gain, and has low rents. Across    of two public housing complexes in Winnipeg to
Canada, public housing has provided good qual-        nonprofit organizations. But what are the impli-
ity, affordable housing for decades (Silver ).    cations for current and prospective tenants liv-
     In many places across Canada and beyond,         ing in public housing?
however, public housing is threatened by rede-            This paper argues that decommodified, low-
velopment, sale, or transfer to nongovernment         cost public housing must be protected, even — per-
organizations. The loss of public housing units       haps especially — in a context where privatiza-
is part of two broader trends: seeing housing as      tion seems inevitable. The first part of Manitoba
a private investment, rather than as a place to       Housing’s mandate is to “enhance the affordabil-
live (Rolnik ), and locating responsibility for   ity of, and accessibility to, adequate housing for
social welfare in the market rather than in gov-      Manitobans, particularly those of low to mod-
ernment (Bezanson ). These trends affect          erate incomes or those with specialized needs”
both current and prospective tenants, making          (Manitoba Housing n.d.). This paper consid-
access to housing more difficult for low-income       ers the potential implications of a loss of pub-
households and households with particular             lic housing for current and prospective tenants
housing needs.                                        in the context of this mandate, and offers some
     Manitoba is not exempt: it, too, faces the po-   policy recommendations to ensure that housing
tential loss of public housing units. The recent      continues to be affordable to low-income house-
 report () produced for the Province of       holds into the future.

                                                  why protec ting public housing is important              1
Decommodifying Housing

    Most households in Canada, whether renters or                   toba there are , units (Manitoba Housing
    owners, access housing through the market. They                 and Community Development ).
    pay for housing based on what is available in the                   In Manitoba, public housing is about  percent
    market, and most have their needs met in this                   rent-geared-to-income (), where the housing
    way. However, for about . million households,                 cost is based on what a tenant can afford to pay
    the market price of adequate and suitable hous-                 (Cooper ). Some nonprofits and co-operatives
    ing is more than  percent of their household                 also provide only  housing. In other nonprof-
    income, which is the generally accepted thresh-                 it and co-operative organizations, the housing is
    old for housing affordability ( ). These                mixed — it may be a blend of affordable housing
    households are said to be in core housing need.                 and rent-geared-to-income () housing. This
        Social housing is one way to ensure that all                is the case for much new nonprofit development,
    households have access to housing. Historically,                which is often a blend of market housing, afford-
    federal and provincial social housing programs                  able housing and/or  housing. Even with this
    decommodified housing in order to make it ac-                   many units of social housing, about , house-
    cessible to low-income households. First with                   holds in Manitoba (just over  percent) still live
    public housing in the s and ’s, and later                 in core housing need ( ).
    with nonprofit and co-operative housing in the                      Manitoba defines any housing, whether pro-
    s and ’s, federal and provincial govern-                  vided by private, nonprofit/co-operative, or public
    ments provided funding through long-term                        organizations, which is at or below median market
    agreements with housing providers to enable                     rents as ‘affordable’ housing. While these ‘afford-
    the development and management of hundreds                      able’ rents are certainly lower rents, their afford-
    of thousands of units of nonmarket, low-cost                    ability is not related to household income — it is
    housing across Canada. Across Canada, there                     affordable in comparison to the rest of the market.
    are , of units of social housing; in Mani-                For this reason, the Province sets income limits

    1 Housing is adequate when it is in good condition and does not require major repairs. It is suitable when it is an appropri-
     ate size for the household, following the National Occupancy Standard requirements ( ).

2   c anadian centre for polic y alternatives — m anitoba
for households living in affordable nonprofit and          In contrast, many nonprofit and co-opera-
co-operative housing units, to make sure that          tive housing providers base their rents on the
those units go to moderate income households           operating cost of housing, which is usually less
(Brandon ). Still, many low-income house-          than market rents. These housing units are partly
holds need additional subsidies that bridge the        decommodified because there is no profit mo-
gap between what they can afford to pay and the        tive; the rents merely cover the cost of provid-
cost of providing the housing: they need rents         ing the housing. As long as the nonprofits and
that are geared to their incomes ().                co-operatives are governed through agreements
    Rent Assist, a rent supplement program provided    with governments, there are limits on how the
by the Province of Manitoba, is often promoted as      equity can be used: the property cannot be
a way to make housing affordable to low-income         mortgaged, for example, to reduce the risk of
households. While it provides a subsidy that bridges   speculation and foreclosure. These agreements
the gap between  percent of household income         also provide subsidies to lower the cost of de-
and  percent of market rent, it does so within,      livering the housing, such as a capital grant to
rather than outside, the market. When the rental       assist with development of a property, or on-
market is very tight (as it has been in Manitoba in    going subsidies to cover mortgage payments,
the last few years), rent supplements don’t make       to reduce the operating cost significantly and
finding housing easier; likewise, for households       help to keep rents low.
that have difficulty finding housing in the private        With stability and security provided by pro-
market, rent supplements are unlikely to be of use.    tections on property and limits on the use of eq-
Rent Assist works with the existing price system       uity, and rents that are based on a household’s
of the private housing market: it does not reduce      ability to pay, rather than on what the market
speculation or housing cost increases. As rents in-    can command, social housing is intentionally
crease, the cost of supplements also increase, and     removed from the market. It is no longer a com-
operate essentially as a public subsidy to private     modity to be bought and sold to the highest bid-
landlords — a subsidy where there are few checks       der. Instead, it offers a way for households to ac-
on the condition of the housing, and little account-   cess housing without spending a huge proportion
ability for how the money is used.                     of their income on housing.

                                                   why protec ting public housing is important               3
Public vs. Private Provision of Housing

    The social housing programs of the s, ’s,         vide government funding for social housing
    ’s and ’s are part of a broad social safety net.    have been expiring. Without the agreements,
    Along with universal healthcare, unemployment           housing providers are free to speculate with the
    insurance, the Canadian Pension Plan, and other         property by mortgaging or selling it, and they no
    programs, the social safety net recognizes that         longer receive subsidies from the government.
    poverty is not an individual responsibility, and        Providers can also change the tenant mix and
    that society has a collective responsibility to take    rent structure, and essentially can operate like
    care of all of its members. Money to support social     private housing providers, depending on their
    housing programs (and other parts of the social         individual mandates and values.
    safety net) is gathered through taxes, from society         The expiry of the social housing operating
    as a whole. The government has a public mandate         agreements is a process of privatization. Privat-
    to maintain the social safety net, to ensure that       ization is “the practice of delegating public du-
    society is as healthy and as well-housed as possible.   ties to private organizations” (Donahue , ,
        Today, however, financial deregulation and          italics in original). This might include selling a
    government policies that emphasise homeown-             public utility to a business entity, outsourcing a
    ership instead of rental or social housing frame        government task, or contracting with a private
    housing as a commodity, instead of as a home.           company to provide a service previously pro-
    At a local level, housing is affected by globaliza-     vided through government. It may also mean
    tion as investors look for desirable places to invest   simply cancelling a service, which will then be
    their money. Housing becomes a private invest-          provided by family or individuals.
    ment, one that is difficult or impossible for low-          Privatization can take place through financ-
    income households to access. Social housing is          ing (whether something is paid for individually
    increasingly important in this context, and yet         or collectively) and/or performance (whether
    increasingly threatened by processes that move          something is provided through a government
    it closer and closer to the market.                     agency or a non-government organization) (Do-
        In recent years, the social housing operat-         nahue ). In the nonprofit and co-operative
    ing agreements that limit speculation and pro-          housing programs of the s, for example,

4   c anadian centre for polic y alternatives — m anitoba
social housing continued to be paid for collec-       sideration of the benefits and potential pitfalls
tively through the operating agreements, thus         of privatization are necessary, as is mitigation of
maintaining the public duty of providing de-          any issues that might arise.
commodified low-cost housing, even as it was              As social housing operating agreements ex-
performed by non-government organizations. In         pire, a key difference between public and non-
this sense, social housing began to be privatized     profit/co-operative housing becomes apparent:
as it was no longer a direct government service,      without the operating agreements in place, non-
but the operating agreements provided funding         profit and co-operative housing providers must
and a framework that clearly laid out the public      make choices to ensure the stability of the or-
policy goal of ensuring decommodified low-cost        ganization over the long term, which may mean
housing availability.                                 reducing or eliminating  or low-cost units.
    If privatization occurs (and before deciding      As such, the end of the operating agreement re-
to go down the path of privatization), it is impor-   flects the end of the public mandate and policy
tant to ensure that the public policy goals of the    framework governing non-profit and co-opera-
program or service continue to be maintained          tive housing provision; it is up to individual or-
after privatization (Martin ). This is par-       ganizations whether and how they continue to
ticularly important since when public programs        provide low-cost housing. On the other hand,
are privatized, what was formerly created as a        while public housing must compete with other
collective good — paid for collectively through       public policy areas in the Provincial budget, it
taxes, available to all members of society — is no    still has access to public funds to fulfil its role
longer managed democratically, through public         as a provider of  housing. Even when its
processes, but privately within the new, private      operating agreements (with the federal gov-
organization (Soron and Laxer ). While            ernment) expire, publicly owned and operated
public policy may be debated through demo-            housing retains responsibility for the public
cratic processes, private organizations operate       policy mandate to ensure that Manitobans are
according to their own priorities. Careful con-       well-housed.

                                                  why protec ting public housing is important               5
From Public to Private in Other Places

    Public housing thus plays an important role in            Each of these examples identifies the type of
    fulfilling the public policy goal of maintain-        privatisation taking place. They then highlight
    ing  units. The current policy debates about       different opportunities and challenges for both
    whether public housing should be maintained in        tenants and housing providers, and offer lessons
    Manitoba reflect broader debates about the role       in how to approach the questions of whether and
    of government in housing more generally. Other        how to protect public housing as a form of de-
    jurisdictions have experimented with privatis-        commodified, low-cost housing.
    ing public housing by selling or transferring it to
    nonprofit organizations. To understand the po-
    tential implications of privatising public housing    Atkinson Housing Co-operative, Toronto
    in Manitoba, this paper looks at four examples of     In , the Alexandra Park public housing com-
    public housing transfer. The first is the Atkinson    plex in Toronto completed a many-year-long
    Housing Co-operative, in Toronto, where ten-          process of transforming the complex into the
    ants advocated for a decade to have more con-         Atkinson Housing Co-operative (Sousa ). It
    trol over their housing. The second is the recent     was the first of its kind: a tenant-managed pub-
    transfer of public housing to nonprofits in British   lic housing co-op in Canada. The conversion to
    Columbia, which has been criticized by the Au-        a co-op occurred after years of organizing and
    ditor General for not showing how the transfer        advocacy by the complex’s tenants, and negoti-
    will benefit social housing tenants. The third is     ations with Toronto Community Housing (the
    the transfer of council housing to housing as-        public housing provider). In essence, it became
    sociations in Great Britain, as part of a broad-      a hybrid model, operating as a co-operative but
    er process of reducing government support for         with subsidies and capital expenditures support-
    social housing. Finally, in the United States, the    ed by Toronto Community Housing.
    Rental Assistance Demonstration () pro-
    ject is transferring public housing units out of      Type of Privatisation
    the public housing portfolio to make it easier to     The Atkinson Housing Co-operative is partially
    address the backlog of repairs.                       privatized. It is subsidized by Toronto Commu-

6   c anadian centre for polic y alternatives — m anitoba
nity Housing, but is managed independently by         • Government support and funding is
the tenants.                                            necessary to support the conversion
                                                        process.
Opportunities                                         • Subsidies continue to be necessary to
The Atkinson Housing Co-op is a good exam-              enable the  percent  tenancy ratio in
ple of tenant leadership in public housing. The         the complex, and for capital needs after the
 year conversion process represents a signifi-        conversion.
cant investment of time and energy on the part
of the members to build a co-op identity and
negotiate an independent existence. As a co-         Non-profit Asset Transfer Program, British
op, the members have more responsibility and         Columbia
ownership of the complex and the challenges it       In , British Columbia launched the Non-profit
faces. They are able to address these challenges     Asset Transfer () program to sell provin-
in ways that address the specific needs of the       cially-owned social housing land and buildings to
community (Sousa ).                              nonprofit housing providers. This includes both
                                                     land owned by the province but leased by a non-
Challenges                                           profit, and public housing complexes owned and
In the years since the conversion took place, many   operated by the Province. About  million
community leaders have moved away or reduced         will accrue to the Province through the sales of
their leadership contribution. It has been diffi-    land and buildings, which will be reinvested in
cult to recruit new leaders; training and capac-     the social housing sector. As housing providers
ity-building is of ongoing importance. As well,      will take on mortgages to enable them to pur-
many of the challenges that Atkinson faced before    chase the properties, the Province will create
its conversion were a result of systemic poverty     a subsidy of  million per year to cover the
and marginalization, which could not be fixed        mortgage payments, adding up to an estimated
simply by a change in governance style. These         billion over  years. More than  percent
issues require capacity building and resources       of social housing in BC is provided by the non-
to address, which require funding that is, as al-    profit sector, and the British Columbia Nonprofit
ways, difficult to access (Sousa ).              Housing Association “strongly supports the pro-
                                                     gram as a key capacity building endeavor for our
Lessons                                              sector, and as a way to help preserve affordable
 • Community control of housing was a                housing stock” ( ).
   key goal for residents, achieved through
   conversion to a co-op.                            Type of Privatisation
 • Co-operative housing requires a significant       Public properties, including public housing com-
   volunteer commitment by residents, which          plexes, are sold to nonprofit housing providers.
   can be difficult to maintain.
 • The needs of public housing communities           Opportunities
   may be more complex than those of co-             The  program will fund about , units
   operatives generally. Poverty and its             of social housing, and support rental assistance
   associated problems cannot be resolved            programs including shelter supplements (Office
   simply through a change of governance             of the Auditor General of British Columbia ).
   structure.                                        The program gives nonprofit housing providers

                                                 why protec ting public housing is important             7
control over their land and buildings, enabling       • Before initiating a program to transfer
    them to be more strategic in their long-term de-        social housing properties away from the
    cision-making. It also allows them to access the        public sector, the Province must ensure
    equity in their properties to address needed up-        that it has considered and mitigated
    grades and renovations and to build new afford-         the associated risks to the long term
    able housing ( ). The housing units           sustainability of low-cost housing as much
    will remain in the mandate-driven nonprofit sec-        as possible.
    tor, rather than being sold to for-profit develop-    • Capacity for long-term strategic decision-
    ers, and results in a more localized approach to        making is important for long-term social
    social housing ( ).                           housing provision.
                                                          • The loss of equity for the Province is an
    Challenges
                                                            irreversible step with potentially significant
    The Auditor General of British Columbia found
                                                            consequences.
    that the  program did not have clear out-
    comes, nor was it clear how these outcomes            •  housing units are at risk unless
    would be measured (Office of the Auditor Gen-           steps are taken to ensure that nonprofit
    eral of British Columbia ). The implica-            providers can and will maintain subsidies.
    tions for affordability are not clear: as operat-     • Funds raised through a transfer of units
    ing agreements expire, about  percent of units        should be used to support new social
    will not take in enough income from rents, and          housing development.
    providers may need to raise rents or sell units,
    especially on  units, reducing the number
    of low-cost units available ( ; Of-        The Right to Buy and Housing Associations,
    fice of the Auditor General of British Columbia      Great Britain
    ). Funds raised through the  will be         In the late s, almost a third of housing in
    directed to portable rent benefits, rather than to   Great Britain was council (public) housing. In
    unit-based subsidies, but in a tight rental mar-      Thatcher’s “Right to Buy” policy was intro-
    ket, subsidies may not help tenants find hous-       duced, which allowed council tenants to buy their
    ing (Office of the Auditor General of British Co-    homes, often for much less than market rates.
    lumbia ). Thus far, the funds raised from the    A few years later, a program was introduced to
    sale of properties to nonprofits have been used      allow nonprofit housing associations (formally
    to fulfil existing commitments, rather than as       known as Registered Social Landlords) to pur-
    additional funds ( ). The equity in        chase council housing estates (Hodkinson ).
    the properties is no longer available to the BC      Although currently on hold, there are plans in
    government to back debt for its own programs,        place to extend the ‘right to buy’ to housing as-
    nor will the Province benefit from any increases     sociation tenants as well. The result of these
    in value to the property.                            sales is that less public housing is available to
                                                         households in need; ironically, about  percent
    Lessons                                              of council housing units sold under the Right to
     • It is important to have clear and                 Buy program are owned by private landlords,
       measureable expected outcomes for any             many of whom rent to tenants receiving public
       transfers of social housing property, as well     subsidies (Manns ).
       as criteria for how transfers to nonprofits           Today, housing associations develop and
       should take place.                                provide most of the social housing in Britain.

8   c anadian centre for polic y alternatives — m anitoba
Housing associations are nonprofit organiza-         ing more active in protecting low-cost housing
tions that operate as a hybrid of public and pri-    as advocates.
vate, with a social mandate and public funding
but also more freedom to participate in market       Challenges
practices (Mullins and Jones ; Hodkinson         As housing associations merge and grow, there is
). In  government subsidies for new          often less local control than there would be with
housing construction by housing associations         a council-run housing program. For associations
were cut by  percent, and access to the fund-      to receive government funding for new construc-
ing required associations to charge ‘affordable’     tion, they must increase their rents. Reliance on
rents of up to  percent of market rents. Before,   private funding — to banks and systems of capi-
the vast majority of providers charged a ‘social’    tal — forces housing providers to make decisions
rent, about half of market rents — the increased     based on obligations to the private market, so
rent gave providers capital to keep building new     that the focus is on housing that brings in money
units, but with a significant impact on the rents    rather than housing for low-income households.
paid by tenants (Mullins and Jones ). Moreo-     This, by necessity, takes precedence over an in-
ver, as housing associations receive less support    dividual organization’s mission to provide social
from the government, they rely increasingly on       housing, and the public policy goal of ensuring
private sources of funds, including bank loans       access to housing.
and long-term agreements with private compa-
nies. As a result, organizations shift to a more     Lessons
entrepreneurial and corporate approach to hous-       • If the intent is to continue to grow low-
ing provision, adopting market-based approaches         cost housing, subsidies for both capital and
that reduce local, collective control of housing        operating costs are necessary to ensure
and emphasize investment over social hous-              low-cost rents for low-income tenants.
ing provision (Hodkinson , ). At the           • Private sources of funding provision — e.g.
same time, some organizations have begun to             from a bank rather than from
describe themselves in activist terms as “pro-          government — can change how providers
tectors of public value,” acting to provide and         fulfil their mission, shifting from a social
protect social housing, rather than being either        focus on low-cost housing provision to a
a state contractor or an entrepreneur (Mullins          market focus on return on investment.
and Jones , ).                                 • With less reliance on state funding, some
                                                        housing associations are feeling freer to
Type of Privatisation                                   advocate for social housing.
Under the Right to Buy program, tenants may
purchase their house. It is then no longer part of
the council housing portfolio. Council housing is    Rental Assistance Demonstration Program,
also sold or transferred to housing associations.    United States
                                                     Across the United States, public housing has been
Opportunities                                        underfunded for years, and currently needs 
Housing associations have become successful          billion in renovations (Smetak ; Schwartz
developers and providers of affordable housing,      ). To address this issue, in  the De-
and house a large proportion of Great Britain’s      partment of Housing and Urban Development
renter households. As housing providers become       launched the Rental Assistance Demonstra-
less reliant on state funding, some are becom-       tion () program. Under this pilot program,

                                                 why protec ting public housing is important             9
, units of public housing across the coun-              tial for foreclosure and loss of units, protections
     try will be transferred to the Section  housing              against foreclosure have been put in place (Sme-
     program; the hope is to expand the program to                 tak ). These include encouraging  pro-
     all public housing.                                           jects to take out mortgage insurance that would
         Under the Section  program, public housing               return ownership to the federal government in
     is no longer public, and can be owned and main-               case of foreclosure, and use agreements limit-
     tained by the public housing authority, or may be             ing the amount that can be charged for rents
     transferred to a nonprofit organization (or poten-            (Schwartz ). The  program includes
     tially, though unlikely, a for-profit, organization)          some protections for tenants, and is a way of
     (Smetak ; Schwartz ).The Section  pro-               protecting long-term, low cost housing provi-
     gram will provide subsidies tied directly to the              sion, which plays an important role for house-
     units, based on  year contracts, which must                holds with special needs; especially in areas
     be renewed (Balashov ; Schwartz ). The                where market rents are rising, ‘affordable’ rents
      program allows the housing provider to use                (based on average market rents) may not long
     the property as collateral to borrow money for                be affordable to low-income households, and
     needed repairs (which is not allowed for public               preservation is more cost-effective than build-
     housing), reversing decades of policy that kept               ing new stock (Smetak ).
     public housing well away from private markets
     (Smetak ). The number of low-cost hous-                   Challenges
     ing units must remain the same under the                   Public housing regulations are transparent and
     program, and tenants will continue to have the                readily available to any interested party. Even
     rights to their unit that they had under public               though they may be frequently critiqued, they
     housing, such as not being rescreened for their               are clear (Balashov ); when housing is owned
     tenancy and having the right to return to their               or operated by a nonprofit, the regulations gov-
     unit in case of renovations (Schwartz ).                  erning decision-making (and how transparent
                                                                   they are) are up to the individual organization.
     Type of Privatisation                                         Because the federal government will ultimately
     Public housing is transferred to the Section                 have to pay the debts for the mortgages (through
     program, which loosens the restrictions on who                its funding to the public housing authorities), the
     owns the housing and how it is to be managed.                 cost of private financing is likely more expensive
     This may result in a transfer away from public                than direct government spending — but direct
     ownership; it also enables the involvement of                 government spending is less likely to occur (Sme-
     private financial institutions.                               tak ). Although some tenant protections are
                                                                   in place, screening criteria for new tenants will
     Opportunities                                                 change, and may make it more difficult for cer-
     The  program is a way to access funding for                tain current or future tenants — those with com-
     badly needed repairs and renovations, which                   plicated lives, or poor or no rental histories — to
     could preserve the housing into the future. Over              access and retain housing (M. Gebhardt, person-
     the long term, this may save money, compared                  al communication, Oct. , ). Finally, not all
     with making small piecemeal repairs that do                   properties may be able to achieve rehabilitation
     not address underlying issues (Smetak ).                  through access to private capital, as properties
     Because of advocate concerns about the poten-                 in less desirable areas or in worse condition will

     2 The Section  program also provides vouchers to tenants to use in the private market.

10   c anadian centre for polic y alternatives — m anitoba
be more difficult to address through a program        acquiring formerly public housing properties. As
that relies on the market (Schwartz ).            a result, nonprofit housing providers are freer
                                                      to manage their properties as they prefer, and
Lessons                                               to create new ways of generating and deliver-
 • The need for renovations is not an                 ing low-cost housing. For tenants, the increased
   incidental problem, but one created through        flexibility for housing providers should increase
   a decades-long lack of adequate funding.           the universe of low-cost housing units. In cases
 • When private finance is involved,                  where public housing has been underfunded to
   protections against foreclosure and rent           the point where it needs significant investment,
   increases are necessary.                           the transition to nonprofit housing could enable
                                                      renovations and better quality housing.
 • Protections are necessary to ensure that
                                                          At the same time, however, these examples
   current tenants do not lose their housing.
                                                      present risks for tenants. Without government
 • If the regulatory framework and
                                                      funding, the capacity of nonprofits to provide
   management of the housing changes, so
                                                      deep subsidies is limited. Use of equity and pri-
   might the criteria for tenant selection,
                                                      vate financing may enable renovations and new
   making it more difficult for some
                                                      development, but they risk the loss of the prop-
   households to access housing.
                                                      erty to foreclosure. The housing provider may
 • Preservation is more cost-effective than           have more restrictive screening criteria for ten-
   building new stock.                                ants, or may change how it operates in response
 • The transparency of public housing                 to its obligations to a private lender (such as less
   regulations is lost when the housing is no         flexibility around rent payment). These chang-
   longer public.                                     es may make it more difficult for tenants who
                                                      are very low-income, or with complicated lives
 • The location of the housing will affect how
                                                      or poor rental histories, to access housing. The
   likely private investment will be, and less
                                                      transition to the private market also hides low-
   desirable properties — which may need
                                                      cost housing from public scrutiny, making it
   the most assistance — will likely have the
                                                      more difficult to address systemic housing is-
   hardest time accessing finance.
                                                      sues. These risks are not insignificant.
                                                          Moreover, many of the problems that priva-
Analysis                                              tisation is trying to fix are created through dec-
Each of these examples illustrate different aspects   ades of underfunding. The need for renovations
of a shift from public provision of housing to pri-   and development of new housing units reflects a
vate. They show that there are both opportunities     prolonged and deep lack of funding and support
and challenges occurring for low-cost housing         to maintain and expand public housing programs.
provision, but also that privatization is not the     The challenges for individuals and communities
only way to address opportunities and challenges.     that are created by poverty will not be resolved
    The opportunities for the new owners of           simply through a change in governance. Rather
public housing in each example are significant.       than shifting responsibility away from public
Restrictions on what nonprofits can do are loos-      housing, an alternative would be to fund pub-
ened, including limits on how the equity in the       lic housing at the level needed to provide good
properties can be used and criteria for tenant se-    quality housing, and to support individual and
lection. Providers have the opportunity to grow,      community development initiatives to address
whether by using their equity to expand or by         the effects of poverty.

                                                  why protec ting public housing is important                11
Conclusions and Policy Recommendations

     When no longer publicly owned and operated,                    Rent Assist (a rent supplement program), some
     and without long-term subsidies and policies in                providers create minimum rents that operate in
     place to maintain the non-market nature of so-                 a similar way to  subsidies. These rents are
     cial housing units, public housing will have been              often only possible with a mix of tenant incomes,
     privatised. The sale or transfer of public housing             as higher rents — which may be affordable or
     units risks the long-term affordability and secu-              market rents — are also needed to ensure enough
     rity of low-cost housing. For over  years, the               income to operate the property. In this case, the
     Governments of Canada and Manitoba have built                  affordable and market rents are subsidizing the
     and managed public housing. Manitoba Hous-                      rents. Thus, rather than having all members
     ing’s lands and buildings represent a resource for             of society contributing to the provision of low-
     the whole province, and offer a source of equity               cost housing through their taxes, the burden of
     and value for Manitoba Housing projects. Once                  providing subsidies now rests on a much smaller
     they have been transferred or sold, they are gone.             group of people. And, since renters tend to have
         There are two additional important ways in                 lower incomes than homeowners, this puts the
     which social housing provision changes when                    burden of subsidizing very low-income house-
     governments are not involved: first, where the                 holds on a much smaller group of people who
     subsidy money comes from; and second, where                    are more likely to be low-income themselves.
     the responsibility for housing low-income house-                    The Province of Manitoba has a responsi-
     holds rests.                                                   bility to ensure that all Manitobans have access
         When no government subsidies are available,                to good quality, affordable housing. Manitoba
     many housing providers in Manitoba have found                  Housing’s mandate is to:
     ways to support their tenants through internal                   . Enhance the affordability of, and
     subsidies. Using Provincial programs such as                        accessibility to, adequate housing for

     3 For households living in housing where  subsidies are no longer available, rents may no longer be affordable. Rent As-
      sist has a maximum benefit of  percent of the Median Market Rent, but if the rent is higher than that the tenant must
      pay the difference. This may be difficult or impossible for many low-income households.

12   c anadian centre for polic y alternatives — m anitoba
Manitobans, particularly those of low              able to low-income households. As it currently
   to moderate incomes or those with                  stands, the public policy goal of maintaining
   specialized needs;                                 decommodified, low-cost,  units cannot be
 . Maintain and improve the condition of             guaranteed under a different ownership mod-
    existing housing stock;                           el. Without long-term subsidies and policies in
                                                      place to maintain the non-market nature of so-
 . Ensure there is an adequate supply of
                                                      cial housing units, a transfer of public housing
    housing stock in Manitoba; and
                                                      to nonprofit organizations risks the long-term
 . Stimulate the activities of the housing           affordability and security of low-cost housing.
    market to the benefit of Manitobans as a          Low-income tenants may find their rents increas-
    whole. (Manitoba Housing n.d.)                    ing and their ability to stay in their units com-
As noted in the introduction, the loss of public      promised. It may also be more difficult for pro-
housing for current and prospective tenants is        spective low-income tenants, particularly those
very relevant to the first part of the mandate.       with complicated lives, to access social housing.
With public housing and the operating agree-
ments that govern and fund nonprofit and co-
operative housing, the government — whether           Policy Recommendations
federal or provincial — has a clear responsibil-      In a context where the commodification of
ity for ensuring that there is a supply of low-cost   housing is increasing and the social safety net
housing available. Without an operating agree-        is shrinking, access to housing is increasingly
ment, a nonprofit or co-operative housing pro-        difficult for many households in Manitoba and
vider no longer has a relationship with the gov-      across Canada. Public housing has an important
ernment, and it is up to it whether to continue to    role to play as long-term, secure, decommodified
offer low-cost housing, and the extent to which       low-cost housing. The Province must invest in
it will be offered. A transfer of the ownership       securing and maintaining its portfolio of public
of public housing units to nonprofit organiza-        housing. The following policy recommendations
tions thus introduces an element of uncertainty       will help to ensure that social housing contin-
to the landscape of low-cost housing provision.       ues to meet the needs of those households that
Many nonprofit and co-operative providers are         cannot afford good quality, suitable housing in
committed to fulfilling their mandates to con-        the market.
tinue to provide low-cost housing, but without
                                                       . Long-term government subsidies to
government subsidies cannot provide as many
                                                          support  and decommodified low-
or as deep subsidies as they have in the past. In
                                                          cost housing units must continue to be
this context, transferring public housing units
                                                          provided indefinitely.
to nonprofit organizations without ensuring
their capacity to maintain the deep  subsi-        A significant number of households in Canada
dies that are common in public housing would          cannot meet their housing needs through the
be an abandonment of responsibility on the part       market. This is unlikely to change in the near
of the Province.                                      future. Decommodified, low-cost housing is es-
     The potential implications for both current      sential for these households to meet their hous-
and prospective low-income tenants are serious.       ing needs with security and stability. When
The purpose of public housing is to present a de-     market forces affect housing, housing providers
commodified, low-cost option for housing — that       may face new pressures and may need to revamp
is, housing that is outside the market and afford-    their policies, including those affecting tenant

                                                  why protec ting public housing is important             13
tenure and selection. Nonprofit and co-opera-         resources are needed to support individuals and
     tive housing providers are a key part of the so-      communities to access education and training,
     cial housing system, but public housing is still      better paying jobs, childcare, healthcare, trans-
     necessary if nonprofit housing providers cannot       portation and other supports (see Bernas ).
     offer  housing.                                     . Social housing programs must be
         The Province, in partnership with all levels          transparent and visible, subject to
     of government, must own its responsibility for            democratic pressure.
     low-cost housing provision. The best way to en-
                                                           As part of the Province of Manitoba, the poli-
     sure that housing is affordable to households that
                                                           cies governing public housing are visible and
     cannot afford the operating cost of the unit is
                                                           transparent. They are also responsive to public
     through long-term government subsidies along
                                                           pressure. As private organizations, nonprofit and
     with agreements that ensure the housing remains
                                                           co-operative housing providers are less visible,
     outside the market, including public, nonprofit
                                                           and less responsive to public pressure. To ensure
     or co-operative housing provision. Ensuring that
                                                           that social housing continues to be available to
     everyone has housing benefits all of society, and
                                                           those in need, keeping public housing and so-
     so the funds that pay for  and other social
                                                           cial housing policy in the Province keeps it vis-
     housing subsidies should be collectively provid-
                                                           ible and accessible.
     ed through taxes as part of the social safety net.
                                                            . Should the Province move forward
      . The Province of Manitoba must
                                                              with decisions to transfer or sell public
         protect and maintain public housing
                                                              housing units, it must ensure that
         as an essential asset for low-income
                                                              potential risks, including the social
         households by investing in both the
                                                              costs, are anticipated and mitigated, and
         infrastructure and the community.
                                                              that measures are established to evaluate
     Public housing plays a key role in housing low-          the costs and benefits of such a transfer.
     income households in Manitoba. In many cas-           The transfer of public housing to nonprofit or-
     es, public housing communities have complex           ganizations entails certain risks. Depending on
     needs. These may relate to challenges faced by        the terms of the transfer, how a nonprofit or-
     individual tenants; they may also be structural,      ganization might use its property may differ.
     relating to socio-economic factors that create        Housing units might be sold; nonprofit and co-
     poverty and concentrate poverty in particular         operative housing providers may use the equity
     ways. These problems are large and complex;           in their properties to refinance. The quality and
     they will not be solved by a transfer from a public   location of the housing will affect the likelihood
     housing provider to a nonprofit or co-operative       of private investment, and less desirable proper-
     housing provider.                                     ties — which may need the most assistance — may
         When public housing is well-maintained            have the hardest time accessing finance. Risks
     and has good supports in place for tenants, it        of foreclosure and loss of the asset, or changes
     offers a good option for households that cannot       to rent structures to accommodate the needs
     afford market housing (Silver ). Recent in-       of the mortgage would affect current and po-
     vestments in public housing in Winnipeg have          tential tenants.
     greatly improved the quality of housing, and pro-         For this reason, protections to ensure the sta-
     vided more resources for tenants (Cooper );       bility of the rent structure and to guard against
     more investment, including support for tenants’       the loss of the property itself are essential. Ten-
     associations, will continue this trend. Additional    ants’ rights, particularly for those perceived as

14   c anadian centre for polic y alternatives — m anitoba
less desirable tenants, must be protected. Fur-     Further Reading
ther, an assessment of the potential impacts of     Glynn, S. (Ed.). . Where the Other Half Lives:
the transfer must be conducted before it takes        Lower income housing in a neoliberal world.
place, including specific measures and outcomes,      London: Pluto Press.
and analysis of how this change will help Mani-     Marcuse, P. and D. Madden. . In Defense of
toba Housing to fulfil its mandate to improve af-     Housing. Brooklyn: Verso.
fordability and access to housing for low-income
                                                    Silver, J. . Good Places to Live: Poverty and
households. These will allow the Province to un-
                                                       public housing in Canada. Halifax, NS: Fern-
derstand the impacts for the provision of decom-
                                                       wood Publishing.
modified low-cost  housing, and whether the
transfer is meeting its intended goals.

                                                why protec ting public housing is important              15
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                                                why protec ting public housing is important             17
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